Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'National Union of Students (UNE)'

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This study purposed to analyze the Popular Center of Culture of the national Union of the Students (CPC of the UNE) through the theater, in the period of its actuation between the years 1961 and 1964. The theater works is understood as a way of expression of the cultural practices of the social people from a determined epoch for this reason it presents in this research as an object of study and as historical source. We try to show how the history of this entity was being built during decades, such for researches as for its ex components through registered speeches. This way, when looking at the entity from the present questions, the several authors were appreciating some particulars from this group. To contextualize the theories and the practices of the CPC of the UNE, we examined the documentation produced by the group, such documentation very restricted, and the conceptions developed in the period by its members. We got to the conclusion that the CPC's universe was heterogeneous, it means, there were different concepts of art, of politics and of people. With the intention of amplifying the debates about the national theater and the popular theater, we observed the question which were discussed in Brazil in the epoch before the entity building, to understand its actuation in intellectual spaces, since the end of the 50's. We noticed that the CPC, in spite of the expression CPC of the UNE , didn't appear from the students' projects but from the aspiration which existed in the Arena Theater of amplifying the public and projecting on the stage subjects which expressed the national reality. The CPC's drama was studied with the aim of the comprehension how the authors of the theatrical texts conceived the office of theater. For it, we emphasize in the thematic plays, the characters' the representations, the language, the scene elements and the use of the narrative resource. This dissertation is inserted in the discussion of the popular culture, because in the theatrical works exist political conceptions, definitions of people and aesthetic referral back to an effective communication with the public
Este estudo propôs analisar o Centro Popular de Cultura da União Nacional dos Estudantes (CPC da UNE), no período de sua atuação, entre os anos de 1961 e 1964, através do teatro. A obra teatral é compreendida como uma forma de expressão das práticas culturais dos sujeitos sociais de uma determinada época, por isso ela se apresenta nesta pesquisa como objeto de estudo e como fonte histórica. Procuramos mostrar como a história dessa entidade foi sendo construída ao longo das décadas, tanto por pesquisadores como pelos seus ex-integrantes através dos depoimentos concedidos. Percebemos que os pesquisadores observaram a entidade cepecista através dos questionamentos que estavam vivenciando. Assim, em cada período foram valorizadas certas particularidades desse grupo. Para contextualizar as teorias e as práticas do CPC da UNE examinamos a documentação produzida pela equipe, bastante restrita, e as concepções desenvolvidas no período pelos seus membros. Notamos que no ambiente cepecista havia diferentes conceitos de arte, de política e de povo. Com intuito de ampliar os debates acerca do teatro nacional e do teatro popular, enfatizamos questões em pauta no Brasil no período que antecedeu a formação da entidade no sentido de entender a emergência do CPC da UNE por meio das discussões teatrais promovidas nos setores culturais e intelectualizados, desde os anos finais da década de 1950. Concluímos que apesar da expressão CPC da UNE , essa entidade não surgiu dos projetos estudantis e sim de aspirações de alguns integrantes do Teatro de Arena em ampliar o público teatral e projetar nos palcos abordagens relacionadas à realidade nacional. A dramaturgia cepecista foi estudada com a finalidade de compreendermos como os autores dos textos teatrais estavam concebendo a função do teatro. Para isso destacamos nas peças: as temáticas, as representações das personagens, a linguagem, o emprego de elementos cênicos e o uso do recurso narrativo. A dissertação em tela, está inserida na discussão da cultura popular, uma vez que é possível verificar nas obras teatrais concepções políticas, definições de povo e encaminhamentos estéticos voltados para uma efetiva comunicação com o público

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Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
This dissertation aims to describe and analyze the documentation of the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry (CPI) of the National Union of Students (UNE) showing its constitution, organization, main themes, and the developments of that fact to the Brazilian student movement. The CPI was created by the Resolution number 25, published in the Diário do Congresso Nacional (National Congress Diary) of July, the 13th, 1963, page 4329, having the interest of investigating the application of public resources foreseen by the budget of the Union in the period between 1962 and 1963 and that were used for the student activities linked to the UNE. The research runs through the process until final approval of the report. The temporal cut of the research is from the year 1962, when the UNE happens to be accused as subversive by the Congress and the vehicles of communication, to the year 1964 when the process is closed. The CPI does not prove the diversion of funds, but, in fact, consolidates itself as a vehicle for the dismantling of the student body, based on clashes between students, teachers and congressmen. The main sources were the documents produced during the process, all found in the Chamber of Deputies
Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de descrever e analisar a documentação da Comissão Parlamentar de Inquérito (CPI) da União Nacional dos Estudantes (UNE) mostrando sua constituição, organização, principais temas, e os desdobramentos deste fato para o movimento estudantil brasileiro. A CPI foi instalada pela Resolução nº 25, publicada no Diário do Congresso Nacional (DCN) de 13/07/1963, p. 4329 com o interesse de investigar a aplicação de recursos públicos previstos pelo orçamento da União no período entre 1962 e 1963 e que foram utilizados para as atividades estudantis vinculadas à UNE. A pesquisa perpassa a trajetória do processo até a aprovação final do relatório. O recorte temporal da pesquisa é de 1962, quando a UNE passa a ser acusada subversiva no congresso e pelos veículos de comunicação, a 1964 quando do fechamento do processo. A CPI não prova os desvios de verbas, mas se consolida, de fato, como veículo para o desmonte da entidade estudantil, a partir de embates feitos entre estudantes, professores e congressistas. As fontes principais foram os documentos gerados durante o processo, encontrados na Câmara dos Deputados

Includes bibliographical references.
The National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) was established in 1924 as a forum for white South African students. The rise of Afrikaner Nationalism in the 1930s and the establishment of the ultra-nationalist Afrikaanse Studentebond (ANS) led to the disaffiliation from NUSAS of the student bodies of the Afrikaans-medium universities. Until the end of the Second World War, two groups of students jostled for control of NUSAS. The first championed the ideal of a broad white South African national feeling and worked for the return of the Afikaans-speaking centres, while the second group, predominantly left-wing radicals based at Wits, called for NUSAS to become a racially more inclusive organisation and admit Fort Hare to membership.

Face à l’évolution sinueuse de l’intégration européenne, notre objectif est d’analyser, depuis la perspective de la théorie des systèmes de Niklas Luhmann, le processus suivi par le système politique en Europe. Si Luhmann n’a jamais réalisé une observation ponctuelle de la question, sa théorie nous apporte un cadre pluridisciplinaire à la capacité d’innovation remarquable au regard de la complexité de la société moderne, des relations post-nationales et de la reconfiguration du politique. Cette approche est notamment prometteuse dans un contexte de décentration du politique par rapport à la société européenne, et de décentration des Etats nationaux par rapport au système politique. Ce contexte provoque une incertitude face au futur, qui fait à la fois écho à un moment de transition dans la réalité et dans notre formulation théorique de cette réalité. Notre recherche vise donc à une reformulation de la structure conceptuelle systémique dont l’actualisation nous semble nécessaire. Par delà le caractère fécond des observations, descriptions et concepts de la théorie des systèmes tels que l’anti-régionalisme, le post-humanisme, le constructivisme ou la spécificité du politique, nous défendons l’introduction et l’application d’un schéma conceptuel qui cible l’analyse du social dans ses aspects complexes, multi-niveaux, « polycontexturels » et polycentriques, et dans ses temporalités multiples. L’Europe prend une référence particulière, au croisement d’une complexité globale (la « société-monde ») et d’une complexité héritée de la différenciation territoriale (Etats-nations et régions); ce travail se propose de trouver une perspective qui permettra d’observer ce phénomène
Facing to the winding evolution of European integration, our aim is to analyze the process followed by the political system in Europe, from the perspective of Niklas Luhmann’s System Theory. Although Luhmann has never made a punctual observation about this question, his theory gives us a pluridisciplinary framework with a remarkable innovative ability in order to think modern society’s complexity, post-national relations and political reconfigurations. This is an auspicious approach in a context of political decentralization with regard to the European society, and a context of decentralization of the National-State with regard to the political system. This original situation provokes an uncertainty face to the future which shows a transitional moment in reality as well as in theoretical formulation on this reality. Our research focuses on reformulating the system’s structure of concepts; we consider its renewal necessary. Despites the fructiferous nature of system theory’s observations, descriptions and concepts: anti-regionalism, post-humanism, constructivism or the specificity of politics for instance; we propose the introduction and application of a renewed conceptual schema that focuses on the analysis of society in its complexity, multi-level, “policontextural”, polycentric aspects as well as multiple temporalities. Europe itself takes a particular reference in the intertwined theoretical space of a global complexity (“World-Society”) and of a complexity inherited from territorial differentiation (Nation- States and regions); our research tries to find out the best possible perspective from which we could observe this phenomenon

Notre thèse retrace le parcours inédit de solidarisation entre les États et les peuples européens que constitue le processus de l’intégration européenne. Elle interroge les conditions, les justifications et les obstacles de ce que Robert Schuman identifiait comme le passage d’une « solidarité de fait à une solidarité de production », c’est-à-dire d’une solidarité négative entendue au sens d’interdépendance, à une solidarité positive, souhaitée, choisie. Cet objectif ambitieux souffre de nombreux obstacles. Progressivement, la solidarité européenne s’est vue dépolitisée pour devenir une entreprise technique, suivant la méthode fonctionnaliste, engendrant une perte de sens et des finalités du projet européen. Dès lors, la question des justifications légitimes de la solidarité européenne est devenue impérieuse, tout comme la recherche des conditions d’un renouvellement du consentement des États et des peuples à la solidarité européenne. En effet, pourquoi et comment les États ont-ils consenti par le passé à un projet d’intégration qui impliquait des sacrifices en termes de souveraineté, et pourquoi et comment pourraient-ils à nouveau y consentir demain ? La crise de confiance et de légitimité que traverse l’UE est révélatrice d’une crise plus profonde de la solidarité intra-européenne. Nous identifions ainsi les conditions normatives et empiriques de la solidarité que nous confrontons à l’expérience européenne. Puis, par l’identification des finalités de la solidarité européenne, nous définissons les contours d’un cadre d’intégration capable de répondre aux attentes des européens en matière de solidarité, moyen de protection complémentaire des solidarités nationales
Our thesis traces the unprecedent path of solidarity between European States and Peoples made possible by the process of European integration. It questions the conditions, the justifications and the obstacles of what Robert Schuman identified as the transition from “de facto solidarity to production solidarity”, that is to say from negative solidarity understood in the sense of interdependence, to positive, desired, chosen solidarity. This ambitious goal encounters many obstacles. Gradually, European solidarity has been depoliticized and thus became a technical enterprise, following the functionalist method, which caused a loss of meaning and of the aims of the European project. Consequently, the question of legitimate justifications for European solidarity has become imperative, as has the search for conditions for a renewal of the consent of States and Peoples to European solidarity. Indeed, why and how have States consented in the past to an integration project that involved sacrifices in terms of sovereignty, and why and how could they consent to it again tomorrow? The crisis of trust and legitimacy in the EU is indicative of a deeper crisis of intra-European solidarity. We thus identify the normative and empirical conditions of solidarity that we confront with the European experience. Then, by identifying the purposes of European solidarity, we define the contours of an integration framework capable of meeting the expectations of Europeans in terms of solidarity, a means of added protection

La présente thèse explore les relations entre culture et politique à travers l’histoire de l’Union des Écrivains de la RSS d’Ouzbékistan et des destinées des écrivains qui l’ont composée, durant le second stalinisme. Placée sous l’angle d’une cogestion du pouvoir, elle s’efforce de restituer les conditions de production de la littérature, les rapports de pouvoir entre institutions et le rôle public de l’écrivain au lendemain de la Grande Terreur de 1937-38, qui voit la décimation des élites intellectuelles, et plus spécifiquement des réformistes musulmans. Ainsi, elle montre comment les écrivains survivants tentent de restaurer une continuité en littérature, y compris dans leurs productions de propagande. Elle met ensuite en lumière le rôle du second conflit mondial dans le renforcement du pouvoir de l’Union des Écrivains de la RSS alors que Tachkent devient un centre culturel et industriel majeur à la faveur de l’évacuation. Les écrivains peuvent dès lors nationaliser et resémantiser les imaginaires politiques, au point de donner naissance à une culture hybride qui dépasse le projet stalinien de « culture nationale par sa forme, soviétique par son contenu ». Enfin, elle s’attache à caractériser le stalinisme finissant au travers des réinterprétations locales des grandes politiques de répression et d’ingérence du champ politique dans le culturel de 1945 à 1953. Par l’analyse des conflits entre les différents acteurs et des jeux de faction, elle restitue le caractère très singulier de cette période, entre nationalisation accrue des imaginaires et reprise en main par le centre d’un territoire et d’institutions trop autonomes, alors que s’affirme à l’échelle soviétique le primat de la culture russe. L’étude se clôt par la résolution de ces tensions dans l’usage de la terreur et la suspension temporaire de la nationalisation du champ culturel, rapidement restaurée avec le Dégel
The present dissertation explores the interactions between culture and politics by focusing on the history of the Soviet Writer’s Union of the Uzbek SSR and the fate of the writers who ruled this institution during the second Stalinism. Analysing these relationships as a form of co-ruling, the study sheds light on the conditions of production of the literature, on the changing ratio of power between the institutions, and on the public role of the writer after the Great Terror of 38-39, which leads to the decimation of the cultural elites, ans especially of the Muslim reformists. Surviving writers have to use new strategies to re-stablish a continuity in literature, like using propaganda productions to rehabilitate literary genres. During the world war two, the evacuation of industries and intellectuals reinforce the power of the Soviet Writer’s Union, as Tashkent is becoming a prime cultural centre. The writers nationalise and give a new meaning to the political imaginary of the Soviet Union, giving birth to an hybrid culture, which go far beyond the Stalinist project of “national in form, proletarian in content”. Finally, the study analyses the late Stalinism at the light of the local reinterpretations of the repressive Soviet literary politics from 1945 to 1953. Shedding light on the conflicts between institutions and factions, the study shows the singular character of this period, as the nationalisation of imaginaries and language is reinforced whilst the centre aims to regain power on this territory and wants to establish the primacy of Russian culture. The study ends with the resolution of this tension in a new episode of terror. The nationalisation of the culture is then suspended until the Thaw

On s'interroge dans cette thèse sur la capacité de l'État bulgare à ordonner et à produire le territoire par les maillages administratifs. Trois champs problématiques sont explorés. Le premier concerne la crise de l'État, elle prend en Bulgarie une acuité particulière dans le contexte de transition post-socialiste. L'interaction entre l'Orient et l'Occident et l'importation du modèle de l'État-nation constituent le deuxième axe d'analyse. Enfin, la convergence avec le " modèle " européen de gestion territoriale, dans la perspective de l'adhésion à l'UE, permet d'explorer les rapports entre le politique et le territoire. Comment la logique territoriale de l'État moderne et de la politique européenne s'articule-t-elle avec le fonctionnement réticulaire balkanique ? La première partie analyse les réformes administratives post-socialistes. La deuxième partie étudie la construction de l'État-nation bulgare. La troisième partie appréhende les recompositions territoriales en cours.

This research analyzes the National Students Union (NSU/UNE) political intervention fighting for a higher public education that would be of good quality and free, through the University Reform in two precise moments: 1) In the 1960 s while the first Guidelines and Basis for the National Education Law (Law nº4.024/61) and for the occasion of its reformulation in 1968 through Law 5.540/68; and 2) In the 2000 s, while Luis Inácio Lula da Silva´s presidential mandates. We make use of the French lines as theoretical referential on the Speech Analysis to run through and unveiling the speech of that entity. In order to confront the speeches in the two different moments we made use of the documents of those times centered, initially, on the elaborations of the UNE´s seminaries of 1961, in Salvador, 1962, in Curitiba and 1963, in Belo Horizonte; in related articles written in those years, such as O Metropolitano and Jornal do Brasil (both collected from the Studies Program and Education Documentation and Society, at Federal University of Rio de Janeiro Proedes/UFRJ) and on second moment of the research, some articles found at UNE´s site were also used, detach here the entity´s primer about the University Reform´s anti-project (2008). It is intended to deepen the actual SNU´s constitution´s debate and your way of acting before University Reform implanted in the years of brazil´s particular way of neoliberalism.
Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Alagoas
Esta pesquisa faz uma análise da intervenção política da União Nacional dos Estudantes (UNE) na luta pelo ensino superior público, gratuito e de qualidade via debate da Reforma Universitária em dois momentos especificamente: 1) nos anos de 1960, durante a elaboração da primeira Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional (Lei nº 4.024/61) e por ocasião de sua reformulação em 1968 via Lei 5.540/68; e 2) nos anos 2000, durante o governo do presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Lançamos mão do referencial teórico da Análise do Discurso de linha francesa para percorrer e desvelar o discurso da referida entidade. Para o confronto discursivo dos dois momentos supracitados, utilizamos documentos da época centrados, inicialmente, nas elaborações dos seminários da UNE, nos anos de 1961, em Salvador; 1962, em Curitiba e 1963, em Belo Horizonte; em matérias veiculadas nos jornais da época, como O Metropolitano e Jornal do Brasil (ambos colhidos no acervo do Programa de Estudos e Documentação Educação e Sociedade, da Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro Proedes/UFRJ) e, no segundo momento da pesquisa, foram utilizadas algumas matérias disponíveis atualmente no sítio da UNE, com destaque para a cartilha da UNE sobre o anteprojeto da Reforma Universitária (2008). Busca-se aprofundar o debate sobre a atual constituição da UNE e sua forma da atuação perante a Reforma Universitária implantada em anos de neoliberalismo à brasileira .

Cette thèse analyse l’entrée en politique des dirigeants de la Mutuelle nationale des étudiants de France (MNEF). Cet organisme prenait en charge la gestion de la sécurité sociale étudiante. Il était dirigé par des étudiants élus. Au cours des années 1960 et 1970, l’engagement de ces responsables devient de plus en plus politique. Leur activité militante et professionnelle constitue une forme de socialisation particulière, en ce sens qu’ils apprennent des savoir-faire et intériorisent des représentations assimilables à des apprentissages politiques. La conversion de ce capital militant en capital politique constitue le cœur de la thèse. Elle est favorisée par des configurations d’acteurs au sein desquels les mondes de la représentation étudiante et les partis politiques sont fortement intriqués. Le recours à l’analyse des réseaux sociaux a permis d’objectiver ces configurations et de les situer historiquement. Les interpénétrations sont beaucoup plus fortes dans les années 1970 et 1980 que lors des années 1960. Au cours de ces deux décennies, un dirigeant sur de la mutuelle sur deux entre – en tant qu’élu ou que membre d’un cabinet – dans le champ politique. L’analyse de l’engagement de ces militants étudiants nous renseigne plus généralement sur l’entrée en politique comme processus
This thesis analyses the political entrance of the leaders of the French national student health care insurance (MNEF). This organisation was in charge of student social security, lead by elected students. During the 1960s and 1970s, the engagement of the organisation's leaders became more and more political. Their activist and professional activities constitute a specific form of socialisation as they are integrating new know-how and internalize representations that are very similar to political knowledge. The transfer of this activist capital into political one is at the heart of this thesis. Transfer is made possible by configurations of actors in which the worlds of the student representation and political parties are strongly intermingled. Social networks analysis allows us to objectify this configuration and to place them in their historical context. Interpenetration is much stronger in the 1970s and 1980s than in the 1960s. During these two decades, one leader of the MNEF out of two enter the field of politics, either has an elected representative or cabinet member. The analysis of the commitment of these student activists provides useful general information about the entrance into politics as a process

L’Histoire des écoles d’horlogerie de Besançon est inhérente à la naissance et à la continuité d’une industrie spécifique très localisée sur un territoire. Avec elles nous partons de l’ère « proto-industrielle » qui plonge ses racines dans les idéaux révolutionnaires de 1793 pour aboutir aux bouleversements technologiques de l’électronique et du « quartz » des années 1970… S’inscrivant sur la longue durée, trois « écoles » vont se succéder. Pour répondre aux attentes d’une industrie horlogère qui doit constamment faire face aux évolutions techniques, chacune à sa manière, va innover pour constituer un « corpus » original de formation qui n’est pas sans bousculer les rites et usages du temps. Si les deux premières « écoles » eurent une durée de vie limitée, la dernière entité, née en 1861 de la volonté municipale, va pendant plus d’un siècle, accompagner toute une ville (et sa région) dans sa réussite industrielle. Dès sa création, et au fur et à mesure des adaptations qu’elle a su mettre en place, par la qualité et la spécificité des formations dispensées, elle va irriguer de ses élèves toute une industrie toujours à l’affût de personnels qualifiés. Au plan national elle va diffuser le nom de Besançon comme « capitale française de l’horlogerie » en formant nombre d’horlogers-rhabilleurs tenant boutiques et autres ateliers de réparation par tout le territoire… Elle va servir de référence pour implanter dans la Cité des laboratoires de recherche et d’enseignement supérieur : un Observatoire chronométrique, une École d’ingénieurs, un Centre d’études horlogères et de développement industriel (Cétéhor)… Elle va contribuer à la diversification industrielle de la ville dans des domaines connexes à l’horlogerie, notamment dans le découpage, la micromécanique, l’appareillage et les microtechniques… Nationalisée en 1891, elle fait dès lors partie de la petite élite des Écoles Nationales Professionnelles (par assimilation), qui vont marquer le développement industriel du Pays. En 1933, quand elle intègre ses nouveaux locaux, par le nombre et l’originalité de ses filières (de l’ouvrier qualifié à l’ingénieur), par sa dotation en matériels modernes, elle est signalée comme étant le « premier établissement de l’enseignement technique » en France. Le cheminement de cette dernière école fait aussi ressortir une histoire « humaine », « prosopographique », qui met en exergue les nombreux anciens élèves qui se sont lancés avec grande réussite dans la création d’entreprises. Restés fidèles à leur école, ils ont contribué au renom et au développement de la richesse économique de la cité et de sa région… Avec ces écoles d’horlogerie, on aborde enfin l’histoire de l’Enseignement Technique en France. Pour répondre à la demande d’une industrie horlogère en pleine croissance qui déplorait les carences de l’apprentissage en atelier, elles ont été pionnières en ouvrant la voie de « la scolarisation » de la formation professionnelle. Par leurs innovations pédagogiques, et soutenues par les Anciens Élèves, elles ont su établir un lien « École-Entreprise » des plus fructueux qui marque encore la mémoire collective des Bisontins…En 1974 elle perd toute référence à l’horlogerie pour devenir le Lycée Jules Haag. Le temps de l’histoire est désormais advenu pour tenter de comprendre ce qui a fait la force et la réussite de ces « Écoles d’horlogerie » dans leur participation active, sur la durée, à la prospérité économique et industrielle d’une ville et de sa région…
The history of the watchmaking schools in Besançon is part of the birth and continuous development of a specific industry in a very limited sector of the French territory. When studying those schools we start at the « protoindustrial » time with its roots in the revolutionary ideals of 1793 and end up with the technological upheavals of electronics and the « quartz » technology in the 1970s. Three « schools » followed one another over the long term. Each school aimed at satisfying the demands of a watchmakng industry confronted to rapidly changing technical evolutions ; so it innovated in its own way by creating an original « corpus » in the students training and most of the time upset the practices and common ideas of the time. If the first two « schools » had a limited lifespan, the last one created in 1861 by the town council itself has been supporting the industrial growth of the city and the surrounding region. Since its foundation it has stuck to the industrial reality by placing the emphasis on high standards and opening new specific branches whenever necessary, thus answering the needs of firms always looking for highly qualified staff. For a large number of French people Besançon became the « capital town of the watchmaking industry » thanks to the shops or repair workshops kept by Besançon-trained former students all over France… It served as a background to set up research and university laboratories in the city : Observatoire Chronométrique, Ecole d’Ingénieurs, Centre d’Etudes Horlogères et de Développement Industriel (Cétéhor)… It contributed to the industrial diversification of the town in fields related to watchmaking such as mechanical cutting, micromechanics, equipment and microtechniques. It was nationalized in 1891 and then belonged to the very small elite goup of the Professional National Schools that influenced the future industrial development of the country. In 1933 it moved into sparkling-new premises and was acknowledged as the flagship of technical education in France : it offered a large number of innovating courses ranging from the skilled worker to the engineer and was granted the latest equipments in every field. The path of this new school also enhanced a « humane » and « prosopographical » history ; it highlighted the part played by the numerous former students who created their own successful businesses. Being faithful to their old school they contributed to the renown and economic growth and prosperity of the city and its region… Beyond the local impact we must regard the history of the watchmaking schools as an important part of the history of Technical Education in France. To meet the needs of a soaring watchmaking industry they opened the way to the transfer of professional training from apprenticeship in workshops with its observed shortcomings to education in technical high schools. Their pedagogical innovations, the strong support of their former students created a vital school-business link that still lives on in the collective memory of the town inhabitants.In 1974 its name changed to Lycée Jules Haag thus losing any reference to watchmaking. Let us now try and understand the strong influence and success of those watchmaking schools, the active part they played in the economic industrial prosperity of a town and its surrounding region…

À l’issue de la victoire des droites à l’élection législative de mars 1986, la France se trouve dans une situation politique inédite avec un exécutif dont les deux têtes n’ont pas la même couleurs politique : c’est la première cohabitation. Le gouvernement décide d’abroger la loi sur l’enseignement supérieur en vigueur depuis 1984. Alain Devaquet, le jeune ministre délégué à l’Enseignement supérieur et à la Recherche propose un nouveau texte. Mais sa propre majorité ne le considère pas comme suffisamment audacieux et ne s’inscrit pas dans la logique libérale du nouveau gouvernement. Le projet prend du retard et n’est présenté au Sénat qu’en octobre 1986. Peu offensifs depuis le printemps les étudiants et le principal syndicat, l’UNEF-ID dénoncent le texte et déclenchent un mouvement de contestation. Deux très grandes manifestations s’organisent en novembre et décembre. Des heurts violents entre les forces de l’ordre et les étudiants font basculer le mouvement dans une nouvelle dimension politique. Dans la nuit du 5 au 6 décembre, le jeune Malik Oussekine est frappé à mort par des policiers. L’opinion publique prend fait et cause pour les étudiants. Redoutant une crise politique majeure, le gouvernement retire le projet de loi le 10 décembre. On aura retenu de cette crise que la phase la plus aigüe, mais il s’avère que ce projet de loi possédait les germes son propre échec à sa création. Mais au-delà de la crise estudiantine, la situation cohabitationniste tout d’abord, mais surtout les antagonismes persistants entre les deux partis de la coalition de droite, le RPR et l’UDF fragilisé le bon déroulement de l’élaboration et la mise en place du projet de loi Devaquet
In March 1986, right-wing parties’ victory in France’s parliamentary elections place the country in an unprecedented situation: the two “chiefs” of the executive, the sitting president and the Prime Minister of the newly elected majority, do not lean the same way politically. This is the first “cohabitation,” as it will come to be called. The newly elected government decides to repeal the 1984 law on universities. Alain Devaquet, the junior minister for Universities and Research, introduces a new bill. But his own majority considers that the reform does not go far enough or promote market based reforms aggressively enough. The bill is only introduced into the Senate in October 1986. Although throughout the spring, students and the main student union, the UNEF-ID, had remained very muted, in the fall, massive protests start. Two huge demonstrations are organized, in November and December. Clashes with the police suddenly catapult the movement into a different political dimension, when on the night of December 5, 1986, policemen beat young Malik Oussekine to death. Public opinion sides with the students. Fearing a major political crisis, the government drops the bill on December 10, 1986. Most remember this dramatic context as what cut short the Devaquet reforms, but in reality, the seeds of failure were there all along: beyond the student protests, one must look to the institutional context created by the anomalous “cohabitation,” and especially, to the antagonism between France’s two right-wing parties (RPR and UDF), which undermined the Devaquet bill at every stage, setting it up to fail

Les révolutions de l’Est ont induit la fragmentation des Etats qui s’est accompagnée, sur le plan interne par une renaissance des partis ethniques ; ce qui ne va pas sans poser de problèmes à la démocratie politique. Les transitions et a fortiori les consolidations démocratiques font émerger un double phénomène d’interaction entre les acteurs et le système, dans la recherche d’un nouvel équilibre. Les partis ethniques se politisent alors que le système s’ouvre à l’acteur ethnique. On assiste donc à un réajustement évolutif du système devant la nouvelle donne. Le système s’ouvre aux nouvelles demandes à caractère ethnique de différentes façons et à différents degrés : entre la légalisation et la tolérance. Côté acteurs, les partis ethniques rentrent progressivement dans le jeu politique ; de différentes façons et à différents degrés. Dans notre champ problématique les relations interactives se déploient entre acteurs multi-niveaux (partis-Etats) et dans les divers champs (politique, sociétal et juridique). Leurs connexions sont croisées entre l’espace étatique et internationale, public et civil, politique et sociétal ; avec les Etats d’accueil ou d’origine, mais aussi, les Etats-tiers. Ils sont à velléités indépendantistes ou simplement des lobbies politiques. Nous avons essayé de mettre en lumière les principaux aspects de la complexité de la question ethnique dans les jeunes démocraties politiques ‘‘en consolidation’’. La problématique ethnique des PECO peut-elle nous aider à compléter en actualisant certaines visions généralistes des sciences politiques ? Les acteurs impliqués sont ainsi invités à éviter les pièges des nationalismes perçus comme ‘‘mesquins’’, voire ‘‘chaotiques’’ tout en servant la cause d’une plus souple intégration politique alias la ‘‘paix démocratique’’
The revolutions of Eastern induced fragmentation of States were accompanied internally by a revival of ethnic parties, which is not without its problems in political democracy. Transitions and even more democratic consolidation are emerging a double phenomenon of interaction between actors and the system in search of a new equilibrium. Ethnic parties then politicize the system opens the ethnic actor. We are witnessing an evolutionary adjustment of the system to the new situation. The system opens to the new demands ethnic ways and to different degrees: between legalization and tolerance. Side actors, are gradually returning ethnic parties in the political game, in different ways and to different degrees. In our problem the field deploy interactive relationships between multi-level actors (parties-States) and in the various fields (political, societal and legal). Their connections are crossed between the State and international space, public and civil, political and social, with host countries or origin, but also the third States. They are separatist ambitions or simply political lobbies. We tried to highlight the main aspects of the complexity of the ethnic issue in young democracies political '' in consolidation ''. The ethnic problem of CEEC can help us to complete updating some general visions of political science? The actors involved are invited to avoid the pitfalls of nationalism perceived as '' petty '' or '' chaotic '' while serving the cause of a more flexible policy integration to the ‘‘democratic peace’’

The aim of the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) was to represent the interests of all South African students nationally and internationally. The challenge then to the liberal NUSAS leadership was how to meet the demands of black students for a politically relevant policy while simultaneously retaining the loyalty of its white middle class and often conservative membership. In 1957, the black University College of Fort Hare returned to NUSAS to participate in the national union’s campaign against the imposition of apartheid on the universities. Consequently, NUSAS adopted the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights as the foundation of its policy. Sharpeville and the increasing number of black students associated with NUSAS contributed to the further politicisation and leftward movement of the national union. The emergence of two new exclusively African student organisations together with the decision of a student seminar in Dar es Salaam that NUSAS be barred from all international student forums as its demographics precluded it from representing the aspirations of the black majority was the pretext for a far-reaching interrogation of NUSAS’s structure and functioning. Henceforward NUSAS would play a ‘radical role’ in society. This played into the hands of the government and its proxies, the new conservative students associations which sought to slice away NUSAS’s moderate to conservative white membership. The arrest of current and former NUSAS officers implicated in sabotage provided more grist to the right wing mill. In an attempt to manage this most serious crisis, as well as to continue functioning in the increasingly authoritarian and almost wholly segregated milieu of the mid-1960s, NUSAS abandoned its ‘radical role’ and increasingly focussed on university and educational matters. Nonetheless, the state intensified its campaign to weaken NUSAS. By means of legislation, the utilisation of conservative student structures and the intimidation of university authorities, the government attempted to ensure that segregation was applied at all NUSAS-affiliated universities. It was the application of segregation by cowed university authorities that precipitated the New Left-inspired student protests at NUSAS-affiliated campuses in the late 1960s as well as the establishment of the separate black South African Students Organisation, the latter leading to the exodus of all black students from NUSAS.
History
D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

Text in English
This dissertation has examined the University Christian Movement (UCM) over its turbulent five year history from 1967 to 1972 in terms of the original hopes of the sponsoring ecumenical denominations. Contextual factors within the socio-political arena of South Africa as well as broader youth cultural influences are shown to have had a decisive influence. These factors help to explain the negative reaction from the founding churches. While this is not a thesis on Black Consciousness, nevertheless the contribution of the UCM to the rise of Black Consciousness and Black Theology is evaluated. UCM is shown to be a movement well ahead of its time as a forerunner in South Africa of Black Theology, contextual theology, feminism, modem liturgical styles, and intercommunion. As such it was held in suspicion. It suffered repressive action from the government and alienation from the churches. Constant cross referencing to other organisations such as the World Student Christian Federation, the National Union of South African Students, the South African Council of Churches, the Christian Institute, and the Sllldents Christian Association, helps to locate the UCM within the flow of contemporary history. The concluding evaluation differs markedly from the report of the Schlebusch Commission by making both critical and positive judgement from the perspective of the UCM as an ecumenical mission to students.
Christain Spirituality, Church History & Missiology
M.Th. (Missiology)