Relevant bibliographies by topics / Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands

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Academic literature on the topic 'Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands"

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Reinke, Benedikt. "When a right-wing extremist political party appeals to European integration and a constitutional court takes the national perspective…A comment on the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands judgment BVerfG, 2 BvB 1/13." Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 25, no. 4 (August 2018): 388–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x18794403.

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With Regulation 1141/2014, the EU has inaugurated a truly transnational political party system as well as a potential conflict between national and European governance – or so the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands has recently argued when faced with party ban proceedings before the German Federal Constitutional Court. The party contended that its representation in the European Parliament and membership in a political party at European level established exclusive European governance and denied the competence of the Federal Constitutional Court for national proceedings. The court, by contrast, summarily dismissed the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands’s arguments, maintaining its own exclusive authority, and failed to engage in a substantive legal assessment of recent developments in European party law. In this paper, I argue that precisely such a thorough analysis of the newly emerging intertwinement between national and European law as a consequence of Regulation 1141/2014 would have been in order. The Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands’s arguments need to be taken more seriously than the Federal Constitutional Court allows, despite, or perhaps more accurately because, of their highly strategic invocation of European integration: the European argument cannot rest with the extremist party alone, who, elsewhere a most imminent opponent of the European idea, now uses it to challenge national law.
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Jesse, Eckhard. "Soll die Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands verboten werden? Der Parteiverbotsantrag war unzweckmäßig, ein Parteiverbot ist rechtmäßig." Politische Vierteljahresschrift 42, no. 4 (December 2001): 683–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11615-001-0103-0.

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Klumpp, Lorenz. "NPD und AfD als Wiedergänger des Nationalsozialismus und Nationalismus? Eine Bildanalyse von Magazincovern." Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 30, no. 3 (August 4, 2020): 425–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41358-020-00227-2.

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Zusammenfassung Im Zuge des Erscheinens und der Etablierung der Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) widmen sich zahlreiche Studien ihrem Aufstieg, ihren Kommunikationsstrategien sowie der medialen Berichterstattung über die Partei. Diese Studien beziehen sich überwiegend auf textuelle Botschaften. Da visuelle Medien jedoch allgegenwärtig sind und unser Verständnis bzw. unsere Interpretationen von Politik beeinflussen, gilt es, politische Sachverhalte stärker als bislang mittels bildbezogener Ansätze zu reflektieren. Im theoretischen Teil wird dies unter Bezugnahme auf die Konzepte der politischen Vision und der visuellen Politik begründet. Empirisch wird anschließend mittels ikonographisch-ikonologischer Analysen die Frage beantwortet, wie das Nachrichtenmagazin Der Spiegel die Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) und die AfD in ihren Aufstiegs- bzw. Etablierungsphasen auf seinen Titelbildern visualisiert. Ein Vergleich von Darstellungen jener Parteien, die in der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik im rechten Spektrum erfolgreich waren, erlaubt es, Kontinuitäten im visuellen medialen Framing dieser Akteure herauszustellen. Die explorative Analyse zeigt, dass Der Spiegel auf seinen Titelbildern sowohl in Bezug auf die NPD als auch auf die AfD mehrfach auf Vergleiche zum Nationalsozialismus wie auch zum übersteigerten Nationalismus setzt. Außerdem steht der dynamische Aufstieg beider Parteien im Mittelpunkt. Die visuellen Frames werden vor dem Hintergrund ihrer potentiellen Bedeutungen für den Diskurs kritisch erörtert. Außerdem werden Wege für die Ausweitung der präsentierten Bildanalysen aufgezeigt.
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Botsch, Gideon. "Taking Nativism to the Streets." Moving the Social 66 (October 31, 2021): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.66.2021.43-62.

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In this article, I give an overview on nativist street protests in Germany from the early nineteenth century to the present from an historical perspective. In a preliminary remark, I will reflect on some recent developments in Germany, where nativist protest campaigns against immigration took place in the streets when voters were turning towards the populist radical right party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). In the first section, I will outline an older tradition of anti-immigration protest in nineteenth and early twentieth century Germany, which is closely connected to modern antisemitism. In sections two and three, I will retrace how, from the late 1960s onward, the far right in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) discovered concerns about immigration in the German population, addressed them in protest campaigns and developed narratives to integrate such sentiments into a broader right-wing extremist ideology, itself deeply rooted in antisemitism. Studying nativism and the radical right from an actor-oriented perspective, I will focus on traditionalist movements, including the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) and neo-Nazi groups.
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Andrzejewski, Piotr. "Antypolonizm w prasie NPD po 1990 roku." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 23 (April 29, 2015): 124–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2015.23.06.

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In his article, the author investigates the phenomenon of anti-Polish sentiment in Deutsche Stimme, which is the most prominent monthly newspaper of the far right-wing party, Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (German National Party, NPD). Anti-Polish sentiment is described as a mix of attitudes and behaviours that are hostile towards the Polish state, nation, citizens and culture. This definition includes all discriminatory statements, press releases and all other anti-Polish activities. The anti-Polish sentiment is present in Deutsche Stimme on three levels. The first one touches on the area of historical revisionism. The second one focuses on economic factors and immigration, and the third one is centred around long-term stereotypes that are rooted in history. The article presents different ways of expressing the anti-Polish sentiment and contains a selection of illustrations from the NPD’s monthly.
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Prokůpková, Vendula. "For the Reich and the Europe of Nations! The “New” NPD as a Paragon and Cooperation Partner of the Czech Exreme Right." Czech Journal of International Relations 57, no. 4 (February 1, 2023): 7–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.12.

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This paper deals with the transnational cooperation of the Czech and German extreme right. The paper focuses on one of the most prominent international partners of the Czech extreme right – the German Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands. By adopting the discourse analytical framework of the Essex School, the author focuses on revealing the discursive conditions as conditions of possibility within which the cooperation between the NPD and the Czech extreme right has gradually formed over the last 25 years (1996-2021). The author of the text first briefly summarises the NPD’s history and explores the development of the party’s foreign policy conception since the second half of the 1990s, when the party became radicalized and opened itself up to a cooperation with the neo-Nazi movement. Further, reflecting on the changes in the NPD’s political discourse, the author explores the discursive conditions of various stages of the NPD’s cooperation with the Czech extreme right.
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Shroufi, Omran. "From ‘Terror State’ to Part of the ‘Jewish-Christian Civilisation’: Exploring Diversity in the German Far Right’s Position Towards Israel." Political Studies, May 27, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00323217241255326.

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Recent shifts in West Europe have resulted in increasingly pro-Israel far-right parties. While this phenomenon remains under-theorised, existing research suggests the far right’s position is not uniform, and support for Israel is limited to contemporary radical right parties. By contrast, traditional extreme-right parties remain hostile towards Israel. To substantiate these claims, the article focuses on Germany and compares the Israel/Palestine discourse of the radical right Alternative für Deutschland and the extreme right Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands. The article shows how the parties adopt diametrically opposed positions, with the AfD vehemently supporting Israel while the NPD frames Israel as a pariah state. Yet, the article also highlights a similarity in the parties’ discourse, with both framing a racialised ‘other’ as ‘our’ enemy. As such, the article’s findings suggest the radical/extreme divide needs to be treated with caution. Despite adopting contrasting positions towards Israel, German far-right parties continue to have much in common.
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Berg, Anna. "Electoral Strategy or Historical Legacy? The CDU’s Reactions to Far-Right Parties in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1964–1990." Social Science History, April 12, 2022, 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2022.9.

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Abstract This article investigates how established political parties react to the emergence of a far-right party. Prevailing approaches explain established parties’ reactions either as based on a spatial model of politics or as determined by historical trajectory and political culture. Neither approach sufficiently accounts for how party leaders choose between these competing motives for actions or how their strategizing might evolve over time. To complement existing approaches, I suggest understanding the emergence of far-right parties as a problem of interpretation. How parties react to far-right emergence depends on what kinds of heuristics they draw on to make sense of the phenomenon of far-right voting. To validate my approach, I study different stances Germany’s center-right Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands (CDU) has taken toward two far-right parties in postwar West German history: the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD), from 1964 to 1969, and the Die Republikaner (REP) from 1983 to 1990. Using archival material documenting internal deliberation, I argue that the social sciences have played a crucial role for how CDU leaders have evolved in their interpretation of far-right emergence. In the 1960s, party leaders drew from external social expertise on the far-right to discount the idea that the NPD was a resurgence of Nazism. In the 1980s, they were concerned with a reform project of their own party, leading them to grasp the REP through heuristics provided by scholarship on electoral strategizing. This resulted in a shift in strategies of repression against the NPD to strategies of demarcation versus co-optation against the REP.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands"

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Mager, Stefan. "Der "Deutschland-Pakt" - die wahlstrategische Allianz von NPD und DVU /." München [u.a.] : Grin-Verl, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=017653421&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Räther, Dennis. "Die sozialpolitische Konzeption der NPD in den neuen Bundesländern am Beispiel Sachsens /." Hamburg : Diplomica, 2007. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/529108526.pdf.

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Weckenbrock, Christoph. "Die streitbare Demokratie auf dem Prüfstand die neue NPD als Herausforderung." Bonn Bouvier, 2008. http://d-nb.info/996736980/04.

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Weckenbrock, Christoph Kronenberg Volker. "Die streitbare Demokratie auf dem Prüfstand : die neue NPD als Herausforderung /." Bonn : Bouvier, 2009. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/609417150.pdf.

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Iost, Delphine. "Géopolitique de l'extrême droite dans les nouveaux Länder." Paris 8, 2012. http://octaviana.fr/document/178875317#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.

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Dans les nouveaux Länder, l’apparition d’un vote en faveur de l’extrême droite s’inscrit dans un processus de désillusion face aux attentes de l’unification allemande. Au début des années 1990, les partis d’extrême droite n’y jouaient alors qu’un rôle tout à fait marginal bien que la multiplication d’agressions à caractère raciste aient attiré l’attention sur l’existence d’un potentiel pour ce type de formation politique. En adoptant un discours qui allie les thèses classiques de l’extrême droite à des problématiques plus spécifiques aux nouveaux Länder, le parti national-démocrate d’Allemagne (NPD) a réussi à séduire progressivement une partie de l’électorat. L’ouverture du parti à la scène militante, lui a notamment permis de renforcer localement son assise. Ce parti, contre lequel une procédure d’interdiction a été engagée par le gouvernement fédéral en 2001, dispose actuellement d’une multitude de mandats régionaux et locaux. Pour comprendre son ancrage dans les nouveaux Länder, il est important de retracer son parcours électoral à différents échelons du pouvoir. Une première partie sera ainsi consacrée à l’évolution des résultats obtenus par les différents partis d’extrême droite dans les nouveaux Länder. Selon l’échelon de pouvoir observé – national, régional, local – nous nous intéresserons particulièrement aux candidatures présentées par le parti national-démocrate ainsi qu’aux thématiques engagées. Dans une seconde partie, nous nous pencherons sur les stratégies mises en œuvre afin de conquérir un électorat jeune, et plus particulièrement sur l’investissement du média musical en période électorale
The occurence of high scores for right-wing extremist parties in elections in East Germany is part of a process of disillusionment in matters of the german unity. In the beginnig of the 1990s the importance of these parties was marginal although the multiplication of racist attacks could evocate the attention for a potential for the far right. By combining classic right extremist ideology discursive with east german problems the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) was successful in seducing progressively a part of the voters. Especially the openness for militant activists enforces the base of the party on the local level. In 2001 the federal government tried to forbid that party but failed. Today the NPD has a huge number of deputies in the local, regional and Bundesland-level. The first part sums up the evolution of the results of different far right parties in elections in East Germany. On the different levels - national, regional, local, we are particularly interested in the candidates of the NPD and wich topics they use. The second part deals with the strategies employed by the NPD to obtain young voters, particularly the employment of music in election campaigning
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Eyrich-Stur, Maria. "Wie urteilen Hauptschüler über Politik? eine deskriptive Studie über die politische Urteilskompetenz von Hauptschülern unter besonderer Berücksichtigung geschlechtstypischer Zusammenhänge." Hamburg Kovač, 2008. http://d-nb.info/99074499X/04.

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Eyrich-Stur, Maria. "Wie urteilen Hauptschüler über Politik? : Eine deskriptive Studie über die politische Urteilskompetenz von Hauptschülern unter besonderer Berücksichtigung geschlechtstypischer Zusammenhänge /." Hamburg : Kovac, 2009. http://swbplus.bsz-bw.de/bsz28749201xcov.htm.

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Neubauer, Christine. "Neue Wörter -alte Ideen : Die Reproduktion nationalsozialistischen Sprachgebrauchs in den Parteiprogrammen der Nationaldemokratischen Partei Deutschlands und der Sverigedemokraterna." Thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Baltic Languages, Finnish and German, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-7406.

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Dubslaff, Valérie. "Les femmes et l'extrême droite politique en République fédérale d'Allemagne. Le Parti national-démocrate d’Allemagne (NPD) à l’épreuve du genre (1964-2017)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040108.

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Cette thèse interroge les continuités de l’extrême droite allemande après 1945 en s’intéressant aux femmes du Parti national-démocrate d’Allemagne (NPD) créé en 1964 en République fédérale. Focalisée sur les actrices, elle éclaire les spécificités des générations de femmes qui s’y sont succédé, des militantes « postfascistes », légalistes et républicaines des années 1960 aux militantes « néofascistes », nationales-révolutionnaires et antisystème des années 2000. Partant du constat de leur marginalité politique, ce travail étudie les rapports de genre et questionne l’agency féminine dans une extrême droite masculiniste. Afin de surmonter leur isolement, les femmes nationales-démocrates ont ponctuellement élaboré des stratégies d’auto-affirmation, passant notamment par des rassemblements féminins : après la fondation d’un Conseil des Femmes en 1968 et de groupes de femmes en 1976/1977, le Cercle des Femmes nationalistes, fondé en 2006, marque l’aboutissement de leurs revendications antisexistes, revendications qui posent également la question du rapport ambivalent qu’elles entretiennent avec le féminisme politique. Cette thèse propose, enfin, une analyse de l’idéologie des femmes nationales-démocrates : en politisant le « domaine féminin » (famille, culture, société), elles ont contribué à définir la ligne du NPD qui, au gré des transformations historiques, est passé de son souverainisme nationaliste initial à un nationalisme identitaire dans les années 1970/1980, avant d’aboutir, après 1990, à un nationalisme völkisch. Cette thèse pose ainsi un regard inédit sur les processus de féminisation dans l’extrême droite allemande et propose une lecture différente de l’histoire de la République fédérale
This PhD thesis deals with the continuities of the far right in Germany after 1945 by examining the special case of extremist women in the National Democratic Party of Germany, founded in the Federal Republic of Germany in 1964. It analyses the characteristics of the generations of national-democratic women who succeeded each other, from the “postfascist” legalist and democratic activists of the 1960s to the national-revolutionary and anti-system “neofascists” of the 2000s. It examines their political marginality within the party and therefore questions the female agency in the masculinist far right. In order to break out of their isolation, national-democratic women have occasionally developed some self-affirmation strategies : after the foundation of a Federal Women’s Council in 1968, they founded Women’s Groups in 1976/1977 and a Circle of nationalist Women in 2006. This women’s organisation can be considered as the culmination of their antisexist claims, it therefore puts into question their relationship with political feminism. This thesis finally analyses the women’s ideology : through their “female domain” (family, culture, society), they have contributed to the definition of the NPD’s general party line which changed from a sovereigntist nationalism in the 1960s to an identitarian nationalism in the 1970s/1980s, and finally to a völkisch nationalism from 2000 onwards. Thus, this thesis sheds a light on feminisation processes on the far right and offers a different understanding of German history
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Books on the topic "Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands"

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1960-, Backes Uwe, and Steglich Henrik, eds. Die NPD: Erfolgsbedingungen einer rechtsextremistischen Partei. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2007.

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Gebhardt, Richard. Volksgemeinschaft statt Kapitalismus?: Zur sozialen Demagogie der Neonazis. Köln: PapyRossa, 2009.

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Weckenbrock, Christoph. Die streitbare Demokratie auf dem Prüfstand: Die neue NPD als Herausforderung. Bonn: Bouvier, 2009.

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Wagner, Peter M. Die NPD in der Kommunalpolitik: Ursachen der Erfolge einer rechtsextremistischen Partei in Villingen-Schwenningen. Freiburg i. Br: Arnold-Bergstraesser-Institut, 1992.

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Puls, Hendrik. Antikapitalismus von rechts?: Wirtschafts- und sozialpolitische Positionen der NPD. Münster: Edition Assemblage, 2012.

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1967-, Kopke Christoph, ed. Die NPD und ihr Milieu: Studien und Berichte. Münster, Germany: Klemm & Oelschläger, 2009.

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Funke, Hajo. Paranoia und Politik: Rechtsextremismus in der Berliner Republik. Berlin: H. Schiler, 2002.

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Ackermann, Robert. Warum die NPD keinen Erfolg haben kann: Organisation, Programm und Kommunikation einer rechtsextremen Partei. Opladen: Budrich UniPress, 2012.

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Philippsberg, Robert. Die Strategie der NPD: Regionale Umsetzung in Ost- und Westdeutschland. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2009.

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Wagner, Peter M. NPD-Hochburgen in Baden-Württemberg: Erklärungsfaktoren für die Wahlerfolge einer rechtsextremistischen Partei in ländlichen Regionen 1972-1994. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands"

1

Griffin, Roger. "Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands, The European Home." In Fascism, 383. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192892492.003.0215.

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Abstract In my opinion an authentic German-national social people’s party such as the NPD is to be founded on the following principles: The German people is the centre and goal of all national politics. The German people has a right to its volkisch national autonomy. This raises the question of German being, Germanness, or, in modem terminology, of German identity. This approach and basic consideration determines how questions concerning immigration in whatever form-via the EC or political asylum, etc.-are tobe tackled. For me Germany [Deutschland] is and remains the land of the Germans [Land der Deutschen], and it should not degenerate into an exotic country. Principle I is the basis of the demand for the self-determination of the Germans, and hence the question of sovereignty, which in tum frames questions relating to NATO, the EC, and immigration. We reject NATO and the EC as instruments for the international regimentation of the Germans and of their control by foreigners. We are opposed to a policy of ‘open borders’. We want to determine our own affairs in every respect and in every sphere.
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