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1

Schneider, Helen M. "Mobilising Women: The Women’s Advisory Council, Resistance and Reconstruction during China’s War with Japan." European Journal of East Asian Studies 11, no. 2 (2012): 213–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-20121105.

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This article uses the Women’s Advisory Council of the New Life Movement to show how educated women developed their own concepts of wartime responsibilities as they conducted resistance and social construction programmes. It particularly examines their work with rural women and efforts to improve education, production, life habits and national consciousness. In transferring their vision of China’s development to uneducated compatriots in the interior, the Council cadres attempted to bolster their social authority and prove their leadership abilities. Their work explicates another dimension of the lasting consequences to wartime relief provision.
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Gotowiecki, Paweł. "W kręgu badań nad dziejami emigracyjnego parlamentaryzmu Recenzja publikacji: Depozyt Niepodległości. Rada Narodowa Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej na uchodźstwie (1939–1991), red. Zbigniew Girzyński, Paweł Ziętara." Przegląd Sejmowy 5(160) (2020): 221–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2020.73.

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The reviewed publication contains post-conference materials, presented during the conference held in 2016 in Warsaw, entitled “The Deposit of Independence. National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile (1939–1991)”. The volume consists of 18 articles, published in chronological and topical order, devoted to the selected issues of the history of the Polish parliamentarianism in exile during World War II and in the post-war period. The authors of the articles discussed various aspects of the activities of the National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile, such as the participation of national minorities in the work of the quasi-parliament, biographies of the chosen parliamentarians, or the selected elements of “parliamentary practices”. This publication is not a synthesis but it supplements and develops the current state of research on the activities of the Polish quasi-parliamentary institutions in exile.
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Li, Alison. "Expansion and Consolidation: The Associate Committee and the Division of Medical Research of the NRC, 1938-1959." Scientia Canadensis 15, no. 2 (July 6, 2009): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/800330ar.

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Abstract The federal government took on the responsibility for the funding and coordination of medical research in 1938 with the creation of the Associate Committee on Medical Research of the National Research Council of Canada. The Associate Committee and its successor, the Division of Medical Research, developed policies and practices which promoted the growth of original investigation in the medical sciences through the Second World War and the post-war expansion. Their work helped to stimulate and institutionalize medical research on a national basis.
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Breen, William J. "Foundations, Statistics, and State-Building: Leonard P. Ayres, the Russell Sage Foundation, and U.S. Government Statistics in the First World War." Business History Review 68, no. 4 (1994): 451–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3117195.

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This article examines the statistical work done by Leonard Porter Ayres for the Council of National Defense during the First World War. Director of statistics for the Russell Sage Foundation when war was declared, Ayres immediately volunteered his own and the foundation's statistical expertise. The article focuses on the first year of American intervention in the war and argues that Ayres's important statistical work evolved in three overlapping but distinct stages. The structure of the American state, however, confounded the wider ambitions of Ayres (just as it had those of his rival Edwin Gay) to centralize all government statistical data.
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5

Wagner, Anton. "Infinite Variety or a Canadian 'National' Theatre: Roly Young and the Toronto Civic Theatre Association, 1945-1949." Theatre Research in Canada 9, no. 2 (January 1988): 157a. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/tric.9.2.157a.

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The founding of the Civic Theatre Association in Toronto in 1945, and its four-season production history until 1949, provide a microcosm of the embryonic development stage of post-World War II indigenous Canadian theatre. Created through the merger of fourteen Toronto-area amateur companies under the leadership of the film and theatre critic Roly Young (1903-48), the CTA sought to finance adequate theatre facilities and to provide work opportunities and appreciative audiences for Canadian artists and playwrights. Young's opposition to the principle of government arts subsidies to create a Canadian 'national' theatre placed him in direct conflict with the organizational work of John Coulter and Herman Voaden at the Arts and Letters Club and the Canadian Arts Council.
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6

DeVorkin, David. "George Ellery Hale’s Internationalism." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 13, S349 (December 2018): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921319000255.

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AbstractThroughout his career, George Ellery Hale thought globally. “Make no small plans” he was often heard to say (Seares 1939). His early sojourns to Europe, encountering the talent and resources in England and the Continent, contributed to his outlook. He knew that their patronage was critical to reach his personal goals. Here I outline the steps Hale took to establish the new “astrophysics” as a discipline, by creating the Astrophysical Journal, establishing a common language and then, through the first decades of the 20th Century, building an international collaboration to coordinate solar and later all astronomical research. The latter effort, which began in 1904, had expanded by 1910 to encompass stellar astronomy, when the Solar Union deliberated over spectroscopic classification systems, a standard wavelength system and stellar magnitude systems. This work continued through the fifth Union meeting in Bonn in 1913, which turned out to be the last because of the First World War. During the war, Hale became Chair of the National Research Council of the U.S. National Academy of Sciences, applying scientific talent to winning the war. He was also the Academy’s Foreign Secretary, so Hale became deeply involved in re-establishing international scientific relations after the war. In conjunction with Arthur Schuster and Emile Picard, he helped found the International Research Council in 1919, which formed the framework within which the worlds of science reorganized themselves. From this, the International Astronomical Union was born. It was not an easy birth in a world still filled with tension and anger over the war; formative conferences in London and Brussels reflected the extremes. Nevertheless, its first General Assembly was held in Rome in 1922. It would be years before it became truly international, “in the complete sense of the word” (Elis Strömgren), but many of the proposals made during the years of the Solar Union concerning disciplinary standardization were ratified. I will concentrate on this latter story, remembering Hale for his devotion to true internationalism.
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7

Parks, Colby L., and Mark E. Schroeder. "Military Anesthesia Trainees in WWII at the University of Wisconsin." Anesthesiology 118, no. 5 (May 1, 2013): 1019–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/aln.0b013e318286d0e2.

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Abstract The emerging medical specialty of anesthesiology experienced significant advances in the decade prior to World War II but had limited numbers of formally trained practitioners. With war looming, a subcommittee of the National Research Council, chaired by Ralph M. Waters, MD., was charged with ensuring sufficient numbers of anesthesiologists for military service. A 12-week course was developed to train military physicians at academic institutions across the country, including the Wisconsin General Hospital. A total of 17 officers were trained in Madison between September 1942 and December 1943. Notably, Virgil K. Stoelting, the future chair of anesthesiology at Indiana University, was a member of this group. A rigorous schedule of study and clinical work ensured the officers learned to administer anesthesia safely while using a variety of techniques. Their leadership and contributions in the military and after the war contributed significantly to the further growth of anesthesiology.
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8

SEREDIUK, Mariia. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF VOLODYMYR TSELEVYCH DURING NATIONAL LIBERATION STRUGGLE, 1918–1923." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 31 (2018): 181–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2018-31-181-189.

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The article analyzes the features of the formation of the outlook and social and political activities of the well-known Galician politician Volodymyr Tselevych in the first third of the 20th century within the context of socio-political processes in the region. It is noted that after graduation from the rural and high school, he entered the Law Faculty of the Yan Kazimierz University of Lviv, where, since his student years, he was an activist of social and cultural life. As a member of the Ukrainian Student Union (UCS), the future leader of the National Democrats fought for the Ukrainian University in Lviv, took an active part in the work of the national democratic section of this student organization, where supporters of the Ukrainian National Democratic Party (UNDP) rallied. Attention is drawn to politician's work in the Ukrainian Civic Committee (UGC), the Ukrainian Military Organization (UVO), his work on the protection of national-cultural, socio-political rights of Ukrainians who were persecuted by the Polish authorities after the Polish-Ukrainian War of 1918–1919. The circle of his associates, among them - the future leaders of Galician national parties, national-cultural organizations of land was singled out. The author has demonstrated that V. Tselevych was among those who signed a statement of the Inter-Party Council on complete trust in the government of Ye. Petrushevych on January 22, 1922. He also knew about specifics of S. Fedak's attempt to J. Pilsudski, as well as to S. Tverdohlib. It is shown that in 1923–1924 he was in the United States and Canada, where he raised funds for the cultural, educational and socio-economic needs of Ukraine. Keywords Volodymyr Tselevych, ZUNR, Ukrainian Civic Committee (UGC), Ukrainian Military Organization (UVO), Polish-Ukrainian war, repression.
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9

Hughes, Jeff. "Doing Diaries: David Martin, the Royal Society and scientific London, 1947–1950." Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 66, no. 3 (July 18, 2012): 273–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2012.0037.

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David Christie Martin (1914–76) was the Assistant Secretary (1947–62) and Executive Secretary (1962–76) of the Royal Society. During his long tenure he oversaw the modernization and expansion of the Society's administration, finances, publications and premises, and worked closely with the Officers, Council and the Society's many subcommittees. He was closely involved with the national and international aspects of the Society's work, and with the Fellows, visitors and external relations at all levels. The key link between the Royal Society and Whitehall, he developed strong informal contacts with civil servants in the Treasury, other government departments and the research councils, which greatly facilitated the Society's work. He was a significant point of continuity in the administration and governance of the Society over this long period, yet it is remarkable that we know little of Martin's work. Drawing on Martin's diary for 1947–49, recently unearthed at the Royal Society Library, this paper gives an account of his activities in the Royal Society and in postwar scientific London in this period. In so doing it sheds new light on British science at the beginning of the Cold War, and on the key role of the ‘invisible administrator’ in modern science.
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10

Hockett, Robert. "An FSOC for Continuous Public Investment: The National Reconstruction and Development Council." Michigan Business & Entrepreneurial Law Review, no. 10.1 (2021): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.36639/mbelr.10.1.fsoc.

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The crisis our nation presently faces does not stem from COVID-19 alone. That was the match. The kindling was that we have forgotten for decades that “national development” both (a) is perpetual, and (b) requires national action to guide it, facilitate it, and keep it inclusive. Hamilton and Gallatin, Wilson and Hoover and Roosevelt all understood this and built institutions to operationalize it. Although the institutions were imperfectly operated, they were soundly conceived and designed. Abandoning these truths and institutions these past fifty years has degenerated not only our public health but also our nation’s industrial and infrastructural muscle to a critical point. The same now increasingly holds for our social fabric. Full national regeneration—Reconstruction in both the post-Civil War and the mid-20th century senses of the word—has thus become a matter of urgent, even existential, necessity. Continuous national development, in the perpetual renewal sense of the phrase, must follow that Reconstruction. This is what “Building Back Better” must mean. Key to any such national project is how it is organized and then orchestrated. This paper proposes means of both organizing and orchestrating. These means are simultaneously incrementalist in their reliance upon existing institutions, while also regenerative in enabling new synergies among those same institutions—much as our Financial Stability Oversight Council (FSOC) is meant to enable our post-Lehman financial regulators to develop. An FSOC for national reconstruction and development will better use what we already have and augment it with a financing arm linked to the Federal Reserve and the Treasury. I call the resulting synthesis a National Reconstruction and Development Council (NRDC) and National Investment Council (NIC), which will both rebuild capacity now, and perpetually renew such capacity going forward, as knowledge and technology progress as they always do. Building Back Better means Building Back Now and Forever.
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11

HOLTHAUS, LEONIE, and JENS STEFFEK. "Experiments in international administration: The forgotten functionalism of James Arthur Salter." Review of International Studies 42, no. 1 (April 23, 2015): 114–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210515000066.

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AbstractIn this article, we reintroduce the political thought of James Arthur Salter (1881–1975), a British diplomat, politician, and university professor, who made a seminal contribution to the emergence of International Relations theory in the interwar years. His academic writings were informed by his professional engagement with the Allied Maritime Transport Council (AMTC) during the First World War and the technical branches of the League of Nations. Salter promoted a distinctly transgovernmental form of expert cooperation in international advisory bodies connected to national ministries. His vision of a depoliticised transnational expertocracy inspired various IR functionalists, not least David Mitrany. Salter suggested such forms of governance also for British national politics, drawing what we call here an ‘international analogy’. His work illustrates very well how the emergence of IR theory was connected to broader trends in political theory, in particular in efforts at adapting democracy to the increasing complexities of industrial modernity.
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12

Holland, Jessica. "Letting in the Light: the Council for Art and Industry and Oliver Hill’s Pioneer Schools." Architectural History 54 (2011): 275–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066622x0000407x.

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The British architect Oliver Hill (1887–1968) was an important and influential figure in the inter-war period. His ability to cross the boundaries of architectural style ensured career longevity and success, but invited a reputation as a half-hearted Modernist, lacking the rigour of his Modern Architectural Research (MARS) Group contemporaries. This view was acknowledged by the MARS chairman Wells Coates (1895–1958), in an early group memorandum of 1933, where he asserted that: ‘Certain people [including Oliver Hill] who are popularly and notoriously known as “modern” architects do not qualify in our sense.’ Unquestionably, there were two sides to Hill’s architecture, as he himself recognized in 1937: ‘Today, my love is divided between the new and the old.’While the MARS Group stuck rigidly to the dogma of the Modern Movement, Hill’s understanding and application of Modernism developed throughout the 1930s. Hill’s Modern buildings chronicle his shifting concept of modernity, reflecting the numerous sub-movements and strands of Modernism in inter-war Britain rather than any halfheartedness in his approach. Commonly remembered for his glitzy early examples of ‘the new’, such as Joldwynds (1930–32) and the Midland Hotel in Morecambe (1932–33), Hill’s Modernism was initially based upon a use of glass and silvered surfaces that straddled Art Deco and the International Style. Yet opulence was gradually replaced by a social concern focused on children’s welfare, evident in a series of exhibits, unrealized projects and school buildings. Hill’s later inter-war Modernism also reflected a wider move toward local materials and construction techniques that acknowledged the peculiarity of English conditions. This article contextualizes Hill’s adoption of Modernism and explores his public work of the late 1930s that combined his fascination for the new with his respect for national tradition.
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13

Kuznetsov, Oleg. "University as Destiny: To the 65th Anniversary of Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor S.G. Sidorov." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (December 2020): 258–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.5.21.

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The article is prepared for the 65th anniversary of Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor of the Department of Russian and World History, Archaeology of Volgograd State University Sergey G. Sidorov. The article traces the biography of S.G. Sidorov, his pedagogical, scientific, and administrative activities. It is shown that fundamental foundations of the future pedagogical and scientific work of S.G. Sidorov were laid at the Faculty of History of Saratov State University named after N.G. Chernyshevsky, from which he graduated in 1981. Most of Sergey Grigoryevichs life is connected with Volgograd State University, where he has been working since 1986. He combined teaching historical disciplines with the administrative work. S.G. Sidorov was Vice-rector for Academic Affairs for 25 years. Being in this position he has done a lot to make Volgograd State University a leader in the region in training highly qualified specialists. S.G. Sidorov is one of the leading experts on the history of the Great Patriotic War. He is the author of the first fundamental comprehensive study of using labor of prisoners of war of the Second World War in the national economy of the USSR in 1939–1956. With his active participation, six volumes of Documents and Materials “Prisoners of War in the USSR. 1939–1956” were published. Since 2009, S.G. Sidorov has been the Head of the Dissertation Council on Historical Sciences at Volgograd State University. From 2014 to 2020, largely due to the efforts of S.G. Sidorov, Volgograd State University held five International Thematic Scientific Conferences “Military History of Russia: Problems, Searches, Solutions”.
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Belov, Sergey I. "Formal and Real Efficiency of Memory Policy (as Exemplified by Historical Cinematography of the Cold War Period)." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 513–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-3-513-524.

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The article attempts to record and evaluate formal criteria for determining the effectiveness of the Cold War era Soviet films (box office revenue in the USSR, box office sales in the socialist countries, foreign currency take, number of viewers, number of positive letters from the audience to the authorities, number of professional favorable reviews, prizes and awards, positive evaluation of the Cinema Arts Council) as a tool for implementation of “memory policy” in the Soviet Union. During the period in question, there was no adequate system for assessing ideological work in the USSR. Formal criteria mainly focused on the number of viewers, ignoring the quality of message assimilation by the audience. Through the example of Soviet historical films, the article examines the practice of building collective and cultural memory in the context of pursuing a political objective. The author also proposes a list of criteria for assessing cinema as a tool for forming long-term ideas about the past, shaping an enemy’s image, and implementing the national memory policy.
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Sallata, Ilir. ""BALKAN HEADQUARTER" IN THE OPTIC OF ALBANIAN COMMUNISTS IN THE 1939-1944 YEARS." Knowledge International Journal 34, no. 5 (October 4, 2019): 1499–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij34051499s.

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This paper aims to present the features of the Balkan cooperation of the left political forces during the years of World War II, respectively the project of the Balkan Headquarters, in the view of the Albanian communists. The idea of Balkan co-operation spread to all communist movements in the Balkan countries, the most active was the Yugoslav Communist Party, which aimed to create a "Balkan Headquarter" under the conditions of war and a "Balkan Federation" after its end. At the end of 1942, the Yugoslav Communist leadership established contacts with the Communist Parties of Bulgaria, Greece and Albania to coordinate actions in the fight against Nazi fascist forces. Taking in consideration that the Albanian communists had the orientation compass in those years the Yugoslavs, under their influence, tried to achieve the objectives of this project as far as possible. Thus within the anti-fascist alliance but also under the Yugoslav directives, especially during the German occupation, the links and cooperation between the Albanian national liberation movement and the liberation movements of Yugoslavia and Greece intensified, especially in the border areas. With the EAM and the National Liberation Army of Greece (ELAS), an important area of cooperation was the Konispol region and generally Cameria. Pursuant to the agreement reached between the General Council of the Albanian National Liberation Army and the Greek National Liberation Front, they were sent to these representative areas on both sides to propagate the common war goals in the population and to mobilize them in the mutual partisan formations. But it should be noted that the Albanian National Liberation Army combative co-operation with ELAS was limited. Within the framework of cooperation with the Yugoslav National Liberation Army, several joint operations have been undertaken, especially in border areas. The fact that Kosovo Albanians are engaged in the national liberation movement, which has contributed to the increase of cooperation in these areas, should be considered. Cooperation between the two liberation movements has been more visible in Macedonia's area.This paper aims to present the features of the Balkan cooperation of the left political forces during the years of World War II, respectively the project of the Balkan Headquarters, in the view of the Albanian communists. The idea of Balkan co-operation spread to all communist movements in the Balkan countries, the most active was the Yugoslav Communist Party, which aimed to create a "Balkan Headquarter" under the conditions of war and a "Balkan Federation" after its end. At the end of 1942, the Yugoslav Communist leadership established contacts with the Communist Parties of Bulgaria, Greece and Albania to coordinate actions in the fight against Nazi fascist forces. Taking in consideration that the Albanian communists had the orientation compass in those years the Yugoslavs, under their influence, tried to achieve the objectives of this project as far as possible. Thus within the anti-fascist alliance but also under the Yugoslav directives, especially during the German occupation, the links and cooperation between the Albanian national liberation movement and the liberation movements of Yugoslavia and Greece intensified, especially in the border areas. With the EAM and the National Liberation Army of Greece (ELAS), an important area of cooperation was the Konispol region and generally Cameria. Pursuant to the agreement reached between the General Council of the Albanian National Liberation Army and the Greek National Liberation Front, they were sent to these representative areas on both sides to propagate the common war goals in the population and to mobilize them in the mutual partisan formations. But it should be noted that the Albanian National Liberation Army combative co-operation with ELAS was limited. Within the framework of cooperation with the Yugoslav National Liberation Army, several joint operations have been undertaken, especially in border areas. The fact that Kosovo Albanians are engaged in the national liberation movement, which has contributed to the increase of cooperation in these areas, should be considered. Cooperation between the two liberation movements has been more visible in Macedonia's area.As would be seen from the subsequent actions of the Yugoslav leadership, during the Nazi-occupation period it prepared the ground for the post-war devastation of Albania within the Yugoslav Federal Republics, despite their failure to achieve this objective. During the research work of this case study, the qualitative method was generally applied by conducting a research: collecting, descriptive and explanatory, based mostly on historical facts and literature analysis.
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Lutskyi, Myroslav. "Legal status of WUNR state authorities." Scientific and informational bulletin of Ivano-Frankivsk University of Law named after King Danylo Halytskyi, no. 11(23) (June 11, 2021): 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.33098/2078-6670.2021.11.23.32-39.

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Purpose. The purpose of the study is a comprehensive study of public authorities of the Western Ukraine, their legal status and legal basis. Methods. The methodological basis of the study was a set of general scientific, special scientific and historical methods, as well as the principles of historicism and objectivity. The key was the method of historical retrospective, which allowed to determine the features and legal basis for the formation of public authorities of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic. Results. It is established that the government of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic has carried out a large amount of work to create its own system of state bodies. The convening of the Constituent Assembly and the Ukrainian National Council began with the organizational design. The legal basis for the activities of public authorities in the early stages of Western Ukraine was the legal framework of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, which was later amended and supplemented by a number of regulations, decrees, orders of the Ukrainian National Council, the State Secretariat. Own legislative and executive bodies were created, as well as the judiciary was reformed. Given the lack of time and circumstances of the Polish-Ukrainian war, it was decided to accept Austrian law, as well as to leave the positions of civil servants and judges who agreed to work for the Western Ukraine. This gives grounds to say that at the legislative level the government of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic has coped with the task of creating its own system of public authorities, although in practical terms, it has been implemented only partially. Scientific novelty. The analysis of legal bases of the organization and competence of public authorities of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic is given. Practical significance. The results of the study can be used in further historical and legal research, preparation of special courses.
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WARD, W. R. "‘Peace, Peace and Rumours of War’." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 51, no. 4 (October 2000): 767–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900005170.

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Nationaler Protestantismus und Ökumenische Bewegung. Kirchliches Handeln im Kalten Krieg (1945–1990). By Gerhard Besier, Armin Boyens and Gerhard Lindemann (postscript by Horst-Klaus Hofmann). (Zeitgeschichtliche Forschungen, 3.) Pp. vi+1074. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1999. DM 86. 3 428 10032 8; 1438 2326This is indeed a formidable offering – three and a half books by three and a half authors, all for the price of one and a half – and it must be admitted to those whose stamina or German quail at the prospect that some of the viewpoints and a little of the material by two and a half of the contributors has been made available in English in Gerhard Besier (ed.), The Churches, southern Africa and the political context (London 1999) at £9.99. The soft option is, however, no substitute for the real thing, which, like that other blockbuster, the late Eberhard Bethge's Bonhoeffer, is a contribution both to scholarship and to a struggle inside the German Churches. This, readers in the Anglo-Saxon world need to assess as best they can. It is not often that attempts are made by both the World Council of Churches and their principal paymasters in the German Churches to stop the publication of a work of scholarship, to be foiled (in best nineteenth-century style) by the liberalism of the German Ministry of the Interior; but that has happened here. And the rest of the world has the more reason to be grateful to the ministry for the authors have exploited the archives of the Stasi and the KGB, access to the latter of which has now been closed under pressure from the Russian Orthodox Church, which appears to have more to hide than anyone.The link between all this and Besier's inquiries in America is provided by the sad fate of the Protestant Churches of the Ost-Block during the Cold War.
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Mackenzie, Angus. "‘Public-spirited men’: Economic Unionist Nationalism in Inter-War Scotland." Scottish Historical Review 96, no. 1 (April 2017): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2017.0315.

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The prolonged economic slump which overshadowed much of the inter-war period encouraged a small number of Clydeside industrialists to intervene with bold plans to restructure and revive the Scottish economy. Key figures like Sir James Lithgow and Lord Weir exploited their business, banking and political connections, in Scotland and in London, to produce a uniquely Scottish response to the inter-war crisis. Championing the existing Union and imperial relationships, they nevertheless articulated a new sense of Scottish exceptionalism. Convinced that any revival in trade was dependent on rationalisation of the heavy industries and an ambitious programme of diversification, Lithgow, Weir and their associates promoted distinctive Scottish solutions. Building on the work of Graeme Morton, the article suggests that what emerged was an economic Unionist Nationalism which built alliances between business and civic Scotland to secure Scottish interests while acknowledging the primacy of Union. The mechanism used to achieve their aims was based upon the associational culture of Scottish business, ‘self-help’ voluntary bodies which carefully steered an independent path, avoiding, where possible, direct state involvement. Yet the depth and persistence of the global depression, and the urgency of the task at hand in Scotland itself, encouraged the business community to moderate its hostility to interventionism and economic planning and engage with new partners. The founding of the Scottish National Development Council in the early 1930s, bringing business and civil society together to help foster economic revival, was a crucial staging post on the journey towards corporatism. Motivated by a mix of public-spiritedness and self-interest, there was, however, a strong defensive element to their actions as the essentially conservative industrialists sought to ward off social, political and economic threats from within Scotland. Their willingness to step forward suggests a traditional sense of patrician responsibility, but there was also an acute awareness of the need to adapt; a progressive quality missing from other actors.
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Booth, Alan. "Economic Advice at the Centre of British Government, 1939–1941." Historical Journal 29, no. 3 (September 1986): 655–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00018951.

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Like other advanced countries in the twentieth century, Britain has witnessed a remarkable expansion in the size and functions of government. Increasing public intervention has necessarily been accompanied by a vigorous expansion in the number of specialists and professionals employed in the public service. In recent times there has been increasing academic interest in the role of one particular category of specialist, the economist. We have the definitive account by Howson and Winch of the economic advisory council and its committee on economic information, the purely advisory bodies of academic economists and representatives of producer interest groups which encouraged officials and ministers to take a longer, broader look at trends in the national and international economies in the thirties. From the post-1945 period we have a number of studies of specific departments and a growing collection of memoirs written by disenchanted or self-justifying economists on leaving government service. For the crucial period of the second world war, however, when administrators and politicians seemed to accept the need for professional economic advice from within the bureaucracy, comparatively little systematic research has been undertaken. There are memoirs, but many have been written long after the event and tend to be discursive and occasionally unreliable as to detail. Fortunately the state papers relating to the war are available and should be a reliable source from which to make judgements about the work and effectiveness of economic advisers in this crucial period.
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Kardela, Piotr. "Professor Waclaw Szyszkowski — a Lawyer, Anticommunist, One From the Generation of Independent Poland." Internal Security Special Issue (January 14, 2019): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8401.

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The article presents the activity of Wacław Szyszkowski, a lawyer, an emigration independence activist and an outstanding scientist, who fought in the Polish-Bolshevik war of 1920 and, after Poland regained independence, was active in a secret Union of the Polish Youth “Zet” and a public Union of the Polish Democratic Youth. Until 1939 W. Szyszkowski was a defence lawyer in Warsaw, supporting the activities of the Central Union of the Rural Youth “Siew” and the Work Cooperative “Grupa Techniczna”. Published articles in political and legal journals, such as “Przełom”, “Naród i Państwo”, “Palestra”, “Głos Prawa”. During World War II — a conspirator of the Union for Defense of the Republic of Poland, soldier of the Union of Armed Struggle and Home Army, assigned to the Bureau of Information and Propaganda of the Home Army Headquarters. Fought in the Warsaw Uprising, after which he was deported by Germans to the Murnau oflag in Bavaria. For helping Jews during the occupation, the Yad Vashem Institute awarded him and his wife Irena the title of Righteous Among the Nations. After 1945, he remained in the West, engaging in the life of the Polish war exile in France, Great Britain and the United States. He received a doctorate in law at the Sorbonne. He belonged to the People’s Party “Wolność”, the Association of Polish Combatants. He was a member of the National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile. As an anti-communist, he was invigilated by the communist intelligence of the People’s Republic of Poland. In the 1960s, after returning to Poland, as a lawyer and scientist, he was first affiliated with the Maria Curie-Skłodowska University of Lublin, and then with Nicolaus Copernicus University of Toruń. W. Szyszkowski is the author of nearly two hundred scientific and journalistic publications printed in Poland and abroad.
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Seifert, Roger. "Wal Hannington and the unemployed workers’ struggles in Britain in the 1930s." Theory & Struggle 122, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/ts.2021.3.

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Wal Hannington’s hallmark leadership of the National Unemployed Workers’ Movement (NUWM) in the UK in the 1930s was built on a clear understanding of the causes of unemployment and therefore possible remedies; a highly sensitive and morally profound awareness of the consequences of unemployment for both the unemployed and their families and for those still in work; and a realisation that the struggle was political in the true sense — a question of the abuse of power by those in charge and the need to mobilise countervailing power of the people in struggle. It was this communist emphasis on class struggle that enabled the movement to be effective at every level — in the labour exchanges, in the streets and homes, in the trade union offices, and in the council and parliamentary chambers.
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Klynina, Tetiana. "Activity of US representative Douglass Jenkins in the Ukrainian National Republic (1917-1919)." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.7-16.

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The article is devoted to the issue of the activities of the American consul of the United States of America in the years of the existence of the Ukrainian National Republic, and also provides a historiographical analysis of works devoted to this problem (in particular, the works of I. Matyash, I. Datskiv, A. Pavlyuk, etc.). The author notes that with the proclamation by the Central Rada of the Third universal, which created the Ukrainian National Republic, the Ukrainian Central Rada was faced with the task of establishing external relations with various countries, including the United States of America. However, before the outbreak of World War I, the concept of “Ukrainian question” and “Ukraine” was “terra incognita” for Washington, which was primarily explained by the isolationist policies of the American government. In its foreign policy, the United States has traditionally been guided by the idea of ​​federalism in questions about the approaches of the state system. The United States did not pursue a separate course towards Ukraine. Washington viewed it as a component of its policy towards Russia. In the US attitude toward the Ukrainian National Republic, the reluctance to complicate the political choice for America was outweighed. There was fear that an inaccurately chosen priority would lead to an unwelcome conflict with Russia. It is stated that as the United States did not carry out a separate course towards Ukraine, so the leaders of the Central Rada did not develop a clear position towards the United States. However, the situation that developed at the end of 1917 made the American diplomatic community “look” at the situation in Ukraine. That is why the American consul Douglas Jenkins was sent to “assess” the capabilities of the young state. Douglas Jenkins had clear instructions from the ambassador to do nothing, in the absence of a further word from Washington that could be interpreted as recognition of the Ukrainian Council. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of his seven reports, which the consul sent to the US State Department through the Consulate General in Moscow, and which is an important source in understanding the Ukrainian situation in late 1917 – early 1918.
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Satskiy, Pavlo. "The Relationship Between the UPR and the Entente in December 1917 ‒ March 1918: Crisis of the Status of Ukraine As a Subject of International Relations." European Historical Studies, no. 7 (2017): 123–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.07.103-124.

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On the basis of the archival papers, the research of the relations of Ukrainian People’s Republic with the allies of The Triple Alliance agreement, in particular with France, has been made. The system of relations of the Ukrainian People’s Republic institutions with the representatives of The Triple Alliance in Kyiv has been researched. However, the analysis of these relations has been made in the context of the events taking place in the entire European system of relations. In particular, the analysis of works of the French representative in Kyiv, General J. Tabouis, aimed at establishing systematic relations with the General Secretariat of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Though, it has been determined that the activity of J. Tabouis in Kyiv had been driven on suppressing the Ukrainian People’s Republic activity and had also been concentrated at creating the situation of political instability at deterring the command of the German-Austrian troops from the movement of the troops from the “Ukrainian” territory from the Eastern front to other areas. General J. Tabouis has also been actively cooperated with the Ukrainian national organizations, among members of which were the prisoners of war of Austrian-Hungarian, German, Polish and Czech and Slovaks armies. After the signing of The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and the liberation of Kyiv from the Bolshevik army, the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian People’s Republic clearly expressed the hostile reaction to the mission of the Triple Alliance countries in Kyiv. In particular, some Ukrainian officials expressed the accusation regarding the participation of the French mission in creating chaotic conditions in Ukraine, in their subversive activity and their agreement with the Bolsheviks. Moreover, the Council of Ministers of Ukraine expressed the idea that due to the fact that the participation of Ukraine in the First World War was over, and The Triple Alliance did not accept the Ukrainian People’s Republic, the presence of the representatives of these countries in Kyiv was unsuitable. Thus, the Council of Ministers of Ukrainian People’s Republic and the command of the German troops in Ukraine demanded from the representatives of The Triple Alliance to leave the Ukrainian territory. So, the Ukrainian People’s Republic constrainedly put itself in the position of the actual collaborationist government, which had to withdraw the missions of the countries of The Triple Alliance because of the demand of occupation troops, which was not politically profitable in comparison to the state of the government of the Russian Federation.
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Symons, Lisa, James Delgado, Deborah Marx, and Erika Martin Seibert. "A Means to Streamline Historic and Cultural Resource Consultation and Compliance for Pollution Assessment and Recovery Activities on Shipwrecks." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 2014, no. 1 (May 1, 2014): 2024–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-2014.1.2024.

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ABSTRACT In May 2013, per Congressional direction and to support a better understanding of pollution sources in the U. S. waters, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) provided the U. S. Coast Guard (USCG) a detailed report on the assessment of risks from potentially polluting shipwrecks. The report, Risk Assessment for Potentially Polluting Wrecks in U.S. Waters, was a result of the Remediation of Underwater Legacy Environmental Threats (RULET) project that evaluated 20,000 shipwrecks for their pollution potential as well as issues that could impact operations including whether or not those wrecks could be historically significant properties and/or gravesites. “Historic property” is defined by the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 (NHPA), to be any prehistoric or historic district, site, building, structure, or object included in, or eligible for inclusion in, the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP.) The NHPA requires a Federal agency to “take into account” the effects of its undertakings, such as pollution removal from a submerged shipwreck, and afford the Advisory Council on Historic Preservation (ACHP) a reasonable opportunity to comment. Federal agencies meet Section 106 responsibilities through a consultation process with the ACHP and other parties as set out in the ACHP's regulations implementing Section 106 of the NHPA (36 CFR Part 800), or through implementation of the nationwide 1997 Programmatic Agreement for emergency response under the National Oil and Hazardous Substances Pollution Contingency Plan. NOAA evaluated a number of the report's shipwrecks for eligibility under the NRHP criteria to determine if any could be considered historic properties. The majority of RULET sites are associated with World War II casualties in the Battle of the Atlantic. As of 2013, the average age of each wreck is 83 years old, as many were built or retrofitted for service during WWII, meeting one of the criteria, per the National Park Service's regulations at 36 CFR Part 60 for eligibility for nomination to the NRHP. Three potentially eligible shipwrecks were subsequently nominated and accepted to the NRHP. The information contained in the RULET risk assessments and the NRHP nominations, facilitates the efforts of USCG to work through the required consultation processes; more effectively balancing responsibilities to address potential environmental impacts and legal mandates to avoid or mitigate impacts to historic resources.
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Hay, William Anthony. "Henry Brougham and the 1818 Westmorland Election: A Study in Provincial Opinion and the Opening of Constituency Politics." Albion 36, no. 1 (2004): 28–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054435.

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An extensive literature that has appeared over the past two decades on the Hanoverian electorate and political culture at the constituency level provides a more sophisticated understanding of party conflict in Britain during the long eighteenth century than earlier work focused on high politics or other subjects. H. T. Dickinson points out that most people experienced politics at the constituency level where negotiations between different political groups within communities and the voters provided a voice for competing interests that an older historiography focused on high politics failed to recognize. These local aspects of Hanoverian politics established the context for two important developments in the early nineteenth century; a greater appreciation for the impact of public opinion on politics at Westminster and the development of a two-party system. The emergence of a self-conscious provincial identity sustained by new economic and institutional forces drove both trends. Christopher Wyvill's Yorkshire Association formed in 1779, the General Chamber of Manufacturers founded in 1785, anti-war petitioning efforts by local groups during the conflict with Napoleon, and the successful campaign in 1812 against the regulatory Orders in Council demonstrated the growing impact of provincial activism. The intersection between new provincial interests focused on issues debated at Westminster and constituency politics with its own rituals and dynamics provides an opening to explore the final decades of the Hanoverian political order. Connections between local and metropolitan drew into sharper focus as party conflict at Westminster extended into national politics.
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Pedersen, Lars Schreiber. "Føreren fra Lendum." Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 53 (March 2, 2014): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v53i0.118854.

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Lars Schreiber Pedersen: The Führer from Lendum In writer Erik Aalbæk Jensen’s well-known homeland novel from Vendsyssel Perleporten (The Pearl Gate) from 1964, the figure “Kratholmmanden” (the Kratholm man), is a local farm owner and Nazi leader, who with mixed success tries to win his local area’s residents over to the cause of National Socialism. Erik Aalbæk Jensen’s “Kratholmmand” character was based on Christian Mikkelstrup. During 1934–44, Mikkelstrup was a member of the National Socialist Workers’ Party of Denmark (DNSAP) and from 1935–44 he functioned as the party leader in Horns Herred in north east Vendsyssel. Despite his passionate engagement for the cause during his 10 years in the service of the party, Mikkelstrup was only able to convince a few local residents about the joy of National Socialism. DNSAP never gained any importance in north east Vendsyssel. The local party division in Lendum, which held its meetings in Mikkelstrup’s home, numbered 20–25 members at its height. Mikkelstrup was not solely to blame for the lack of support for the party in his local area. Both he and his fellow believers fought a battle that was impossible to win. The majority of local residents, like the rest of Denmark, at no point wanted to know about DNSAP – which the county council elections in 1935 and the national elections in 1935, 1939 and 1943 clearly showed – and even a leader with a bigger profile than Mikkelstrup, who was neither much of a writer or a speaker, would hardly be likely to attract more members to the party from the region. Together with a number of dissatisfied DNSAP members, he left the party in 1944 and joined the newly-formed Nazi party “Dansk National Samling”, in which however, he did not make much of an impact. With the Liberation of Denmark in May 1945, he was arrested by the resistance movement and was subsequently found guilty of passing on information to the German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst), which had been based in Aalborg during the occupation. He received a sentence of 18 months imprisonment. He stayed faithful to his National Socialist beliefs after the war but after his release from the prison camp at Kragskovhede in August 1946, he devoted his work to running his farm at Lendum in Vendsyssel. Christian Mikkelstrup died in 1971.
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Adorno, Theodor, and Vitaliy Mykolayovych Bryzhnik. "What does «processing of the Рast» mean." Filosofiya osvity. Philosophy of Education 22, no. 1 (June 12, 2018): 6–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31874/2309-1606-2018-22-1-6-24.

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Adorno's work “What does‘processing of the Рast’ mean” for the first time was presented as a report on November 6, 1959 before the Coordination Council on Christian-Jewish Cooperation. In this work Adorno considered the essence of social ideology prevailing in postwar Germany, which predetermined the strategies of social reconciliation with the political crimes of the former national-socialist power. According to the philosopher the social ideology of the consumer society uses a large number of appropriate means to stabilize its dominant position in society. First of all this ideology tries to eliminate the collective historical memory of people about the horrors of the war period, trying to squeeze them out of the collective consciousness, in particular, through the memories of people about the “best times” of life under the “guardianship” of the previous totalitarian power. The philosopher marked as surrogate the identity of these people which socially integrated only through the authority of the power personality. They do not identify themselves with the victims of the totalitarian regime because of the influence on their consciousness of the cultural elements of this social ideology. Another consequence of this influence is the alienation of these people from the idea of democracy as a factor of properly sociocultural transformations. Adorno defined the new “democratic pedagogy” and the enlightenment as a “second education” as effective means to overcome this influence. They are practically implemented in a society as those educated people who have knowledge about the past crimes of the totalitarian regime. In this manner they cause within the educational process of the effective “re-education of the Past” through the formation of a personal understanding of an individual about social causes and the terrible consequences of rule of a totalitarian regime. This makes possible of his “political full-grown” and makes impossible of historic recurrence of the crimes of authoritarian power in Europe.
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28

The Editors. "Notes from the Editors, October 2015." Monthly Review 67, no. 5 (September 30, 2015): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-067-05-2015-09_0.

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<div class="buynow"><a title="Back issue of Monthly Review, October 2015 (Volume 67, Number 5)" href="http://monthlyreview.org/product/mr-067-05-2015-09/">buy this issue</a></div>Fifty years ago this month, beginning in early October 1965 and extending for months afterwards, the United States helped engineer a violent end to the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI). Between 500,000 and a million Indonesians were killed by conservative factions of the military led by General Suharto and by right-wing Muslim youth&mdash;all with the direct involvement of the CIA, the close cooperation of the U.S. Embassy and State Department, and the guidance of the Johnson administration's National Security Council.&hellip; In forthcoming issues of <em>Monthly Review </em>we are planning to publish work on the Indonesian genocide, which, alongside the Vietnam War, constitutes a major turning point in the history of Southeast Asia in the period, and one of the most brutal acts of mass carnage inflicted by imperialism in the twentieth century. The dire implications of this carry down to the present day.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-5" title="Vol. 67, No. 5: October 2015" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>
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HELEY, Stepan. "THE WEST UKRAINIAN PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC IN HISTORICAL WORKS OF VASYL KUCHABSKYI." Contemporary era 6 (2018): 78–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-78-97.

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The aim of the article is to analyze V. Kuchabsky's historical views on the process of creation of the West Ukrainian People's Republic of 1918-1921. In his works of the first half of the 1930s the scientist highlighted the internal situation of Ukraine, in particular its political and military conditions, and at the same time revealed international relations that had a determinative influence on the future of Ukrainian statehood: Poland and Russia, the Bolsheviks and counterrevolution, the tendency for a new revival of the Russian Empire and the tendency for its collapse, the situation in Central Europe, the Paris Peace Conference and the Eastern European policy of the Western powers. The most significant work of V. Kuchabskyi, "Western Ukraine in the struggle against Poland and Bolshevism in 1918–1923," is a historical study, which objectively reflects the national history without a shadow of tenderness and political inspiration. More than eighty years have passed since its writing, but it still influences on the development of historical science in Ukraine, remains critical for the study of problems associated with the topic. V. Kuchabskyi tried to find out the reason for Ukrainians to lose their own statehood. For the first time in the 14th century, when the Principality of Galicia–Volhynia was conquered by Poland. And then in the 18th century when the Cossack state was annexed by Russia. The desire of Ukrainians to restore the united and independent state failed due to unjustified orientations to Moscow, then to Poland and Turkey. A similar situation, according to the historian, occurred in 1918–1921: while the Ukrainians fought against the Bolsheviks and the White Army, the Poles struck them back, capturing Galicia and Volyn. By signing the Treaty of Riga in 1921, they wanted to restore the division of Ukraine of 1667. The scientist called on the Galician to leave the inter-party controversy and unite for positive creativity and self-organization, to make a lasting peace between themselves, because external factors are often non-reliable and have their own aims, directly opposite to Ukrainian. V. Kuchabskyi warned not to rely on the rapid fall of Bolshevism, relying on the intervention of the capitalist world. On his thought, the damage of this view was disorienting citizens, turning their attention away from what actually was a question of life and death for Ukraine. Estimating the Ukrainian Galician Army, V. Kuchabskyi believed that it could be organized and turned into regular combat power only through significant victories in an actively waged war. But the Ukrainians did not have such commanders, which would turn the mechanically assembled army into a single military organism by their inspiration. According to V. Kuchabskyi, the political experience of the Ukrainian state of 1918–1921 remained undervalued, although it would have been enough to educate a new generation of state-oriented thinkers, creative people. That is why he put the realization of the state idea in direct dependence on the level of the political culture of the masses. This meant that the Galician intellectuals had to get rid of the conservative passivity, which manifested itself in a narrow worldview, the weakness of the will, and spiritual laziness. Only in this case, the national elite will build a democratic state, which will provide conditions for the cultural development of the people, will guarantee equal political and economic rights. Keywords Western Ukraine, Eastern Galicia, Lviv, National Revolution, November Action, ZUNR, UHA, Stanislav, Ukrainian National Council.
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30

Коzak, Serhiy. "Ivan Bahrianyi – The Editor and the Author of the Newspaper “Ukrainski Visti”/ “Ukrainian News” (1945–1963)." Scientific notes of the Institute of Journalism, no. 2 (75) (2019): 146–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2522-1272.2019.75.11.

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The main objective of this study is to review the journalistic and editorial activities of Ivan Bahrianyi from the perspective of articles of the newspaper “Ukrainski Visti”/”Ukrainian News”, a unique edition published in Germany and the United States after World War II (1945-2000). One of the several methods of research was to analyze the publications of I. Bahrianyi and about I. Bahrianyi, which we found on the pages of this newspaper. In particular, in the course of this task, a new valuable fact about Ivan Bahrianyi’s collaboration with the edition for eighteen years (1945 – 1963) was obtained, the publications of this period were analyzed and the peculiarities of the newspaper’s functioning when it was headed by Ivan Bahrianyi were ascertained. It is revealed that on the pages of this edition I. Bahrianyi acted in several posts: as the author of journalistic articles and works of art, as the editor-in-chief, and as a prominent political figure of the Ukrainian diaspora (the chairman of the URDP, the head of the Ukrainian National Council). However, in whatever role Ivan Bahriany appeared on the pages of the newspaper (publicist, author of art works, public figure, editor), each of them was important and each of them can be considered as a separate cultural and spiritual property, but at the same time they all make up the phenomenon, which undoubtedly deserves a separate section in the history of the press of Ukrainian political emigration in the mid and the second half of the twentieth century.
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31

Zejnullahi, Veton. "Political Parties in Kosovo, Organizational Structure and Their Internal Democracy." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 3, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v3i1.p29-33.

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The collapse of communism in the former Eastern bloc , which was followed by the establishment of democracies popular and holding free elections to the parliaments of the countries concerned had its impact in Kosovo , which although occupied accepted among first democracy in the former Yugoslavia , which was followed by the creation of political parties at that time. The role of political parties in the years of occupation there was a genuine character of party activity as a result of the occupation, because the main word on Kosovo was Serbian government, installed after violent suppression of Kosovo's autonomy in 1989. Political parties in general It served as a national movement, some of which joined the Kosovo Albanians by articulating their demands for freedom and independence. This included organizing parties in Kosovo and the Albanian parties in other areas in the former Yugoslavia was organized by the Coordination Council of Albanian Parties. End of the war in 1999 brought a completely new situation, changing political scene with the formation of more political parties, as well as providing more opportunities for a better organization of the political scene. Some of the political parties no longer exist, while others have a very small number of members. The formation of new parties expected profiling of political scene, however, serves only their declarative they are right or left, in most cases a proper profiling has not happened yet. Political parties in Kosovo even after so many years of activity apparently still in the phase of consolidation but also in search of their identity.
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32

Johnson, Roberta. "Peer Mentoring in the Academy." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 127, no. 4 (October 2012): 973–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2012.127.4.973.

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In memory of my mentors, who were without peer: Howard T. Young, Andrew P. Debicki, and E. Inman FoxWhen athena wished to advise telemachus on his quest for his long-absent father, odysseus, she slipped into the guise of mentor, the tutor in whose care Odysseus had left his son and household. Respected, wise, war-savvy Athena preferred to counsel her mentee or protégé in the form of a human male rather than as a female goddess. The Greek story suggests the matters of hierarchy, selection, approach, relationships, and gender addressed in the proliferating literature on workplace mentoring. Athena's maneuvers behind the scenes also remind us that, compared with teaching, doing research, writing, advising, serving on local and national committees, editing, applying for grants, and evaluating colleagues and manuscripts, mentoring is perhaps the least recognized and least rewarded aspect of our academic work. The related but substantially different work of advising has achieved a more formal place in academic reviews. Although journals, books, and articles devoted to mentoring attempt to codify the practice and assign it a formal place in the constellation of our working lives, mentoring continues to be elusive, difficult to define, and unevenly carried out. I argue here that this ragged, catch-as-catch-can situation is not necessarily a bad thing. Overinstitutionalization could stifle the vitality of mentoring relationships, which flourish optimally when they are spontaneous, mutual, and open-ended.
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Goody, Richard. "Observing and Thinking about the Atmosphere." Annual Review of Energy and the Environment 27, no. 1 (November 2002): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.energy.27.122001.083412.

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[Figure: see text] ▪ Abstract FAUST: Ich fühl's, vergebens hab' ich alle Schätze Des Menschengeists auf mich herbeigerafft, Und wenn ich mich am Ende niedersetze, Quilt innerlich doch keine neue Kraft; Ich bin nicht um ein Haar breit höher, Bin dem Unendlichen nicht näher. Goethe's Faust, Part I, lines 1810–15. 1 A dedication to research in the physical sciences together with the circumstances of World War II, led me into theoretical and observational studies of the global physical climate. For all practical purposes, I was on my own when working in Cambridge and London, England, and I went whereever my interests led me. I organized three atmospheric observatories (two in England). I have also worked at many astronomical observatories. As time progressed, I became increasingly involved in studies of atmospheric radiation as a controlling factor for the Earth's climate. I am often taken to be a specialist in atmospheric radiation, but I have never regarded it as more than an important element in climate studies. But radiative transfer and global questions did not become important for climate science until later, and in the 1950s and 1960s I found myself drawn to studies of planetary atmospheres as an arena in which my skills were of central importance. Mars and Venus were the focus of my work for many years, and I was partly responsible for launching the Pioneer Venus mission, which placed probes into the Venus atmosphere in 1978. Much later, the experience I gained in space instrumentation and in the structure of atmospheres led me back to climate science, where I started. Then my interest was in observing the climate and testing the credibility of climate predictions. I still maintain some activity in this field. Outside these research activities, I created a Center for Earth and Planetary Physics at Harvard University to take over the activities of the Blue Hill Observatory, when that Observatory ceased to be a viable facility. The purpose of the Center was to teach earth science in the context of the discipline of physical science. The Center had some notable achievements but eventually had to give way to requirements for environmental sciences in the University, a change that I regret. During my active life in the United States, I invested a great deal of effort in support of the work of the National Research Council (NRC), including many years spent on report review. I am increasingly troubled by the postmodern view of science that appears to dominate these activities. But that may be no more than a biased rosy view of the past with its exciting early experiences and hopes.
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Levin, Grigoriy L. "Bibliography Studies of the Russian State Library: History and Present Situation." Bibliotekovedenie [Russian Journal of Library Science] 69, no. 3 (August 27, 2020): 305–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/0869-608x-2020-69-3-305-324.

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The Russian State Library has made significant contribution to the development of Russian bibliographic thought, starting from the period of the Great Patriotic War (holding scientific conferences, defending PhD theses on bibliography topics by library employees). The major achievement is the development of problems of recommendatory bibliography: the works by B.A. Smirnova of the 1940s through 1960s, major collective studies conducted in 1967—1989 under supervision of the V.I. Lenin State Library of the USSR on the problems of “Effectiveness of recommendatory bibliography in reading guidance” and “Recommendatory bibliography as means of promoting books and reading guidance”. In 1976—1989, the sector of bibliography theory played the significant role in the development of Russian bibliography (since 1983 — the sector of general problems of theory, methodology and organization of bibliography). The release of the serial collection of scientific works “Voprosy bibliografovedeniya” [Questions of bibliography science] (1976—1990) was of great theoretical and organizing value. In the 1990s, when there were no divisions on bibliography science, a number of monographs and dissertations on bibliographic topics were created by individual Library employees. In the Scientific research department of bibliography, established in 1999, there was organized the bibliography science sector (existed until 2015), where famous bibliographic scholars V.A. Fokeev and B.A. Semenovker worked. Within the framework of the sector, G.L. Levin researched on the problems of the national bibliography of Russia. Studies in bibliography science were also created by the other employees of the Department (S.P. Bavin, A.V. Teplitskaya). In 2001, there were resumed publication of the collection “Voprosy bibliografovedeniya” and the activity of the Dissertation Council, where seven dissertations on bibliographic topics were defended by the RSL employees. At present, both researchers and bibliographers of the Scientific Research Department of Bibliography carry out scientific research in parallel with the compilation activities. The authors of bibliographic publications are also employees of other scientific and library divisions of the Russian State Library. Of great importance is the activity of the Scientific Research Department of Bibliography on the information support of bibliographic science, such as creation of indexes of bibliographic literature and bibliographic production of libraries.
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Pociecha, Józef. "Professor Julius F. Leo – Scientist, Municipal Manager, Politician, and His Economic and Political Views." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Oeconomica 1, no. 346 (February 3, 2020): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6018.346.05.

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The subject of the paper is the representation of the life and work of Julius F. Leo, his achievements and scientific opinions in the area of public finance, merits in the field of municipal administration as well as his views and political career. J. F. Leo was one of the outstanding personalities of Cracow in the early 20th century. He was the first President of the Polish Statistical Association founded in Cracow in 1912. He was a prominent lawyer and economist of his time, he worked on problems of public finances as a Professor of tax law and treasury sciences at the Jagiellonian University. During his studies and trips abroad he became acquainted with the issues of economic statistics, the validity of which, he had a great understanding for. A large part of his public activity was associated with the activities of the municipality. Since 1893 he was a councilor of Cracow, in 1901 he became the Vice‑Mayor and then in 1904 (until his death) the Mayor of Cracow. During his time in office he introduced a number of important reforms in the management of the city. J. F. Leo’s life’s work was a significant widening of the city limits, hence he was named “the father of the great Cracow”. Julius F. Leo was an important politician, the leader of the Galician neo‑conservatives. In 1901 he was elected to the Galician Sejm and in the year of 1904 to the Austrian Parliament. His political views have evolved from conservatism to liberalism. In 1912 he became the President of the Polish Circle in the Austrian Parliament. At the outbreak of the First World War he supported creation of Polish Legions by Józef Piłsudski. He was also the head of the Supreme National Committee. However, he did not live long enough to experience the moment of Poland regaining its independence, he died in February 1918.
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al-Hamid, Raed. "The American withdrawal from Iraq: ways and means for remaining behind*." Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no. 2 (April 1, 2012): 230–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.669094.

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This article examines the 2011 withdrawal of United States' regular military forces from Iraq in the context of Gen. David H. Petraeus strategy of the ‘surge’ and co-opting Sunni fighters against forces aligned with al-Qāʿidah through brokering tribal alliances and adding members of the majālis al-ṣaḥwah (‘awakening councils’) to government pay rosters. It is argued here that Petraeus's strategy of the ‘surge’ was numerically insignificant and – even if he did order US fighting units back onto the streets – was only partly effective. Various factors and internal Iraqi dynamics played a more decisive role in the outcome of events that ultimately gave the Nuri Maliki government a free hand to work in unofficial cooperation with Shiʿite militias to leave major Sunni neighbourhoods in Baghdad depopulated or abandoned and which transformed the capital into a predominantly Shiʿite city. American withdrawal from Iraq was dictated by the need to redeploy US military personnel and material in Afghanistan, which coincided with a new rhetorical framework under Barack Obama for working with the Islamic world that diverged from George W. Bush's categorizations under his ‘War on Terror’ as well as the recommendations of the new May 2010 National Security Strategy, which set down the broad outlines for withdrawal. Despite the formal military withdrawal, a palpable American presence remains in Iraq through private security firms as well as a constellation of various agreements and deals concluded with mega-corporations and other, not to mention the largest US embassy in the world with its various support apparatuses. While the troop withdrawal of regular forces has taken place and permitted redeployment in Afghanistan, the ways which the Americans have devised to remain behind are many and their de facto presence, albeit in more ‘civil’ forms, is still very much a ‘fact on the ground’.
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37

Kauhanen, Katri. "From Seoul to Paris." positions: asia critique 28, no. 3 (August 1, 2020): 575–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8315140.

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The Korean National Council of Women, a women’s organization established in 1959, has received criticism in Korean literature for its collaboration with the authoritarian regimes that ruled South Korea for decades. This article, however, argues for a different kind of interpretation. The Korean National Council of Women came together to join the International Council of Women, a major international women’s organization that was looking for new affiliations in the recently decolonized parts of Asia and Africa in the midst of Cold War competition. Thus, we should view the existence of the Korean National Council of Women in the framework of transnational women’s activism and how the Cold War shaped it. After outlining the connections made between South Korean women and the International Council of Women, the article analyzes the projects proposed by the Korean National Council of Women under the anti-communist authoritarian regime. Based on archival research in South Korea and Belgium, this article argues that instead of following rules from above, the Korean National Council of Women negotiated a way to combine the advancement of women’s issues with the development of the nation. The International Council of Women, while criticizing communist women for their close relationship with the state, celebrated the achievements its South Korean affiliate made as a state-registered organization.
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38

Veitch, Jennifer A. "Behavioural science at work for Canada: National Research Council laboratories." Canadian Journal of Experimental Psychology/Revue canadienne de psychologie expérimentale 61, no. 1 (2007): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/cjep2007008.

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39

Dambre, Wouter. "Ontstaansgeschiedenis van de ondernemingsraden in België (1944-1949)." Res Publica 27, no. 1 (March 31, 1985): 87–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v27i1.20380.

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The basis of Belgium's post-war social and economic reforms was the social-solidarity agreement (1944) between the trade-unions and the employers. This «historical compromise» aimed at securing social security and a legal ground for the workers' co-management in the economic life, in exchange for social peace and aid in attaining a productivity-raise.From 1945 till 1948 National Labour Conferences and Parliament discussed the matter, especially the introduction of Works Councils, which raised ideological resistance. The Socialists, favourable towards the Works Councils in undertakings, claimed economic and financial powers for them. The Catholic were in favour of co-management, cooperation between workers and employers and workers' co-responsibility. Theemployers, fearing a restriction of their powers and a threat of collectivizing, were very suspicious.An inter-catholic agreement between workers and employers allowed them to formulate a unanimous attitude towards the Works Councils. A Socialist-Catholic compromise in Parliament resulted in the law on the organizing of the industry (20.IX.1948). This law reserved for the Works Councils a mainly advisory role in social matters. Their powers were very limited. Their composition was determined by cooperation and commoninterests.The first Works Councils-elections happened in 1950.
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40

Moore, Patrick K. "National Council on Public History Presidential Address." Public Historian 38, no. 3 (August 1, 2016): 10–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2016.38.3.10.

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In this reflective essay, the author addresses how, through the course of his professional public history career, he developed an evolving understanding of the complexities of interpreting community history, the nuances of contested space, and how social privilege fit within this process. Drawing upon decades of personal experiences and professional activities with community and oral history–based projects, he expresses how public historians can recognize multiple perspectives and then work in tandem with various constituencies to navigate an array of interpretive and preservation challenges. Finally, he encourages his fellow practitioners to acknowledge and understand the intricacies of social privilege, from both a personal and project-oriented perspective, in the practice of the public history craft.
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Tikhonova, L. N. "Cooperation Council. The Regular Session." Bibliotekovedenie [Library and Information Science (Russia)], no. 1 (February 28, 2014): 23–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/0869-608x-2014-0-1-23-24.

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The article is devoted to the Session of Cooperation Council of Three National Libraries of Russia. There were summarized the results of joint work in 2013, and was emphasized intensification of the general activities of libraries in formation of legal and regulatory basis of library work
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42

Karanfilski, Borislav. "Centenary of the Birth of Academician Prof. Dr. Isak Tadzer, Founder of the Pathophysiology and Nuclear Medicine in Macedonia." PRILOZI 38, no. 2 (September 1, 2017): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/prilozi-2017-0017.

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Abstract Academician Prof. Dr. Isak Tadzer was born a hundred years ago on December 24, 1916 in Sofia. He completed the primary and secondary education at the German College in Sofia. In 1935 he began his studies at the Medical Faculty in Vienna, which he had to stop because of the annexation of Austria to Germany in 1938. He returned to Bulgaria where he continued his studies and graduated from the Medical Faculty in Sofia in 1941. During the War, 1941-1944, he was forcedly mobilized and he worked as a doctor in several villages. He was twice interned in camps in Bulgaria. In 1944 he joined the National Liberation Army and the Partisan Groups of Yugoslavia. After the liberation in 1945 he started specialization in internal medicine at the famous clinic of Prof. Chilov in Sofia. In 1946 he applied to the call by the Yugoslav government to the doctors in Bulgaria to come in aid of temporary work in our country. On the advice of the current Federal Minister of Public Health Dr. Dimitar Nestorov, Dr. Tadzer came to Skopje and was assigned to work in the Country hospital. He started specialization in internal medicine at the famous professor Ignjatovski, he established a family and decided to stay in Skopje. In 1949 Prof. Tadzer ended his specialization and he was elected an Assistant at the Department of Internal Medicine. In 1951 he left the Internal Clinic and he was elected an Assistant, and in 1952 he was elected a Docent in the subject of Pathological Physiology. In 1959 he was elected, and in 1964 he was re-elected as an Associate Professor, and in 1967 he was elected a Professor of pathophysiology at the Medical Faculty in Skopje. In the period from 1952 to 1978 he was Head of the Department and Director of the Institute of Pathophysiology. He was elected a Corresponding Member of the Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts in 1969, and a Full Member in 1974. In the period from 1984 to 1988 he was a Secretary of the Department of Medicine and Biology of the Academy. Prof. Tadzer has published over 300 scientific papers in the field of clinical medicine and pathological physiology, of which about 200 in journals in English, French, German and Serbo-Croatian, as well as 15 books, which include him among the most prolific pathophysiologists on the territory of former Yugoslavia and beyond. In the period from 1950 to 1966 several times he was on a vocational training in similar institutions and centers in Europe, and in 1972 he was on a study stay at many nuclear and medical laboratories in the USA. In addition to his great research activities his contribution as a teacher was of substantial influence and importance to the faculty. He was one of the greatest lectures at the Medical Faculty, the Faculty of Stomatology and the Pharmaceutical Faculty. Prof. Tadzer co-authored in most of the textbooks on pathophysiology for students of medicine, stomatology and pharmacy. He was an extraordinary physician, one of the pillars of the Macedonian medicine, he possessed universal, encyclopedic knowledge and is one of the most renowned medical workers in the second half of the 20th century in Macedonia. In addition to the scientific, medical and educational work Prof. Tadzer has especially rich social activity. He was President of the Faculty Council in 1975-76, he was Vice Dean of the Medical Faculty in 1958-60, Dean of the Faculty from 1963 to 1965, Dean of the Pharmaceutical Faculty and Vice Rector of the University from 1965 to 1967. Especially it should be noted his long-lasting activity at the Macedonian Medical Association of more than 50 years. Also, significant is his creative work within the Editorial board of the journal “Macedonian Medical Review”, where for more than 15 years he was Editor in Chief or member of the Editorial board. For his complete activity Prof. Tadzer has won numerous diplomas, plaques and awards, and among them the following are emphasized: National Award of October 11, Order of Labor of Second Degree, the Award of the City of Skopje – November 13, the Charter of Dr. Trifun Panovski and the Certificate of Acknowledgement awarded by the Macedonian Medical Association for the outstanding results in advancing the medical science, practice and development of the health care and the long-term contribution and promotion of the MMA.
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43

Rohmadi, Nazirwan, and Warto Warto. "Volksraad (People Council): Radicale Concentratie Political Arena and National Fraction, 1918-1942." Jurnal Humaniora 31, no. 2 (December 2, 2019): 166. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.30505.

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This paper discusses the legislative institutions callled Volksraad established by the Dutch East Indies, which further used by the nationalist-moderate to achieve the national independence of Indonesia. Historical method was used in this research. The historical method is distinguished into several stages, namely heuristic, critic, analysis, and historiography. Indonesia’s political figures established Radicale Concentratie to unite in order to achieve independence. Radicale Concentratie put a great pressure on the Dutch East Indies government. Radicale Concentratie no longer operated because of some conflicts that occurred among its members and the arrests done by the Dutch East Indies government. Radicale Concentratie’s struggle was continued by National Fraction which was established on 27 January 1930. The proposition of National Fraction that was fulfilled was the change in the nomenclatur of Indlander to Indonesisch. National Fraction often turned down the budget plan proposed by the Governor-General in preparing for the Second World War. This is because the Dutch East Indies fleet was funded by Indonesian taxes and the taxes were planned to be increased in order to win the war.
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44

Rohmadi, Nazirwan, and Warto Warto. "Volksraad (People Council): Radicale Concentratie Political Arena and National Fraction, 1918-1942." Jurnal Humaniora 31, no. 2 (May 28, 2019): 166. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.v31i2.30505.

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This paper discusses the legislative institutions callled Volksraad established by the Dutch East Indies, which further used by the nationalist-moderate to achieve the national independence of Indonesia. Historical method was used in this research. The historical method is distinguished into several stages, namely heuristic, critic, analysis, and historiography. Indonesia’s political figures established Radicale Concentratie to unite in order to achieve independence. Radicale Concentratie put a great pressure on the Dutch East Indies government. Radicale Concentratie no longer operated because of some conflicts that occurred among its members and the arrests done by the Dutch East Indies government. Radicale Concentratie’s struggle was continued by National Fraction which was established on 27 January 1930. The proposition of National Fraction that was fulfilled was the change in the nomenclatur of Indlander to Indonesisch. National Fraction often turned down the budget plan proposed by the Governor-General in preparing for the Second World War. This is because the Dutch East Indies fleet was funded by Indonesian taxes and the taxes were planned to be increased in order to win the war.
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45

Connelly, Matthew. "RETHINKING THE COLD WAR AND DECOLONIZATION: THE GRAND STRATEGY OF THE ALGERIAN WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 221–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801002033.

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October and November 1960 were two of the coldest months of the Cold War. Continuing tensions over Berlin and the nuclear balance were exacerbated by crises in Laos, Congo, and—for the first time—France's rebellious départements in Algeria. During Nikita Khrushchev's table-pounding visit to the United Nations, he embraced Belkacem Krim, the foreign minister of the Gouvernement Provisoire de la République Algérienne (GPRA). After mugging for the cameras at the Soviet estate in Glen Cove, New York, Khrushchev confirmed that this constituted de facto recognition of the provisional government and pledged all possible aid. Meanwhile, in Beijing, President Ferhat Abbas delivered the GPRA's first formal request for Chinese “volunteers.” U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower asked his National Security Council “whether such intervention would not mean war.” The council agreed that if communist regulars infiltrated Algeria, the United States would be bound by the North Atlantic Treaty to come to the aid of French President Charles de Gaulle and his beleaguered government. After six years of insurgency, Algeria appeared to be on the brink of becoming a Cold War battleground.1
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46

Miles, Tiya. "National Council on Public History Keynote Address, 2015." Public Historian 38, no. 1 (February 1, 2016): 8–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2016.38.1.8.

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As public historians, we grapple not only with the “what” of history making (subject and argument) but also with the “how” (process and relationships). We strive to develop projects that are dialogic and collaborative in nature, and to widely share the results of our work with the public. In doing so, we often chart new academic territory, making our way by trial and error and taking risks. By focusing on a Native American and African American historic site as case study, this essay explores how the aim to illuminate ways in which history matters in the present often drives us to create “history on the edge.”
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47

LYNCH, GORDON. "The Church of England Advisory Council of Empire Settlement and Post-War Child Migration to Australia." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 71, no. 4 (October 2020): 798–826. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046920000081.

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Between 1947 and 1965, 408 British children were sent to Australia under the auspices of the Church of England Advisory Council of Empire Settlement and its successor bodies. Situating this work in wider policy contexts, this article examines how the council involved itself in this work with support from some senior clergy and laity despite being poorly resourced to do so. Noting the council's failure to maintain standards expected of this work by the Home Office and child-care professionals, the article considers factors underlying this which both reflected wider tensions over child migration in the post-war period as well as those specific to the council.
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48

Romano, Terrie M. "The Associate Committees on Medical Research of the National Research Council and the Second World War." Scientia Canadensis 15, no. 2 (July 6, 2009): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/800329ar.

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Abstract During World War II the original Associate Committee on Medical Research and three additional committees (each associated with a branch of the military) of the National Research Council organized wartime medical research. The war provided an opportunity for the NRC to demonstrate the utility of medical research and the ability of Canadians to make significant contributions to the allied research effort.
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49

Mulyana, Imam. "THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL AND CLIMATE CHANGE: FROM ‘COLD WAR’ TO ‘WARMING WAR’." Padjadjaran Journal of International Law 3, no. 2 (June 28, 2019): 255–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.23920/pjil.v3i2.317.

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AbstractThe impacts of climate changes around the world have become global concern at both national and international level. A broad scheme of international cooperation to mitigate their impacts has been engaged through several international legal frameworks. However, such efforts are considered insufficient to stem the consequences and causes of climate change. It is therefore important to examine a proper legal enforcement mechanism for the climate changes issues. This paper thus starts with explaining the scope and definition of climate changes and sees whether it has correlation with the security issues. It is followed by examining the authority of UN Security Council (UNSC) vested in the UN Charter and observes whether it has authorisation in enforcing the climate changes issues. Although, as a result of its examination, this article finds that UNSC mechanism provides widen possible measures in enforcing climate change’s issues rather than other existing mechanisms under international law, it still suggests that UNSC mechanism shall only be used as a last resort after the other enforcement mechanisms are exhausted. Keywords: Climate Change, Threat to International Peace and Security, UN Charter, UN Security Council AbstrakDampak perubahan iklim di berbagai belahan dunia telah menjadi perhatian negara-negara tidak saja di tingkat nasional tetapi juga di tingkat internasional. Upaya untuk menanggulangi dampak dari perubahan iklim melalui sejumlah kerja sama internasional telah secara luas dilakukan namun belum mampu mencegah penyebab dan menghentikan dampak dari perubahan iklim tersebut. Dengan demikian, penentuan mekanisme penegakan hukum yang paling tepat dalam memeriksa kasus perubahan ilklim ini merupakan hal yang penting. Tulisan ini dimulai dengan penjelasan fenomena perubahan iklim dan hubungannya dengan isu keamanan. Pertama-tama artikel ini membahas ruang lingkup dari perubahan iklim dan kewenangan Dewan Keamanan (DK) PBB. Oleh karena itu, sebagai upaya untuk mencari cara lain dalam penanggulanan dampak dari perubahan iklim, sangatlah penting untuk memahami serangkaian otoritas yang dimiliki DK PBB. Tulisan ini berkesimpulan bahwa mekanisme DK PBB ternyata menunjukan kemungkinan yang lebih luas dalam hal penerapan sanksi yang lebih memaksa dan lebih mengikat dibanding mekanisme lain yang telah ada saat ini sebagai mekanisme untuk menanggulangi perubahan iklim. Meskipun tulisan ini menyimpulkan bahwa Dewan Keamanan PBB mempunyai kewenangan hukum untuk mengatasi masalah perubahan iklim, akan tetapi mekanisme internasional yang lain diluar mekanisme Dewan Keamanan PBB harus tetap menjadi prioritas dan dijalankan terlebih dahulu.Kata Kunci: Dewan Keamanan PBB, Piagam PBB, Perubahan iklim, Ancaman terhadap Perdamaian dan Keamanan Internasional.
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Barnett, Chelsea. "Men at work: masculinity, work and class in King of the Coral Sea." Media International Australia 161, no. 1 (September 26, 2016): 59–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x16664997.

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In the aftermath of Second World War and in the beginning years of the Cold War, newly elected Prime Minister Robert Menzies reaffirmed the institutional relationship between masculinity and breadwinning that also spoke to a specific national ideal. In accordance with the ‘national narrative of work’, this article looks to historicise the relationship between historically specific understandings of gender and work, and how that relationship was represented in the 1954 Australian film King of the Coral Sea. Based around the pearling industry in the Torres Strait, the film’s narrative shows the introduction of new technology and the management of the workplace; both these representations functioned in accordance with post-war middle-class values. This article argues that King of the Coral Sea’s engagement with gendered ideals of work and class not only carries specific national meanings but also had broader implications for understandings of masculinity in the context of the Australian 1950s.
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