Relevant bibliographies by topics / National Urban League – Biography

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Academic literature on the topic 'National Urban League – Biography'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 5 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "National Urban League – Biography"

1

Malkiel, N. W. "Eugene Kinckle Jones: The National Urban League and Black Social Work, 1910-1940." Journal of American History 99, no. 2 (August 20, 2012): 623. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jas233.

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Qualls, Karl D. "Urban Biography and the Reconstruction of Sevastopol after World War II." Russian History 41, no. 2 (May 18, 2014): 211–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04102007.

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The Crimean War brought destruction to Russia’s Black Sea peninsula but, like Napoleon’s invasion fifty years earlier, the war also became a central event in Russia’s national history. In his The Origins of the Crimean War (1994), David Goldfrank introduced readers to the complex diplomatic wrangling that led to the Crimean War. This article seeks to explain how and why the Crimean War (or “first great defense”) rivals only World War II (the “second great defense”) in Sevastopol’s urban biography. Because of the work of writers, filmmakers, sculptors, and architects – who during and after World War II began to link the first great defense with the second and used images similar to Leo Tolstoy’s a century earlier – Sevastopol retains its close connection to its pre-Revolutionary military history. Even in the Soviet period, Sevastopol’s urban biography relied less on the Bolshevik Revolution and Civil War than it did on the Crimean War because of the narrative reframing during the 1940s.
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HALL, SIMON. "THE RESPONSE OF THE MODERATE WING OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT TO THE WAR IN VIETNAM." Historical Journal 46, no. 3 (September 2003): 669–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003200.

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This article explores the response of the moderate wing of the civil rights movement to the war in Vietnam. The moderates, made up of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), the National Urban League, and leaders such as Bayard Rustin and A. Philip Randolph, were initially opposed to the civil rights movement taking a stand against the war. This reluctance was the result of a number of factors, including anti-communism and their own closeness with the administration of President Lyndon Johnson. Crucially, it also resulted from their own experiences of the black freedom struggle itself. The article also documents and analyses the growing anti-war dissent amongst the moderates, culminating in the decision of both the NAACP and the Urban League to adopt an anti-war stance at the end of the 1960s. Despite this, they remained unenthusiastic about participating in peace movement activities, and the reasons for this are explained. Finally, the article suggests that the war was important in exposing existing divisions within the civil rights movement, as well as in generating new ones.
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TeBrake, Janet K. "Irish peasant women in revolt: the Land League years." Irish Historical Studies 28, no. 109 (May 1992): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400018587.

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Between 1879 and 1882 a mass agrarian movement, led by the Irish National Land League, became a strong, all-encompassing force in Irish life for a brief but crucial period. This movement, one of the largest agrarian movements to take place in nineteenth-century Europe, has been treated as a nationalist movement, with emphasis of study placed on the role, contributions and aims of the league’s national leaders. These men, seeking their own varieties of self-government, saw the land movement as means to a political end. To them the land agitation provided a stepping-stone to national independence. It was the Irish peasantry, however, motivated primarily by economic considerations, that provided the driving force behind the movement, and at this level Irish peasant women made major contributions to the agrarian revolt. In this study the Land League movement is viewed as an agrarian protest movement; its purpose is to examine in particular the roles played by the Irish peasant women during the Land League period.These contributions have not been adequately recognised in historical literature. Recently the role of the Irish peasant has been duly acknowledged, but in these discussions a male image usually appears. When the Irish women’s role in the land movement is examined, it is done so in the context of the organisation known as the Ladies’ Land League. These studies concentrate on the activities of the upper- and middle-class urban leaders, particularly the Parnell sisters. But to dwell only on the Ladies’ Land League as the focus of women’s participation in the Land League movement is far too narrow, for it obscures the fact that hundreds of peasant women were fighting the Land War on a daily basis long before the formation of the women’s organisation. The papers of some of the local branches of the Land League provide evidence which shows that Irish rural women participated in the Land War from its beginning. Although the archival sources of the Land League period are biased towards men, enough material regarding the peasant women’s activities, admittedly limited and somewhat sparse, does exist to allow a strong argument to be put forward that peasant women performed effectively in the Land War.
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Howell, Colin. "Wong, John Chi-Kit. The Lords of the Rinks: The Emergence of the National Hockey League, 1875-1936." Urban History Review 35, no. 1 (September 2006): 50–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1015997ar.

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Saito, Leland. "Urban Development and the Growth with Equity Framework: The National Football League Stadium in Downtown Los Angeles." Urban Affairs Review 55, no. 5 (January 9, 2018): 1370–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087417751216.

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In political economy, research on growth coalitions and regime theory concludes that progressive coalitions representing lower-income residents and effectively working for policy change at the local level involving development are unlikely since they lack the resources necessary to build and maintain strong coalitions with long-term influence with elected officials. In Los Angeles, a coalition representing the homeless filed a lawsuit in 2012, which involved one of the most powerful developers in the region, and reached a favorable settlement. Given the strength of growth interests and factors working against redistributive policies, I ask the question, how did the coalition muster the political influence and resources necessary to compel the developer to settle the lawsuit? I contend that the settlement is evidence of a progressive coalition in the region that is working to establish a growth with equity framework and that the coalition has established political influence with local officials.
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ALLEN, DANIEL, CHARLES WATKINS, and DAVID MATLESS. "‘An incredibly vile sport’: Campaigns against Otter Hunting in Britain, 1900–39." Rural History 27, no. 1 (March 3, 2016): 79–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793315000175.

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AbstractOtter hunting was a minor field sport in Britain but in the early years of the twentieth century a lively campaign to ban it was orchestrated by several individuals and anti-hunting societies. The sport became increasingly popular in the late nineteenth century and the Edwardian period. This paper examines the arguments and methods used in different anti-otter hunting campaigns 1900–1939 by organisations such as the Humanitarian League, the League for the Prohibition of Cruel Sports and the National Association for the Abolition of Cruel Sports.
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Spence. "Whose Stereotypes and Racial Myths? The National Urban League and the 1950s Roots of Color-Blind Adoption Policy." Women, Gender, and Families of Color 1, no. 2 (2013): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/womgenfamcol.1.2.0143.

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Brennan, James R. "Youth, the Tanu Youth League and Managed Vigilantism in Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania, 1925–73." Africa 76, no. 2 (May 2006): 221–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.76.2.221.

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AbstractThis article examines the role of male youth in the political history of Dar es Salaam. ‘Youth’, as a category of opposition to elders, became important during the inter-war period as it was inhabited by educated African bureaucrats aspiring to representation in urban politics over the traditional claims of authority by local ethnic Zaramo and Shomvi elders. This group of bureaucrats grew in power through the popularization of racial-nationalist politics, and in the 1950s formed the Tanganyika African Nationalist Party (TANU), which instituted its own category of ‘youth’ with the creation of the TANU Youth League (TYL). Consisting mainly of young, under-employed men who failed to obtain sufficient educational qualifications, the Youth League challenged the late colonial state's theoretical monopoly over violence through voluntary and aggressive policing activities. After the work of independence was complete, there was practical way to demobilize this enormous, semi-autonomous police and intelligence-gathering force. The repeated reassertion of party control over its Youth League took many forms in the decade after independence – through the creation of a National Service and the militarization of development; frequent nationalist events and rituals where Youth League members controlled public space; and a war on urban morality led by Youth League shock troops. Control over youth also offered a potentially autonomous patrimony for ambitious TANU party members. The 1970s witnessed the beginning of the general failure of both state and party to generate sufficient resources to serve as a patron to patron-seeking youth, which has effectively decentralized youth violence and vigilantism ever since. A political history of ‘youth’, both as a social category and political institution, can shed further light on contemporary dilemmas of youth violence, meanings of citizenship, and hidden motors of party politics.
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Editors, Policy Perspectives. "Susie Saavedra." Policy Perspectives 25 (May 11, 2018): 84–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4079/pp.v25i0.18393.

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Susie Saavedra was recently promoted to Vice President for Policy and Legislative Affairs at the National Urban League Washington Bureau. Prior to this role, she served as Senior Director for the same department. Specifically, Ms. Saavedra is the League’s chief education and health policy officer, a responsibility she has held since 2013. She offers over 15 years of federal legislative, policy, and political experience along with a passion for advancing social and economic justice. Before joining the National Urban League, Ms. Saavedra spent a decade working in both the United States House of Representatives and United States Senate for four Members of Congress, as a Legislative Aide to former Senator Hillary Clinton, and as a Legislative Director for Representatives Karen Bass, Al Green and Joe Baca. She also promoted diversity in the halls of Congress as former President of the Congressional Hispanic Staff Association (CHSA) and has advocated for expanding opportunities for Hispanics in higher education as a governing board member of the Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities (HACU). Ms. Saavedra is also the Vice President of the Hispanic Lobbyists Association which is dedicated to building diversity in the government relations profession. She holds a Master of Public Administration degree from George Washington University and a Bachelor of Arts degree from the University of Denver.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "National Urban League – Biography"

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Knight, Dawn K. "A biography of George Taliaferro and his impact on the integration of professional football." Virtual Press, 2003. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1272767.

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George Taliaferro was a trailblazer. He was the first black quarterback in professional football, the first black quarterback in the National Football League (NFL), and the first black man to be drafted by an NFL team.Taliaferro's story of perseverance revealed the slow and difficult process of integration in high school, at Indiana University, and in his professional football career. The obstacles he faced and the lessons he learned were representative of issues related to the integration of the NFL.A combination of personal narrative and historical investigation was used in this creative project. In addition to Taliaferro's first-hand accounts, depth and perspective were added through interviews and reportage.The biography that resulted, the story of Taliaferro's resolve, became a vehicle for telling a larger story, the integration of the NFL.
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N'Diaye, Yawa Noelle. "That which cannot be shaken shall remain an assessment of environmental response and strategic and issue orientations among civil rights organizations (1980-2005) /." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2007. https://eidr.wvu.edu/etd/documentdata.eTD?documentid=5357.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2007.
Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 205 p. : ill. (some col.). Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 173-179).
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Haynes, Brandon D. "A Gateway for Everyone to Believe: Identity, Disaster, and Football in New Orleans." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2013. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1712.

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The purpose of this research is to analyze the dynamic processes of collective identity by examining the relationship between New Orleans and its professional football team, the Saints, after Hurricane Katrina. Much of the discourse written on American professional sports focuses on economic transactions between player and franchise or franchise and city. This study explores sports from a cultural perspective to understand the perceived social values provided to the host community. This case study spans the years from 2006 to 2013 and discusses several major events, including the Hurricane Katrina disaster, the reopening of the Superdome, the Saints winning a league championship and subsequent cheating scandal, and the city’s hosting of Super Bowl XLVII. Using a mixed-method approach of content analysis, in-person interviews, and participant observation, this research demonstrates how post-Hurricane Katrina events altered the collective identity in New Orleans. Additionally, it explores how the interaction of sports, identity, and ritual served to create a civic religion in New Orleans. Finally, the research examines the impact of this religious devotion on New Orleans’ tourist economy.
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Onanga, Ndjila Blanchard. "Barack Obama et les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques : héritages, tensions, adaptations (2004-2010)." Phd thesis, Université Michel de Montaigne - Bordeaux III, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00990183.

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La présente étude examine comment les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques que sont la Rainbow Push Coalition, la NAACP et la National Urban League ont contribué à l'élection du 44e président des États-Unis, Barack Obama. Elle établit dans un premier temps comment la participation du Révérend Jesse Jackson aux élections de 1984 et 1988 a contribué à l'émergence du processus démocratique à l'origine de l'élection de Barack Obama, premier président américain issu de la communauté africaine américaine. Dans un second temps, elle met en évidence comment l'action transformative du mouvement des droits civiques ayant conduit à la promulgation du Voting Rights Act de 1965 par le président Lyndon B. Johnson, sous l'impulsion du Dr Martin Luther King, mais aussi de Roy Wilkins et Whitney Young contribua à l'élection de Barack Obama en 2008. En analysant la participation de Jesse Jackson aux élections présidentielles américaines, notre objectif est de montrer comment il est parvenu à faire changer les règles de nomination des candidats issus des minorités au sein du parti démocrate. Elle a permis de montrer comment Obama en fut le bénéficiaire en devenant d'abord le nominé du parti démocrate, puis le président des États-Unis. D'où notre analyse du processus électoral de 2008. L'étude fait ainsi un tour d'horizon des désaccords qui ont surgi lors de l'élection présidentielle de 2008, entre Hillary Clinton et Barack Obama d'une part, puis entre ce dernier et John McCain d'autre part. Elle examine, par ailleurs, dans une perspective sociologique, les conflits qui se sont succédés au sein de la communauté africaine américaine, notamment entre certains dirigeants africains américains et Obama avant et pendant l'élection présidentielle de 2008, relatifs aux valeurs familiales, à l'incident racial des "Six de Jena" ou encore à la participation de Barack Obama à l'élection présidentielle. La question relative à la notion d'une Amérique post-raciale qui se présenta suite à l'élection d'Obama sera également abordée. Elle démontre comment son élection n'a malheureusement pas pu changer les mentalités des Américains au sujet de la question raciale de manière radicale et combien le racisme demeure une question fondamentale, majeure aux États-Unis au 21e siècle. Enfin, l'étude examine la collaboration post-électorale entre les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques et l'administration Obama.
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Books on the topic "National Urban League – Biography"

1

Eugene Kinckle Jones: The National Urban League and Black social work, 1910-40. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2011.

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2

Dickerson, Dennis C. Militant mediator: Whitney M. Young, Jr. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1998.

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Whitney M. Young, Jr., and the struggle for civil rights. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1989.

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Scholastic Inc. National Football League superstars 2007. New York: Scholastic, 2007.

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National Football League playmakers reader. New York: Scholastic, 2006.

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Flynn, Brendan. Andrew McCutchen: National League mvp. Mankato, MN: The Childs World, 2015.

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National League most valuable players. New York: Bantam Books, 1989.

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Layden, Joseph. 2006 National Football League megastars. New York: Scholastic, 2006.

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League, National Urban. Black Americans and public policy: Perspectives of the National Urban League. New York, N.Y: The League, 1988.

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Shapiro, Barry. Baseball contest 1990: National league players. Boston: Little, Brown, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "National Urban League – Biography"

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"VII. Leader of the National Urban League." In Whitney M. Young, Jr., and the Struggle for Civil Rights, 87–98. Princeton University Press, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400860234.87.

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Graves, Kori A. "The National Urban League and the Fight for US Adoption Reform." In A War Born Family, 62–104. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479872329.003.0003.

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The National Urban League initiated its Foster Care and Adoption Project in 1953 to increase African Americans’ participation in formal adoptions. League officials encouraged reforms in US policies and practices to eliminate the economic and social obatacles that limited African Americans’ adoptions. League officials also promoted greater integration of adoption agencies’ administrative and social work staff to advance the organization’s goals of encouraging interracial cooperation in social service agencies. The outcomes of the national project were inconsistent, in part because of resistance from some white child welfare professionals and the organized efforts of white citizens’ councils to defraud and defund many League branches. The project did highlight the social and institutional barriers that affected African Americans’ domestic and transnational adoptions. This chapter foregrounds the challenges adoption agencies faced when they endeavoured to placed Korean black children with African American families. It reveals why many successful agencies had to implement, on a case-by-case basis, many of the reforms that the League had hoped would produce national, comprehensive adoption reform.
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Carle, Susan D. "Atlanta and New York City; Founding the National Urban League." In Defining the Struggle, 221–48. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199945740.003.0011.

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"Taking the Initiative in Education: The National Urban League Agenda." In Black Education, edited by John E. Jacob, 13–17. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351313841-2.

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Trotter, Joe William. "Epilogue." In Pittsburgh and the Urban League Movement, 180–82. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179919.003.0009.

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The history of the Urban League of Pittsburgh is more than the tale of one city. It underscores the growth of a vibrant social movement. As past NUL president John Jacobs put it, the ULP mirrors the conditions that brought the national organization into existence, including “the kinds of people—black and white—who created it and struggled to keep it alive.”...
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Trotter, Joe William. "Navigating Civil Rights and Black Power Struggles." In Pittsburgh and the Urban League Movement, 137–58. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179919.003.0007.

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By the mid-1960s, the political and social terrain on which the Urban League worked had changed dramatically. The Pittsburgh-born children of southern black migrants had come of age and pushed hard against the color line in the city's economy, politics, and institutions. National headquarters and local branches across the country worried about the increasing black nationalist turn in African American politics. But the ULP had helped to establish the postwar groundwork and even models for the fluorescence and even militance of Pittsburgh's Civil Rights and Black Power struggles of the 1960s and early 1970s.
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Trotter, Joe William. "Surviving the Depression." In Pittsburgh and the Urban League Movement, 71–92. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179919.003.0004.

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Under the impact of the Great Depression, the New Deal, and World War II, the Urban League's social service agenda moved increasingly from preoccupation with industrial employers toward work with a variety of state agencies charged with helping ordinary working people make ends meet during a moment of extraordinary economic suffering. Pittsburgh's shifting band of urban reformers joined and sometimes spearheaded broad-based community struggles to desegregate the city's social, civic, educational, medical, and economic institutions. By the end of World War II, the organization had increased its impact on social policy and social justice movements across regional and even national boundaries.
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Trotter, Joe William. "Quest for Jobs and Housing." In Pittsburgh and the Urban League Movement, 9–40. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179919.003.0002.

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The fight for much needed social services for Pittsburgh's poor and working-class black families had deep roots in the prewar years. But this struggle intensified during and after World War I with the formation and development of the Urban League of Pittsburgh (ULP). Following the lead of national headquarters in New York City, the Steel City's small “ban of reformers” placed the provision of migration, work, housing, and health services at the core of its mission to Pittsburgh and western Pennsylvania. After a brief moment of extraordinary success, the agency's programs dissipated during the economic downturn after the war but rebounded before the onset of the Great Depression.
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Trotter, Joe William. "Combating Inequality in the Postwar City." In Pittsburgh and the Urban League Movement, 115–36. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179919.003.0006.

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Despite significant achievements during the interwar years, the Pittsburgh branch encountered the persistence and even intensification of racial inequality in the postwar urban political economy. Deindustrialization, urban renewal, neighborhood depopulation, and global economic restructuring reinforced the color line in mid-20th century Pittsburgh. The Urban League emerged at the organizing center of early efforts to offset the destructive impact of these local, national, and transnational developments on the city's African American community. The agency pressed employers, public officials, and labor unions to increase opportunities for African Americans in a broad range of skilled, clerical, and professional occupations and stimulated the growth of the black middle class.
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Trotter, Joe William. "Prologue." In Pittsburgh and the Urban League Movement, 1–6. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179919.003.0001.

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This history of the Urban League of Pittsburgh (ULP) examines the organization’s century of social service and activism in the Greater Pittsburgh metropolitan area. It complements existing studies of the Urban League movement and deepens our understanding of the Urban League as a national phenomenon. Most important, this book addresses the debate over the Urban League movement’s impact on the lives of poor and working-class blacks as they made the transition from farm to city. Some scholars and popular writers argue that the Urban League movement was largely a conservative force that rarely improved the lives of the black poor. Others defend the Urban League as a progressive interracial social movement that eased the painful impact of migration, labor exploitation, and poor living conditions on thousands of southern black newcomers to the city....
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