Academic literature on the topic 'National Women's Suffrage Association. Women's Bureau'

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Journal articles on the topic "National Women's Suffrage Association. Women's Bureau"

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Newman, Louise M. "REFLECTIONS ON AILEEN KRADITOR'S LEGACY: FIFTY YEARS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE HISTORIOGRAPHY, 1965–2014." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 14, no. 3 (2015): 290–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000055.

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AbstractThis article assesses the impact that Aileen Kraditor's classic monograph, The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement (1965) has had on fifty years of suffrage historiography. Kraditor is best known among scholars for offering the terms “justice” and “expediency” to distinguish between two strains of suffragist argumentation, the former of which she associated with the nineteenth century and the latter with the Progressive Era. Although specialists no longer believe in a firm divide between the two periods, many continue to differentiate between principled (egalitarian) arguments that ca
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Blair, Karen J. "Pageantry for Women's Rights: The Career of Hazel Mackaye, 1913–1923." Theatre Survey 31, no. 1 (1990): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004055740000096x.

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The early twentieth century found American suffragists experimenting with a diverse array of techniques to argue their cause. Among those who gave their talents to this effort was a skilled theatrical professional, Hazel MacKaye (1888–1944). A radical suffragist, MacKaye was a charter member of the Congressional Union, which in 1914 formally split off from the National American Woman Suffrage Association and evolved into the militant wing of the suffrage movement, the National Woman's Party. Hazel MacKaye created four women's rights pageants to propagandize for the suffragists between the year
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Dumenil, Lynn. "Women's Reform Organizations and Wartime Mobilization in World War I-Era Los Angeles." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 10, no. 2 (2011): 213–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781410000162.

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During World War I, the Woman's Committee of the Council of National Defense served as an intermediary between the federal government and women's voluntary associations. This study of white middle- and upper-middle-class clubwomen in Los Angeles, California reveals ways in which local women pursued twin goals of aiding the war effort while pursuing their own, pre-existing agendas. Women in a wide variety of groups, including organizations associated with the General Federation of Women's Clubs, the Young Women's Christian Association, the Women's Christian Temperance Union, and the Red Cross,
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Kinzer, Bruce L. "The 1870 Education Bill and the Method of J. S. Mill's Later Politics." Albion 29, no. 2 (1997): 223–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051811.

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The last fourteen years of John Stuart Mill's life (1859-1873), which followed the death of Harriet Taylor, possessed a hefty political content. They saw the publication of his essays on parliamentary reform and Considerations on Representative Government, his impassioned identification with the North in the American Civil War, the eventful parliamentary career sandwiched between the Westminster elections of 1865 and 1868, and a final phase of activity associated with causes such as women's suffrage and land tenure reform. When Mill acted politically he usually did so with strong feeling, but
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Rönnbäck, Josefin. "Rösträttsrörelsens kvinnor - i konflikt och i samförstånd." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 21, no. 4 (2022): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v21i4.4342.

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On the basis of sociologist Alberto Melucci's theory of social movements, I investigate the Swedish suffrage movement known as Landsföreningen för kvinnans politiska rösträtt, LKPR (The National Association for Votes for Women). I study this movement both as a collective actor with a collective constructed identity and as an arena for internal conflict. I argue that LKPR contributed towards a shift in and extension of the boundaries of politics by demanding the abolition of the so called women's bar which disenfranchised all women; by converting women's disadvantages into a politics; by questi
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Vignoli, Marcela. "La otra encuesta feminista de 1919: cartas (inéditas) dirigidas a Elvira Rawson de Dellepiane durante la campaña nacional de la Asociación Pro-derechos de la Mujer." Revista Electrónica de Fuentes y Archivos 1, no. 13 (2022): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.70629/1853.4503.v1.n13.37889.

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In the summer of 1919, the Pro-Women's Rights Association, led by Elvira Rawson de Dellepiane, carried out a national campaign with the purpose of obtain adhesions of support of the bills that were in preparation and that would be presented by Union Cívica Radical deputy, Rogelio Araya on July: Civil Emancipation and Female Suffrage. This article examines the interested corpus made by more than ninety letters received from different parts of Argentine. How did the lack of women´s right impact in everyday life? What was so imperative to modify them? What scope should the reform have? What kind
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Cuplinskas, Indre. "National and Rational Dress: Catholics Debate Female Fashion in Lithuania, 1920s–1930s." Church History 88, no. 3 (2019): 696–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719001793.

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The debates about female fashion in the new Republic of Lithuania in the 1920s and 1930s saw papal representatives, bishops, leading public intellectuals, and members of Catholic youth movements argue about deep décolletés and short skirts. In this predominantly Catholic country, objections made against modern fashion may initially look like a conservative stand against modern developments. Studying more closely the debate around women's fashion as it developed in a particular subset of the Catholic population in Lithuania—educated youth in the Ateitis Catholic student association, this articl
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McCARTHY, HELEN. "PARTIES, VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS, AND DEMOCRATIC POLITICS IN INTERWAR BRITAIN." Historical Journal 50, no. 4 (2007): 891–912. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006425.

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ABSTRACTThe achievement of universal suffrage after 1918 stimulated new forms of democratic participation in Britain. These decades witnessed not only renewed efforts by political parties to mobilize the mass electorate, but also the establishment of new kinds of civic association, often secular in character, strongly invested in a discourse of active citizenship, and committed to creating and defending a space within associational life which was free of partisan or sectarian conflict. This article presents a fresh perspective on the political culture of interwar Britain by comparing and contr
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Pausé, Cat, and Sandra Grey. "Throwing Our Weight Around: Fat Girls, Protest, and Civil Unrest." M/C Journal 21, no. 3 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1424.

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This article explores how fat women protesting challenges norms of womanhood, the place of women in society, and who has the power to have their say in public spaces. We use the term fat as a political reclamation; Fat Studies scholars and fat activists prefer the term fat, over the normative term “overweight” and the pathologising term “obese/obesity” (Lee and Pausé para 3). Who is and who isn’t fat, we suggest, is best left to self-determination, although it is generally accepted by fat activists that the term is most appropriately adopted by individuals who are unable to buy clothes in any
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Brien, Donna Lee. "Do-It-Yourself Barbie in 1960s Australia." M/C Journal 27, no. 3 (2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.3056.

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Introduction Australia has embraced Barbie since the doll was launched at the Toy Fair in Melbourne in 1964, with Mattel Australia established in Melbourne in 1969. Barbie was initially sold in Australia with two different hairstyles and 36 separately boxed outfits. As in the US, the initial launch range was soon followed by a constant stream of additional outfits as well as Barbie’s boyfriend Ken and little sister Skipper, pets, and accessories including her dreamhouse and vehicles. Also released were variously themed Barbies (including those representing different careers and nationalities)
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Books on the topic "National Women's Suffrage Association. Women's Bureau"

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Fuller, Paul E. Laura Clay and the woman's rights movement. University Press of Kentucky, 1992.

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Arena, John I. How to write an I.E.P. Academic Therapy Publications, 1989.

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Arena, John I. How to write an I.E.P. 3rd ed. Academic Therapy Publications, 2001.

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Arena, John I. How to write an I.E.P. Academic Therapy Publications, 1989.

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Franzen, Trisha. Apprenticeship in the National American Woman Suffrage Association (1890–1903). University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038150.003.0005.

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This chapter describes events in the life of Anna Howard Shaw from 1890 to 1903. In 1890, Shaw joined Susan B. Anthony and other suffrage workers in South Dakota for her first state suffrage campaign. Though the rigors of this campaign tested even Shaw's adaptability, at forty-three, Shaw was at her peak in terms of health and vigor. She embraced her new calling, her new pulpit, and her new form of ministry. She was quickly becoming the movement's new voice, a leader whose nonelite origins gave her a remarkable ability to translate women's demands into appeals understandable to a diversity of
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Fuller, Paul E., and A. Elizabeth Taylor. Laura Clay and the Woman's Rights Movement. University Press of Kentucky, 2014.

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Fuller, Paul E. Laura Clay and the Woman's Rights Movement. University Press of Kentucky, 2021.

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Goodier, Susan. Using Enfranchisement to Fight Woman Suffrage, 1917–1932. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037474.003.0006.

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This chapter tells of the expected end of the anti-suffrage movement, highlighting much of the public and residual animosity toward women's enfranchisement. The women antis restructured the New York State Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage as the Women Voters' Anti-Suffrage Party and worked against a federal amendment. The Woman Patriot Publishing Company absorbed the National Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage. Although New York State anti-suffragists had always been influential in national level work, in 1917, with a change in leadership, they moved the national headquarters to Washing
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Uncovering Black Heroes: Lesser-Known Stories of Liberty and Civil Rights. Lang AG International Academic Publishers, Peter, 2017.

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Uncovering Black Heroes: Lesser-Known Stories of Liberty and Civil Rights. Lang AG International Academic Publishers, Peter, 2017.

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Book chapters on the topic "National Women's Suffrage Association. Women's Bureau"

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Rogoff, Leonard. "Breathing the Same Air." In Gertrude Weil. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469630793.003.0006.

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Weil pushed a reluctant Federation of Women's Clubs to adopt a suffrage resolution. In 1914 she served as president of the Goldsboro Equal Suffrage League and five years later was elected president of the Equal Suffrage Association of North Carolina. Either North Carolina Tennessee would need to ratify the Nineteenth Amendment for women to achieve the vote, but North Carolina's political climate was conservative. Carrie Chapman Catt, president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, appointed Weil as state field commander. The legislature repeatedly voted down granting women the f
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Dumenil, Lynn. "Women, Politics, and Protest." In The Second Line of Defense. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469631219.003.0002.

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This chapter on American women and politics during World War I explores African American women’s wartime activism and efforts of such women as Nannie Burroughs, Madame C. J. Walker, and Ida Wells-Barnett to transcend barriers of race and gender. It examines pacifist (such as Jane Addams) and radical (such as Emma Goldman) women who resisted war as well as those who called for war "preparedness." Finally it compares the approach of the National American Woman Suffrage Association led by Carrie Chapman Catt with that of Alice Paul's National Woman's Party in using the war effort to further the s
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Goodier, Susan, and Karen Pastorello. "Tenuous Ties." In Women Will Vote. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705557.003.0002.

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This chapter details the development of a woman suffrage movement in New York State as it positions the state in the broad historical context of the national woman suffrage movement. Some rural upstate New Yorkers demanded social and political reforms for women well before the Civil War. As a result of controversy sparked by the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted African American men the right to vote, women founded two national organizations and the New York State Woman Suffrage Association. State leaders dominated the movement in terms of strategy and tactics, and several of them rose to nat
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