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Journal articles on the topic 'National Union of Tanganyika Workers'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 July 2025

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1

Turinskaya, Kh M. "60 Years of Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar." Asia and Africa today, no. 5 (December 15, 2024): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750030839-4.

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The article is devoted to the allied relations between Tanganyika and Zanzibar and the creation of a union state – Tanzania. 2024 is the 60th anniversary of the union between the two formerly sovereign states. The author dwells on the key events in the history of Tanganyika, Zanzibar, and Tanzania in the 60s of the 20th century: the Zanzibar Revolution of January 1964 – an anti-imperialist, anti-feudal, anti-Sultan, anti-Arab armed uprising; the fall of the Zanzibar Sultanate, ruled by Britain; elections in Zanzibar, in which the Afro-Shirazi Party and the Nationalist Zanzibar Party competed;

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Turinskaya, K. M. "The “proconsul of african nationalism”: Nyerere and Tanzania." Etnograficheskoe obozrenie, no. 6 (December 15, 2023): 178–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869541523060118.

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In 2022, the 100th anniversary of Julius Nyerere (1922-1999), the leader of Tanganyika, the founder and first president of Tanzania, an outstanding African politician and statesman, was celebrated. His political legacy in Tanzania, as well as the socio-political dynamics in Tanganyika and Zanzibar are the milestones in the recent history of the East African region, in the history of ideology, national question, national movements on the continent. His name is associated with both African nationalism and pan-Africanism. The achievements of Nyerere as a nationalist - “gathering”, creating, struc

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3

Stein, Howard. "Theories of the State in Tanzania: a Critical Assessment." Journal of Modern African Studies 23, no. 1 (1985): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00056524.

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InFebruary 1967, Tanzania, formed from the union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, declared its intention to purpue a policy of ‘socialism’ and self-reliance. In the famous Arusha Declaration, the Tanganyika African National Union called for the Government to exercise control over the means of production and move away from over-reliance on foreign assistance in development. It stressed the need to strengthen agriculture and thereby improve the lives of the majority of the population which earned their livelihood in this sector. Finally, T.A.N.U. called for changes in the party to ensure that it cont

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4

Dayton, Lindsey, and Rudi Batzell. "Uniting Academic Workers: Graduate Workers Organize with the United Auto Workers." International Labor and Working-Class History 91 (2017): 164–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547917000011.

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On Friday December 9, 2016, Columbia teaching and research assistants elected the Graduate Workers of Columbia-United Auto Workers (GWC-UAW) Local 2110 as their union with 1602 yes and 623 no votes. On December 22, a preliminary count for the Harvard Graduate Students Union-UAW was not conclusive, with 314 challenge ballots exceeding the margin between 1,272 yes and 1,456 no votes. Both elections were possible because the National Labor Relations Board, ruling on a suit brought by Columbia students, overturned a 2004 decision that prohibited the formation of graduate unions in private colleges

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Hyman, Richard, and Rebecca Gumbrell-McCormick. "(How) can international trade union organisations be democratic?" Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 26, no. 3 (2020): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258920938499.

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International trade union organisations, like unions at national level, commonly affirm their commitment to internal democracy. But what does this mean? There exists a vast literature on union democracy, addressing the questions whether democracy in trade unions is desirable; whether it is possible; and if so, how it can be achieved. However, the focus of analysis is almost exclusively at the national (or sub-national) level, with the premise that union members are individual workers. But international unions (like many national confederations indeed) do not have individual workers as members:

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6

Taylor, Avram. "The Limits to Solidarity: Trade Union Responses to European Workers in Britain, 1945–1948." Labour History Review 90, no. 1 (2025): 1–36. https://doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2025.1.

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During the first years of the post-war Labour government (1945–8), three groups of foreign workers were incorporated into the labour force: prisoners of war (POWs), Polish soldiers who had fought with the British, and European volunteer workers (EVWs). This article examines the responses of the trade union movement to these three groups of workers through salient examples that are indicative of wider attitudes within the trade union movement. The discussion focuses on the responses of the TUC, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) and the National Union of Agricultural Workers and Allied Wor

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7

Hills, Stephen M. "The Attitudes of Union and Nonunion Male Workers toward Union Representation." ILR Review 38, no. 2 (1985): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398503800202.

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This study finds striking differences in attitudes toward union representation between union and nonunion workers in the U.S. labor force. Data from the National Longitudinal Survey of 1980 show that if a certification election were held at the workplace of the men aged 28 to 38 who were sampled, 87 percent of those already covered by a union contract said they would vote for union representation, whereas only 27 percent of the nonunion workers said they would do so. Among the nonunion workers, however, attitudes differed sharply by race and industry, as pro-union attitudes were more widesprea

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8

ECKERT, ANDREAS. "REGULATING THE SOCIAL: SOCIAL SECURITY, SOCIAL WELFARE AND THE STATE IN LATE COLONIAL TANZANIA." Journal of African History 45, no. 3 (2004): 467–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853704009880.

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This essay discusses British discourses and efforts to regulate social policy in both urban and rural areas in late colonial Tanzania. It focuses mainly on questions of social security and especially on the vague concept of social welfare and development, which after the Second World War became a favoured means of expressing a new imperial commitment to colonial people. The British were very reluctant about implementing international standards of social security in Tanganyika, mainly due to the insight that the cost of providing European-scale benefits could not be borne by the colonial regime

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9

Dincă, Marius-Claudiu. "Repere din activitatea muncitorilor brutari arădeni în perioada interbelică." Ziridava. Studia Historica 29 (November 11, 2024): 159–79. https://doi.org/10.70654/ziridava.2024.09.

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Our study focuses on the bakers` labor union in the city of Arad, during the interwar years, their activity, their goals and the rapports with owners of the businesses and public authorities. This research is based on the information provided by the records in the National Archives of Romania, Division of National Historical Central Archives in Bucharest and, aside from them, on the data obtained from publications and press of the time. Based on the 1921 Act of Professional Unions, a union of baker workers had been established in Arad and was dissolved due to its’ presumed Communist affiliatio

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10

Turner, Tom, and Darragh Flannery. "Did partnership in Ireland deliver for all workers? Unions and earnings." Employee Relations 38, no. 6 (2016): 946–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-10-2015-0196.

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Purpose After 20 years of social partnership in Ireland the purpose of this paper is to use a national survey of firms and employees to examine the extent of the wage gap between union and non-union workers in the private sector and compare the degree of wage inequality in union and non-union firms and among union and non-union employees. Design/methodology/approach The analysis in the paper is based on the National Employment Survey carried out by the Central Statistics Office in October 2008. Approximately 9,000 enterprises were sampled and almost 5,000 enterprises responded – a response rat

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11

Kageler, Len. "Burnout Among Religious Youth Workers: A Cross National Analysis." Journal of Youth and Theology 9, no. 1 (2010): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055093-90000016.

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The subject of burn-out has received a great deal of popular and academic attention, as the issue is a common problem and experience in both the United States and European Union context. This paper, after a representative literature review, presents and analyzes findings about burnout among youth workers. In Fall 2006 a survey on youth ministry burn out was conducted by the author in the United States, with an N of 155. The identical survey was conducted in 2008 among youth workers in the European Union, with an eventual N of 98. This research will be of interest not only to youth ministry pra

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12

Park, Tae-Youn, Eun-Suk Lee, and John W. Budd. "What Do Unions Do for Mothers? Paid Maternity Leave Use and the Multifaceted Roles of Labor Unions." ILR Review 72, no. 3 (2018): 662–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019793918820032.

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The authors present a four-fold conceptual framework of union roles—with a focus on availability, awareness, affordability, and assurance—for enhancing workers’ paid maternity leave use. Using a panel data set of working women up to age 31 constructed from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997, the authors find union-represented workers to be at least 17% more likely to use paid maternity leave than are comparable non-union workers. Additional results suggest that availability, awareness, and affordability contribute to this differential leave-taking. The authors also document a post-

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13

Budd, John W., and Brian P. McCall. "The Effect of Unions on the Receipt of Unemployment Insurance Benefits." ILR Review 50, no. 3 (1997): 478–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399705000306.

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Using National Longitudinal Survey of Youth data for 1979–91, the authors analyze the effect of union representation on the likelihood that individuals eligible for unemployment insurance (UI) benefits actually received those benefits. They find that unions had no statistically significant effect on the probability of benefit receipt among white-collar workers, but among eligible blue-collar workers, those who were laid off from union jobs were roughly 23% more likely than comparable nonunion workers to receive UI benefits. Although the analysis does not identify the reasons for this differenc

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14

Kane, John V., and Benjamin J. Newman. "Organized Labor as the New Undeserving Rich?: Mass Media, Class-Based Anti-Union Rhetoric and Public Support for Unions in the United States." British Journal of Political Science 49, no. 3 (2017): 997–1026. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712341700014x.

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Labor unions play a prominent role in the economy and in politics, and have long been depicted by opponents as an overly powerful, corrupt and economically harmful institution. In labor-related news in recent years, anti-union rhetoric has regularly focused on union workers themselves, frequently portraying them as overpaid, greedy and undeserving of their wealth, while also drawing a contrast between the compensation of union vs. non-union workers. This type of rhetoric is referred to here as class-based anti-union rhetoric (CAR). Despite its prevalence, it remains unknown whether CAR affects

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15

Wallerstein, Michael. "Union Organization in Advanced Industrial Democracies." American Political Science Review 83, no. 2 (1989): 481–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962401.

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I suggest a new explanation of cross-national differences in unionization rates: the size of the labor force. Size matters because the gains unions are able to achieve in collective bargaining depend on the proportion of substitutable workers who are organized, while the costs of organizing depend in part on the absolute number to be recruited. The comparison of the costs and benefits of organizing new workers yields the conclusion that unions in larger labor markets will accept lower levels of unionization. Statistical analysis of cross-national differences in unionization rates among advance

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16

Robinson, A. K. L., and E. Variava. "The National Education, Health and Allied Workers’ Union (NEHAWU) strikes." South African Medical Journal 108, no. 11 (2018): 886. http://dx.doi.org/10.7196/samj.2018.v108i11.13687.

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17

Shivji, Issa G. "Mwalimu and Marx in Contestation: Dialogue or Diatribe?" Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journal of Agrarian South Network and CARES 6, no. 2 (2017): 188–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2277976017731844.

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The October Russian Revolution of 1917 inaugurated the era of social transformation challenging the dominance of global capitalism. 1 It set in motion two lineages, one tracing its ancestry directly to October and its Marxist leader Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. Among these must be included the Chinese revolution of 1949, the Vietnamese revolution of 1945, and the Cuban revolution of 1959. The second lineage is that of national liberation movements in the former colonized countries of Africa and Asia. Tanzania’s independence movement Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) under the leadership of Ju

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18

Godard, John. "Unions, Work Practices, and Wages under Different Institutional Environments: The Case of Canada and England." ILR Review 60, no. 4 (2007): 457–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979390706000401.

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Using data collected in 2003–2004 in national telephone surveys of 750 Canadian and 450 English workers, the author finds that alternative work practices (AWPs), such as autonomous teams, quality circles, and information sharing, provided meaningful pay gains for non-union workers but not union workers in both Canada and England. In Canada, non-union AWP payoffs approached union wage premia at even moderate levels of AWP adoption, suggesting that AWPs may serve as an alternative means to higher pay, one that is incompatible with unions and that could erode demand for union representation. In E

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19

Delfino, Massimiliano. "The ‘puzzle’ of workers’ mobility in Italy." European Labour Law Journal 11, no. 1 (2020): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2031952519900997.

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In Italy, workers’ mobility is a very complicated puzzle that is composed of different pieces. This paper deals with such different pieces under the perspective of workers' mobility within the European Union and highlights that the term mobility is not a synonym of posting (of workers), since the latter term indicates only one of the types (although the most relevant) of workers’ mobility. The author starts with workers’ mobility within the national border and beyond the European Union. Then, he concentrates his attention on the Italian way of transposing the EU Directives on the transnational

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20

Clark, G. L., and K. Johnston. "The Geography of US Union Elections 4: Patterns of Close Elections and Determinants of the Margins of Victory and Loss (the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers Union and the United Auto Workers Union, 1970–82)." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 19, no. 4 (1987): 447–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a190447.

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Patterns of close union representation elections and the determinants of the margins of victory and loss are the topics of this paper. The importance of close elections for management, unions, and the National Labor Relations Board is emphasized. Likely union and management strategies for contesting close elections are noted, as is the significance of these elections in relation to the changing political and institutional environment of US labor relations. Empirically, a set of structural and contextual variables are used to discriminate between close and nonclose elections. The determinants o

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21

Lyerly, Eric. "Graduate worker union case shows FERPA's broad reach." Enrollment Management Report 29, no. 2 (2025): 6. https://doi.org/10.1002/emt.31392.

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Vanderbilt University recently initiated a lawsuit related to a union election petition filed by the Vanderbilt Graduate Workers Union (Vanderbilt Univ. v. Nat’l Labor Relations Bd., 3:24‐cv‐01301 (M.D. Tenn. Dec. 12, 2024)). The union sought to represent 2,200 graduate student employees. The National Labor Relations Board, which processes union election petitions and oversees elections, scheduled a hearing on the matter.

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22

Lyerly, Eric. "Graduate worker union case shows FERPA's broad reach." Successful Registrar 25, no. 3 (2025): 6. https://doi.org/10.1002/tsr.31449.

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Vanderbilt University recently initiated a lawsuit related to a union election petition filed by the Vanderbilt Graduate Workers Union. (Vanderbilt Univ. v. Nat’l Labor Relations Bd., 3:24‐cv‐01301 (M.D. Tenn. Dec. 12, 2024)). The union sought to represent 2,200 graduate student employees. The National Labor Relations Board, which processes union election petitions and oversees elections, scheduled a hearing on the matter.

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23

Pernicka, Susanne. "Trade union representation of contingent workers in further education in the UK and Austria." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 15, no. 3-4 (2009): 461–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10242589090150031501.

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The subject of this article is trade union strategies for contingent workers. On the assumption that trade unions’ strategic responses vary in accordance with their national institutional contexts, we compare Austria and the UK in the area of further education. In both countries, we found various trade union strategies for dealing with the growing heterogeneity of members and potential members of trade unions in further education. From a cross-country perspective, however, we found some evidence that the spread of contingent work might lead to a convergence of union strategies and a reduction

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24

Turner, Thomas, Christine Cross, and Michelle O’Sullivan. "Does union membership benefit immigrant workers in ‘hard times’?" Journal of Industrial Relations 56, no. 5 (2014): 611–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185613515462.

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Immigrants experience many obstacles in obtaining jobs with comparable pay and conditions to native workers. Arguably, unionisation could offer migrant workers the mechanism to obtain better pay and conditions. This paper examines whether migrant workers have benefited from unionisation in terms of pay, pensions and health insurance in Ireland. Based on a large-scale national survey, we find that union membership delivers a modest wage premium of a relatively similar magnitude to both nationals and immigrant workers. Unionised immigrants are twice as likely as non-unionised immigrants to earn

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25

Geiger, Susan. "Tanganyikan Nationalism as ‘Women's Work’: Life Histories, Collective Biography and Changing Historiography." Journal of African History 37, no. 3 (1996): 465–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700035544.

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Although nationalism in Tanzania, as elsewhere in Africa, has been criticized for its shortcomings, and a ‘Dar es Salaam School’ has been charged with succumbing to its ideological biases, few historians have revisited or questioned Tanzania's dominant nationalist narrative – a narrative created over 25 years ago. Biographies written in aid of this narrative depict nationalism in the former Trust Territory of Tanganyika as primarily the work of a few good men, including ‘proto-nationalists’ whose anti-colonial actions set the stage and provided historical continuity for the later western-orien

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26

Mashilo, Alex M., and Edward Webster. "Upgrading in Automotive Global Production Networks: Workers’ Power in South Africa." Journal of Labor and Society 24, no. 4 (2021): 525–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24714607-bja10021.

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Abstract The introduction of the concept of social upgrading was a welcome development in the study of Global Production Networks (gpns). We argue that although social upgrading is primarily a result of labour agency rather than automatically trickling down from economic upgrading, without economic upgrading social upgrading will not be sustainable. We show how it was through the use of their structural power, the development of associational power through building a national industrial union, the National Union of Metal Workers of South Africa, and institutional and societal power, that worke

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Maranto, Cheryl L., and Jack Fiorito. "The Effect of Union Characteristics on the Outcome of NLRB Certification Elections." ILR Review 40, no. 2 (1987): 225–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398704000205.

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This paper examines the determinants of National Labor Relations Board certification election outcomes in individual election units between 1972 and 1980. Particular emphasis is given to the role of national union characteristics in determining union success or failure. The authors find that union success in organizing both blue- and white-collar workers is influenced positively by union size and internal democracy and negatively by strike activity and the centralization of its decision making. Benefits provided directly to members by unions significantly increase, and higher dues significantl

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Friedman, Abraham. "Union Structure and Rank and File Revolt : The Israeli Experience." Relations industrielles 31, no. 2 (2005): 261–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/028706ar.

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The high rate of unauthorized strikes in Israel can be attributed to the structural dualism of the largest and most important trade union in Israel— the Histadruth. In structural dualism a reference is made to the incompatibility between the organizational characteristics of the upper echelons of the union, i.e., the trade union department and those of the lower echelons, i.e. the workers' committees. Their goals and relationship with their constituency and political parties are incongruous. While the trade union department adheres to the prescriptions of the national economic policies as put

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29

Flynn, Don. "Some Useful Sources." Social Policy and Society 16, no. 4 (2017): 693–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746417000288.

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Networks and projects around the theme of migrants in the labour market can be discussed under the following headings: 1.Trade union-based initiatives2.Migrant community-based initiatives3.Issues of acknowledged concern that generate national responses (forced labour, trafficked workers, undocumented migrant workers, etc.).

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30

Weaver, Janet K. "The Road Not Taken: Pearl McGill and the Promise of Inclusive Unionism, 1894–1914." Labor 19, no. 2 (2022): 15–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9576779.

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Abstract Pearl McGill's path from an officer in a union affiliated with the American Federation of Labor (AFL) to an organizer for the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) offers an alternative lens through which to view industrial unionism at the critical juncture of the legendary “Bread and Roses” strike in Lawrence, Massachusetts. Her role in the strikes of button workers in Iowa and textile workers in New England between 1911 and 1913 shines a light on the ways in which grassroots activists invested hope that AFL “federal labor unions” (local unions directly affiliated with the national A

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Harisch, Immanuel R., and Goran Musić. "Workers’ Proto-diplomacy: Early Contacts between Zambian and Yugoslav Trade Unions, 1959–1962." International Review of Social History 69, no. 3 (2024): 411–38. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0020859024000622.

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AbstractSocialist Yugoslavia and Zambia became dynamic Cold War partners in the Non-Aligned Movement, with extensive cooperation in economic development, national defence, and international diplomacy. This article explores the roots of this “East–South” cooperation by looking at the pioneering contacts between North Rhodesian and Yugoslav trade unions in the late 1950s and early 1960s, showing how Yugoslav trade union officials opened up new perspectives for the Yugoslav organized labour movement as it reached out to the “global” at a time of rising decolonization and incipient non-alignment.

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Orton, Alison. "Solidarity or National Prejudice? Migrating Brewery Workers and the Troubles with Transferring Internationalist Ideologies from the Czech Lands to the United States, 1890–1914." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 65, no. 1 (2024): 155–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2024-0009.

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Abstract Brewery workers who migrated between the Czech Lands and the United States existed in a complex world of fluid loyalties and ideologies that traveled with them as they crossed back and forth across the Atlantic Ocean. This article focuses on the publications of brewery workers’ unions on both sides of the ocean, as they espoused often competing and conflicting interpretations of both nationalism and internationalism. A study of these publications, which included contributions from rank-and-file union members, helps us see how migrating brewery workers and union leadership interacted w

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Hussain, Muhammad Saddam. "Commitment or Conspiracy? A Historical Exploration of Freedom of Association in the Readymade Garment Industry of Bangladesh." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. VI (2023): 1820–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.7752.

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The historical texture of the trade union movement in Bangladesh is the struggle for survival and subordination. Now garment workers are enjoying the rights of eight-hour working days, weekly holiday leave, maternity leave, and so on, thanks to the struggle of the trade union movement. But the trade union movement in Bangladesh was historically weakened by its division into multiple federations, each aligned with a different political party as its labour front. This study will seek to understand the factors that restrict the freedom of association of garment workers in Bangladesh. The necessit

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Czarzasty, Jan, and Adam Mrozowicki. "Is a new paradigm needed? A commentary on the analysis by Sławomir Adamczyk." European Journal of Industrial Relations 24, no. 2 (2018): 193–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680118760631.

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In this commentary, we support the core thesis of Sławomir Adamczyk that there exist ‘two trade union worlds’ within the European Trade Union Confederation, but our emphasis is somewhat different. The East–West divide can be explained both in terms of structural differences and of contrasting expectations about the role of European integration, rooted in the diverse histories and experiences of national affiliates. In the context of recurring particularistic logics which privilege national or regional interests over transnational labour solidarity, the need to create a new paradigm of trade un

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Hutchison, Harry. "Reclaiming the Labor Movement Through Union Dues? A Postmodern Perspective in the Mirror of Public Choice Theory." University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, no. 33.4 (2025): 447. https://doi.org/10.36646/mjlr.33.4.reclaiming.

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The National Labor Relations Board's (NLRB) seeming powerlessness to process dues objector cases has led to a proliferation of state sponsored "paycheck protection" laws and popular referenda devised to ensure that workers will not be obliged to pay dues for non-germane purposes. Recently, California captured national attention as the site of a richly contested paycheck protection referendum. Such proposals have electrified union advocates and have enlivened the debate over the proper use of union dues. In addition, recent attempts to reform campaign finance have run aground on the thorny issu

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Zahn, Rebecca. "Trade Unions and New Member State Workers in Germany and the United Kingdom." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 27, Issue 2 (2011): 139–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2011011.

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This article compares German and British trade union responses in a European context following the European enlargements in 2004 and 2007 that are unprecedented in the history of the European Union (EU). In particular, this article examines two case studies to explore how trade unions have responded to increased migration following the enlargements. Increased migration has created a number of problems for trade unions that are examined in the case studies. The findings of the case studies are used to undertake a contextualized comparison of trade union behaviour in responding to the changing r

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England, Joe. "Formation, Legacy, and Change in the National Union of General and Municipal Workers, and the Transport and General Workers’ Union, 1889-1978." Historical Studies in Industrial Relations 42, no. 1 (2021): 27–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2021.42.2.

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This article explores the paradox of the two large ‘general’ workers’ unions - the former Transport and General Workers’ Union (TGWU) and the National Union of General and Municipal Workers (NUGMW) - which from their militant origins to within a comparatively few years were seen as undemocratic, moderate in industrial tactics and right-wing in labour politics - ‘pillars of conservatism’. In due time they moved from the fringes to centre stage, acquiring one in four of all trade-unionists, and dominating with their block votes the decisions of the Trades Union Congress and the Labour Party conf

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Fourchard, Laurent. "In the Shadow of the State." Swiss Journal of Sociocultural Anthropology 29, no. 1 (2024): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.36950/sjsca.2023.29.8905.

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The National Union of Road Transport workers (NURTW) is the main transport organization in Nigeria and has replaced local governments in most garages of the country. The NURTW exercises its authority in Lagos garages through its own set of rules, qualified here as garage laws. They aim at providing revenues for the union, for state institutions, for police bodies and at ordering motor parks and disciplining drivers. Based on observations and 80 interviews with unionists, the article looks at the ways these laws are implemented by unionists and agberos or local touts turned into union workers.

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Butiku, Joseph Waryoba. "Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere and the Making of Tanzania." Tanzania Zamani: A Journal of Historical Research and Writing 9, no. 2 (2017): 93–175. http://dx.doi.org/10.56279/tza20210923.

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This article is about Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere. It examines the main ideas that propelled his decision to become a full-time politician (1954) and establish a political party – The Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) and use it to mobilize the people of Tanganyika to demand independence from the British. The article examines a number of related issues and themes in the history of Tanzania and Nyerere’s contributions to it. It starts with a section on Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere – the person , where it shows who Mwalimu Nyerere himself said he was, the ideas and principles he stood for, and

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Martens, Albert, and Valeria Pulignano. "Immigration and trade unions in Belgium: historical trends and new challenges." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 14, no. 4 (2008): 665–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890801400411.

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This article argues that, despite relatively good integration policies and stable, high and cross-sectoral national trade union membership, irregular immigration and irregular work in Belgium threaten workers' solidarity and trade union strength. The diffusion of ‘twilight’ workers in many companies and sectors has obliged the trade unions to call for regularisation to restore the workers' front and re-establish workers' cohesion. Although the trade unions have supported a number of actions in support of people without documents (such as hunger strikes in churches) it is not easy to convince u

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HECHT, GABRIELLE. "HOPES FOR THE RADIATED BODY: URANIUM MINERS AND TRANSNATIONAL TECHNOPOLITICS IN NAMIBIA." Journal of African History 51, no. 2 (2010): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853710000198.

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ABSTRACTThis article explores the transnational politics of technology and science at the Rössing uranium mine in Namibia. During the 1980s, Rössing workers refashioned surveillance technologies into methods for trade union action. When national independence in 1990 failed to produce radical ruptures in the workplace, union leaders engaged in technopolitical strategies of extraversion, and became knowledge producers about their own exposure to workplace contaminants. Appeals to outside scientific authority carried the political promise of international accountability. But engaging in science m

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Adler, Glenn. "Shop Floors and Rugby Fields: The Social Basis of Auto Worker Solidarity in South Africa." International Labor and Working-Class History 51 (April 1997): 96–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900002003.

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When 4,000 black workers at Volkswagen South Africa went on strike on the morning of June 16, 1980, their walkout and march through Uitenhage—twenty-five kilometers inland from the Indian Ocean city of Port Elizabeth—did far more than disturb the streets of a conservative industrial town. The Workers struct after an impasse in negotiations between the automobile companies and their union, the National Union of Motor Assembly and Rubber Workers of South Africa (NUMARWOSA) over the union's demand for a “living wage.” Within days the entire town was engulfed in a general strike. The South African

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Kappo-Abidemi, Christiana O., Charles Allen-Ile, and Chux Gervase Iwu. "The underbelly of trade unionism in Africa: A comparative analysis of two national trade union federations." Corporate Ownership and Control 12, no. 2 (2015): 455–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv12i2c4p5.

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Since the evolution of organised labour, workers the world-over have depended upon and trusted their trade union federations to defend and advance their social, political and economic interests. These and other worker-related issues have been the focus of successful trade unionism before the emergence of globalization, privatization, outsourcing, contracting and labour-related phenomena associated with diminishing power of organised labour. These factors have been used as indices to determine the growth and effectiveness of trade union federations globally. This article, however, examines ways

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Leigh, Duane E. "The Determinants of Workers' Union Status: Evidence from the National Longitudinal Surveys." Journal of Human Resources 20, no. 4 (1985): 555. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/145684.

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Fiorito, Jack, Daniel G. Gallagher, and Cynthia V. Fukami. "Satisfaction with Union Representation." ILR Review 41, no. 2 (1988): 294–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398804100210.

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This study develops and empirically tests a model of satisfaction with union representation using national data from the 1977 Quality of Employment Survey. Overall union satisfaction is specified as a function of union members' expectations concerning union efforts and the perceived outcomes of union performance on (1) bread and butter issues (such as wages and benefits), (2) quality of work issues (such as job interest and workers' voice in the employing organization), and (3) member-union relations (such as the quality of communication between union leaders and members). The results indicate

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Kozłowska, Anna. "The Home Bias in the Process of European Integration." Equilibrium 4, no. 1 (2010): 143–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/equil.2010.011.

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This article aims to identify the relationship between the phenomenon of home bias and the process of European integration. During the past decades, European integration has evolved from a Common Market and the Customs Union, the Internal Market and Economic, and Monetary Union. Despite the improvements in integration of European markets, their potential is not fully exploited. Countries consumption baskets and inwestment portfolios still contain a predominant share of domestically produced products and domestic assets and national-born workers working in national labour markets. This is commo

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Asher, Robert. "Experience Counts: British Workers, Accident Prevention and Compensation, and the Origins of the Welfare State." Journal of Policy History 15, no. 4 (2003): 359–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2003.0022.

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This article examines the views of Britain's organized railway, mining, and engineering workers (machinists) and their union leaders about state involvement in workplace accident prevention (1876–97), accident compensation (1876–1911), and the 1911 National Insurance Act. The miners and the railwaymen left numerous comments on these topics because they labored in unusually hazardous trades. (Their unions were large and were relatively democratic.) After 1880, leaders of the miners and railwaymen concluded that it was problematic to rely solely on trade union workplace bargaining power to prote

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Haynes, Jeffrey. "Railway Workers and the P.N.D.C. Government in Ghana, 1982–90." Journal of Modern African Studies 29, no. 1 (1991): 137–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020772.

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This article looks at the railway workers of Ghana in the context of a struggle for domination between their own union and the Workers' Defence Committees created by the state after the coup d'etat of 31 December 1981, organised by Flight-Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings. The conflict between what might be called ‘moderate’ and ‘militant’ workers mirrored the disputes at the national level during 1982 between the political pragmatists, including Rawlings, and such socialist-oriented individuals as Chris Atim.1

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Dupont, Pier-Luc. "Migrant worker policies and national privilege: A UK case study." Deusto Journal of Human Rights, no. 7 (June 28, 2021): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/djhr.2114.

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After a long period of decline in the Global North, migrant worker policies are making a comeback on the agenda of the European Union and several of its member states. Inspired by Iris Marion Young and Nancy Fraser’s accounts of structural injustice, this article argues that such policies cannot be reconciled with the principle of equality between migrant and national workers enshrined in international legal instruments such as the Convention on Migrant Workers and the EU Seasonal Workers Directive. To make this point it draws on a selection of UK based empirical literature as well as primary

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Groshevaya, Victoria. "Indigenization and Ukrainization of militia workers of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in the 20s of 20th century." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no. 4-1 (2022): 86–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202204statyi11.

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The article deals with the problems of national policy, emissions of the Soviet Union in the 20s of the 20th century. Particularly, the questions of the police workers’ “Ukrainization” in Russian speaking regions of the republic are covered.

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