To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Nationalism and feminism – History.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Nationalism and feminism – History'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Nationalism and feminism – History.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Lanthier, Stéphanie. "L'impossible réciprocité des rapports politiques et idéologiques entre le nationalisme radical et le féminisme radical au Québec, 1961-1972." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0026/MQ35692.pdf.
Full text
2
El-Ahmed, Nabila. "The development of the Palestinian women's movement : the impact of nationalism and Islamism." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79935.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis will study the development of the Palestinian women's movement in the West Bank and Gaza Strip from the Mandate period (1920) to the outbreak of the Al Aqsa Intifada (2000). This work will attempt to outline the evolution of this movement and the impact of two factors that have significantly affected the form and course of its development; the first of which and the principal force is Palestinian Nationalism; the second is Islamism.Nationalism and Islamism are presented here as two formations that functioned separately and in conjunction to present impediments to the ability of an independent Palestinian women's movement to develop and implement a social feminist agenda aimed at establishing gender equality and ensuring women's legal and political rights within Palestinian society.
3
Cully, Eavan. "Nationalism, feminism, and martial valor: rewriting biographies of women in «Nüzi shijie» (1904-1907)." Thesis, McGill University, 2009. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32363.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines images of martial women as they were produced in the biography column of the late Qing journal Nüzi shijie (NZSJ; 1904-1907). By examining the historiographic implications of revised women's biographies, I will show the extent to which martial women were written as ideal citizens at the dawn of the twentieth-century. In the first chapter I place NZSJ in its historical context by examining the journal's goals as seen in two editorials from the inaugural issue. The second and third chapters focus on biographies of individual women warriors which will be read against their original stories in verse and prose. Through these comparisons, I aim to demonstrate how these "transgressive women" were written as normative ideals of martial citizens that would appeal to men and women alike.Cette thèse examine les images de femmes martiales reproduites dans la rubrique biographique du journal Nüzi shijie (NZSJ; 1904-1907) publiée à la fin de la dynastie Qing. En examinant les implications historiographiques des biographies révisées des femmes, j'essai de démontrer l'importance de la façon dont les femmes martiales étaient décrites come citoyennes idéales à l'aube du vingtième siècle. A travers une exploration des objectifs posés par le journal et mis en évidence dans deux éditoriaux extraits du premier numéro du journal, mon premier chapitre essaie de placer le NZSJ dans sa propre contexte historique. Le deuxième et le troisième chapitres se concentrent sur les biographies individuelles des femmes guerrières, lesquelles sont juxtaposés aux histories originales écrites sous forme de vers et prose. A travers ces juxtapositions, mon projet démontre la façon dont ces "femmes transgressives" illustraient l'idéal normatif du citoyen martiale, lequel attirait les hommes ainsi que les femmes.
4
Ramnarayan, Akhila. "Kalki's avatars writing nation, history, region, and culture in the Tamil public sphere /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1150484295.
Full text
5
Arnstad, Henrik. "The Amazon Archers of England : Longbows, gender and English nationalism 1780–1845." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-169585.
Full textAbstract:
In the 1780s the medieval weapon of war; the English longbow, enjoyed a renaissance, as historical archery became a fashionable recreation among the English aristocracy. Later, during 1819-1845, longbow archery developed into a mass movement, as it spread downwards in the English class system, into the bourgeoning middle class. During the entire time period of 1780-1845, the “English warbow” was instrumental in producing a specific English (i.e. not British) nationalistic memory culture regarding the medievalmilitary triumphs of the “English bowmen” in battles of old, against French and Scottish forces, as well as reproducing a nationalistic narrative surrounding the English national hero and master-archer Robin Hood. The English longbow, as an object, became a mani- festation of English nationalism. An important fact was that both men and women were included as archers, despite the masculine context of the memory culture surroundingmilitary archery, the celebration of medieval English battlefield victories and the man- liness of the English “bowmen”. How did England come to view the female archer as an ideal for English women, while at the same time publicly upholding a patriarchal doctrine of a feminine “private sphere” womanhood, whereby women should be constrained to the domestic space as housewives, mothers and daughters? How was the English inclusion of females in the nationalistic public sphere of longbow archery made possible, communica- ted and reproduced? In summary, this study is about how longbow archery was manife- sted in the context of the rise of English modern nationalism and how women were inclu- ded – or rather included themselves – as English longbow archers. As the study shows, the answers exists in an inter-relating web of English memory culture regarding warfare and historical archery; gender constructions and female agency; constructions of English national identity and English nationalism within a British context; and class developments in English society. This accounts for how the Amazon Archers of England came to exist from 1780-1845.På 1780-talet fick det engelska medeltida krigsvapnet; den engelska långbågen, en ovän- tad och plötslig renässans i England, när historiskt bågskytte blev en hobby på modet inom den engelska aristokratin. Efter Napoleonkrigens slut 1815 utvecklades skyttet till enfolklig massrörelse, inom den växande och allt mer inflytelserika engelska medelklassen. Under tidsperioden 1780-1845 blev den engelska långbågen (The English longbow ellerThe English warbow) instrumentell i produktionen av en specifikt engelsk – det vill sägainte brittisk – nationalistisk minneskultur, utifrån de medeltida engelska bågskyttarnassegrar på slagfälten, i krig mot franska och skotska arméer. Parallellt förstärktes de natio- nalistiska narrativen kring den engelske nationalhjälten och långbågeskytten Robin Hood. Den engelska långbågen, som objekt, blev en manifestation av engelsk nationalism. En viktig del av den engelska långbågskytterörelsen var inkluderingen av både kvinnor och män, trots skyttets karaktär av maskulin krigiskhet och militärhistoria, angående medel- tida krigståg, där ”the English bowman” hade triumferat. Faktum är att den kvinnliga bågskytten hyllades som ett ideal för engelska kvinnor, samtidigt som patriarkal brittisk doktrin dikterade att kvinnor borde hålla sig innanför hemmets väggar, i den privata sfä-ren, medan den offentliga sfären (yrkeskarriär, politik, idrott, etc.) borde vara ett exklusivtmanligt utrymme. Kvinnor skulle vara fruar, mödrar eller döttrar – inte krigare. Hur vardessa bägge kvinnoideal möjliga att förena? I denna fråga återfinns denna studies kärna. Hur konstruerades engelsk krigshistorisk nationalism 1780-1845 kring den engelska långbågen? Hur inkluderades kvinnor i denna maskulina nationalism? Hur producerades, kommunicerades och reproducerades kvinnlig agens i en militärhistorisk nationalistiskdiskurs, som i andra europeiska länder (exempelvis Sverige) ansågs självklart exklusivtmanlig? Sammanfattningsvis visar denna studie hur den engelska långbågen blev central för den gryende engelska moderna nationalismen 1780-1845, och hur kvinnor inkluderades – eller snarare inkluderade sig själva – i denna nationalism, som långbågeskyttar. Studien visar att svaren på forskningsfrågorna återfinns i en sammanflätad väv av engelskminneskultur, angående historiska krig och bågskytte; genuskonstruktioner och kvinnlig agens; konstruktioner av engelsk nationell identitet och engelsk nationalism; samt engel- ska samhällsutvecklingar under introduktionen av modernitet och industrialism. Allt detta berättar historien om hur de engelska bågskytte-amazonerna–The Amazon Archers of England–blev en realitet 1780-1845.
6
Joscelyn, Morgan T. "British Imperialism Of The Ottoman Empire Gender, Nationalism, And Cultural Changes." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/914.
Full textAbstract:
British imperialism of the Ottoman Empire is analyzed in terms of power and influence. Changes in gender roles, nationalism, and culture are all examined through the lens of imperialism. The discourse flows thematically and discusses brief histories of both Britain and the Ottoman Empire. The construction of the Imperial Museum created a unified image of the nation through the collection of material items. As a result of European imperialism, the Ottoman Empire developed a sense of national culture.
7
d'Elena, Grisel. "The Gender Problem of Buddhist Nationalism in Myanmar: The 969 Movement and Theravada Nuns." FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2463.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis uses transnational and Black feminist frameworks to analyze Buddhist nationalist discourses of gender and violence against religious and ethnic minorities in Myanmar. Burmese Buddhist nationalists’ marginalization of the Muslim Rohingya ethnic minority is inextricably linked to their attempts to control Buddhist women. Research includes interviews with U Ashin Wirathu, the leader of the monastic-led nationalist group, the 969 Movement, and with other monks of the organization, as well as with non-nationalist monks, nuns and laywomen. I also analyze Theravada textual discourse as read by my subjects in light of the history of Myanmar to understand the ways the local Theravada tradition has marginalized women and non-Buddhists. By connecting the lack of bhikkhuni ordination and laws hindering Buddhist women from marrying non-Buddhist men with the portrayal of the Rohingya as a threat to the nation, I show how Buddhist nationalists attempt to consolidate power and forestall the democratization process.
8
Piquado, Laura. "Discourse on women's education in Egypt during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries : a convergence of proto-feminist, nationalist and Islamic reformist thought." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30200.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the development of women's education in pre-independence Egypt from the mid-nineteenth century to 1922. It looks at women's educational facilities and women's access to education through the reigns of Muhammad Ali, Said, Ismail and the British occupation. While the rise in women's educational concerns on a formal level parallels the growth of modernist, Islamic reformist, and proto-feminist thought in the late nineteenth century, the relationship among the three groups vis a vis their respective positions on women's education differs and is therefore examined in the thesis.Research on this topic reveals a correlation between the early women's movement, a strong proponent of women's education, and Egypt's national and Islamic reform movements. As each group espoused a vision of change for Egypt, one secular and the other decidedly more religious, the common denominator for social progress was the unanimous support for advancements, although conditional, in educational policies regarding women. Couched in a context of modernism, the pursuit of freedom from foreign control and the desire for Egypt to develop into a fully productive society, were indispensable aspects of the development of women's education.
9
Ramnarayan, Akhila. "Kalki’s Avatars: writing nation, history, region, and culture in the Tamil Public Sphere." The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1150484295.
Full text
10
McCoy, Austin C. "The Creation of an African-American Counterpublic: The Impact of Race, Class, Gender, and Sexuality on Black Radicalism during the Black Freedom Movement, 1965-1981." [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1239641963.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A.)--Kent State University, 2009.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Nov. 16, 2009). Advisor: Elizabeth Smith-Pryor. Keywords: Civil Rights Movement; Black Power; Black Feminism; Gender; Race; Class; Sexuality; Nationalism; Black Radicalism. Includes bibliographical references (p. 132-139).
11
Firat, Bilge. "Dissident, but hegemonic a critical review of feminist studies on gendered nationalism in Turkey /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.
12
Weber, Charlotte E. "Making common cause? western and middle eastern feminists in the international women's movement, 1911-1948 /." Connect to this title online, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1056139187.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.Document formatted into pages; contains vii, 236 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 222-236). Abstract available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2006 June 20.
13
TzanakeÌ?, DeÌ?meÌ?tra. "Gender and nationalism in the Hellenic world 1836-1897." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244240.
Full text
14
She, Chia-Ling. "Breaking the silence : nationalism and feminism in contemporary Egyptian women’s writing." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/10945.
Full textAbstract:
The works I examine in this thesis for Egyptian women’s narrative liberation strategies span from the nationalist-feminist works of the 1920s in Egypt throughout the twentieth century. I include works by Huda Shaarawi, Zainab al-Ghazali, Nawal El Saadawi, Latifa al-Zayyat, the post-1970s generation such as Ibtihal Salem, Alifa Rifaat and Salwa Bakr and finally, Ahdaf Soueif. The works for examination are organised chronologically and surround anti-colonial independence struggles in Egypt. I argue that writing corporeality for contemporary Egyptian women complicates the modern national space and histories. Qasim Amin (1863-1908) is deemed Egypt’s feminist founding father. His modernist reformist discourse is one of the attempts to create the interstitial space for Egyptian women’s liberation in Homi Bhabha’s concept. Amin’s ‘imitative’ Western gender equality discourse renders the heterosexual relationship complex within Egyptian nationalist heteronormative discourses. It kindles numerous debates about Islamic definitions of womanhood. Not only does this cause the tension between Islam and Egyptian feminism but it also makes Islamic culture open to changes and a plethora of discourses. This thesis aims at assessing narrative strategies through female bodies, which form an interstitial space in Egypt’s histories. Romantic love narratives in contemporary Egyptian women’s writing re-signify national space. Re-writing heterosexual relationships in El Saadawi’s (1931-) secular gender politics unsettles heterosexual constitution in Egyptian modern fiction, which disrupts a sense of a linear time in inventing national identities. Writing against Freudian masculine discursive power, El Saadawi distinguishes her feminist stance from Western feminist colonialist discursive hegemony. Her strategy renders an instantaneous frame of time, to use Bhabha’s concept. It targets the assumption of tradition as a nationalist discourse. Latifa al-Zayyat (1923-1996), through the creation of Layla in The Open Door, suggests that female sexuality can articulate historical perspectives of Egyptian modernity which has been dominated by male-centred views. The central space conferred on female sexuality in The Open Door reveals the symbolic representation of female sexuality in the male-led nationalist and nationalist-feminist debates. In Return of the Pharaoh, al-Ghazali (1917-2005) demonstrates her body to be able to endure tortures better than men; it involves a complication of the nationalist invention revolving around feminine ‘spirituality’, dependent on women’s roles of respectability. Her autobiographical writing is fluid between the personal and political and it becomes a vehicle for negotiating the national and female selves. Therefore, writing corporeality constitutes strategies for creating narrative time and space in Egypt as a nation. Also, Egyptian women’s writing techniques bring forth narratives of the lower class in Egyptian women’s movement. In the writing of the post-1970s generation, Ibtihal Salem’s (1949-) daily description of women’s lives disrupts the masculine national linear time. For Salem, sexual life expresses disillusionment toward Jamal Abdel Nasser’s socialist nationalism, lament for neo-colonialism and the fundamentalist revival. Alifa Rifaat’s (1930-1996) representation of female genital mutilation integrates suturing, i.e. healing, and infibulations. Rifaat’s writing renders nationalist discourse split by demonstrating this practice as a sense of belonging and a wound, and thus, she creates an alternative space for nationalist discourses. The short story genre is a strategy of conveying Egyptian women’s culturally mixed daily life. Salwa Bakr (1949-) devises female madness as a strategy to create new space within the domestic sphere. Her approach is based on revisiting Islam. She describes female psychological problems and carves out a representational possibility for Third World urban female subalterns. The zar ritual and psychoanalytic institutions introduce feminine circular time in Bakr’s works. Ahdaf Soueif (1950-) adopts the feminine romance genre to seek narrative possibility for female sexuality and for formulating space for historical subalterns. I suggest that women’s corporeality in Egyptian modern fiction articulates a series of performative ever-changing national identities.
15
Munson, Elizabeth A. "The sex of citizenship : modernizing Spain on the margins of Europe, 1890-1931 /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9945692.
Full text
16
Al-Qaiwani, Sara. "Nationalism, revolution and feminism : women in Egypt and Iran from 1880-1980." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3212/.
Full textAbstract:
The rise of women’s rights movements in the Middle East has a long, varied, and complex historical trajectory, which makes it a challenging area of comparative study. This thesis explores the development of notions of cultural authenticity and womanhood, and how women struck bargains with men around such notions, by looking at the rise of women’s rights discourses and movements in Egypt and Iran from 1880 to 1980. More specifically, it investigates how changing notions of ‘cultural authenticity’ and ‘womanhood’ affected the relationship between ‘nationalism’ and ‘feminism’, women’s relationship with modernizing states, and ‘female activism’ within revolutionary and Islamist opposition movements. 1880 was chosen as the starting period of this study to assess the modernist and nationalist debates of the late 19th century, which incorporated new women’s rights discourses in both cases. 1980 was chosen as an end point as the Iran'Iraq war, and the advent of ‘Islamic feminism’ debates over the next decades in both Iran and Egypt, introduced new factors and issues, which would not have been possible to assess properly within the scope of this study. The two countries were selected not only for their political significance, but because of key differences, particularly in terms of dominant language and religion, to help challenge generalizations about ‘Arab versus non'Arab culture’, and notions of a monolithic ‘Islam’, ‘Muslim culture’, and/or the Middle East. Differences between regional cases need to be highlighted to avoid generalizations and simplified readings of women’s histories. This thesis places its original contributions within existing historiography on women’s movements in Iran and Egypt, contributing to the wider debates on women’s histories and ‘feminisms’ in the Middle East. Its arguments contribute to existing historiography on women and nationalism, women and revolution, and women and the state in Iran, Egypt, and wider studies on Middle Eastern women’s histories.
17
Hamilton, Carrie. "The gender politics of ETA and radical Basque nationalism 1959-1982." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287777.
Full text
18
Mawere, Tinashe. "Decentering nationalism: Representing and contesting Chimurenga in Zimbabwean popular culture." University of the Western Cape, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5239.
Full textAbstract:
Philosophiae Doctor - PhDThis study seeks to uncover the non-coercive, intricate and insidious ways which have generated both the 'willing' acceptance of and resistance to the rule of Robert Mugabe and ZANU-PF in Zimbabwe. I consider how popular culture is a site that produces complex and persuasive meanings and enactments of citizenship and belonging in contemporary Zimbabwe and focus on 'agency,' 'subversion' and their interconnectedness or blurring. The study argues that understanding nationalism's impact in Zimbabwe necessitates an analysis of the complex ways in which dominant articulations of nationalism are both imbibed and contested, with its contestation often demonstrating the tremendous power of covert forms of resistance. The focus on the politics of popular culture in Zimbabwe called for eclectic and critical engagements with different social constructionist traditions, including postcolonial feminism, aspects of the work of Louis Althusser and Michel Foucault. My eclectic borrowing is aimed at enlisting theory to analyse ways in which co-optation, subversion and compromise often coexist in the meanings generated by various popular and public culture forms. These include revered national figures and symbols, sacrosanct dead bodies and retrievals, slogans and campaign material, sport, public speeches, the mass media and music. The study therefore explores political sites and responses that existing disciplinary studies, especially politics and history, tend to side-line. A central thesis of the study is that Zimbabwe, in dominant articulations of the nation, is often constituted in a discourse of anti-colonial war, and its present and future are imagined as a defence of what has already been gained from previous wars in the form of "chimurenga." I argue that formal sites of political contestation often reinforce forms of patriarchal, heterosexist, ethnic, neo-imperial and class authoritarianism often associated only with the ZANU PF as the overtly autocratic ruling party. In turning to diverse forms of popular culture and their reception, I identify and analyze sites and texts that, rather than constituting mere entertainment or reflecting organized and party political struggles, testify to the complexity and intensity of current forms of domination and resistance in the country. Contrary to the view that Zimbabwe has been witnessing a steady paralysis of popular protest, the study argues that slogans, satire, jokes, metaphor, music and general performance arts by the ordinary people are spaces on which "even the highly spectacular deployment of gender and sexuality to naturalize a nationalism informed by the 'efficacy' of a phallocentric power 'cult' is full of contestations and ruptures."
19
Feiler, Yael. "Nationen och hans hustru: feminism och nationalism i Israel med fokus på Miriam Kainys dramatik /." Stockholm: Univ. : Stift. för utgivning av teatervetenskapliga studier, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-94.
Full text
20
Jacobs, Stephen. "Hindu identity, nationalism and globalization." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683176.
Full text
21
Teoh, Remedios A., and remedios teoh@deakin edu au. "Gender and national identity: The people's theatre in the Philippines (1967-2000)." Deakin University. School of Social and International Studies, 2004. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20061207.150434.
Full textAbstract:
The Philippine Education Theater Association (PETA), the Peoples Theatre in the Philippines was founded within the bounds of the nationalist leftist tradition. Its origin therefore determines to a great extent the contours of the discourse on the feminist movement in the Philippines, its participation within the cultural movement and the founding years of the pioneering Peoples Theatre in the country. As a grass roots theatre from a Third World nation, the PETA theatre model responded to the needs in raising socio-political and economic consciousness and can therefore serve as an alternative tool to formal education for other Third World countries. This thesis argues, the Peoples Theatre development is determined within the matrix of gender, class, politics and the nationalist movement to which it is intertwined or inextricably linked. The feminist, nationalist and radical movements have become superimposed upon the history of the Peoples Theatre and have nurtured its development as a consciousness raising educational tool.
22
Sfirlea, Titus Gabriel. "THE TRANSYLVANIAN SCHOOL: ENLIGHTENED INSTRUMENT OF ROMANIAN NATIONALISM." NCSU, 2005. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07182005-174056/.
Full textAbstract:
The end of the eighteen and the beginning of the nineteen centuries represented a period of national renaissance for the Romanian population within the Great Principality of Transylvania. The nation, within a span of under fifty years, documented its Latin origins, rewrote its history, language, and grammar, and attempted to educate and gain political rights for its members within the Habsburg Empire?s family of nations. Four Romanian intellectuals led this enormous endeavor and left their philosophical imprint on the politics and social structure of the newly forged nation: Samuil Micu, Gheorghe ªincai, Petru Maior, and Ion-Budai Deleanu. Together they formed a school of thought called the Transylvanian School. Micu, Maior, and ªincai (at least early in his career), under the inspiration of the ideas of enlightened absolutism reflected in the reign of Joseph II, advocated and worked tirelessly to introduce reforms from above as a means for national education and emancipation. Deleanu, fully influenced by a combination of ideas emanating from French Enlightenment and French revolutionary sources, argued that the Romanian population of Transylvania could achieve social and political rights only if they were willing to fight for them.
23
Dossett, Kate Maria. "Bridging race divides : black nationalism, feminism and integration in the United States, 1896-1935." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.616088.
Full text
24
Largent, Mark Aaron. "Black Nationalism Reinterpreted." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278124/.
Full textAbstract:
Black nationalism responded to America's failure to examine the effects of slavery's legacy. Its aims represent those issues that were either unsupported by or in opposition to the goals of the civil rights leadership. In particular, the civil rights movement dismissed any claims that the history of slavery had a lasting effect on African-Americans. This conflict developed because of mainstream America's inability to realize that the black community is not monolithic and African-Americans were differentially affected by slavery's legacy. It is those blacks who are most affected by the culture of poverty created by America's history of slavery who make up today's inner-city populations. Despite successes by the civil rights movement, problems within lower-class black communities continue because the issues of the black underclass have not yet been fully addressed.
25
Syms, Colleen. "Japanese-American Internment: How Nationalism Invalidated Citizenship." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/707.
Full text
26
Solh, R. "Lebanon and Arab nationalism : 1936-1945." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.376027.
Full text
27
Halpern, Monda M. "But on the farm-- feminism means something else, Ontario farm women and feminism, 1900-1970." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq22463.pdf.
Full text
28
Di, Lillo Ivano. "Opera and nationalism in Fascist Italy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283883.
Full text
29
Bélo, Tais Pagoto 1980. "Boudica e as facetas femininas ao longo do tempo : nacionalismo, feminismo, memória e poder." [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281233.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Pedro Paulo Abreu FunariTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T11:15:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Belo_TaisPagoto_D.pdf: 132719008 bytes, checksum: 1ab1c8efd9d3e7923d1cc3f95104d530 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014
Resumo: Esta tese teve como intuito o estudo da personagem Boudica, rainha Bretã da tribo dos Iceni, que liderou um exército contra o Império Romano durante o século I d.C. É tida, atualmente, como um símbolo polivalente para os Britânicos, e encontra-se guardada na memória coletiva. A rainha guerreira foi uma representação feminina para as mulheres de poder da Inglaterra, tais como rainha Elizabeth I e rainha Vitória, tendo sido utilizada como uma insígnia de luta para as sufragistas e aproveitada como uma reprodução nacionalista. Sua imagem foi descrita, em primeira mão, na Antiguidade, por Tácito e Dião Cássio. O primeiro autor mencionou que, por ser uma mulher, não lhe cabiam o governo e a liderança, ao passo que para o segundo ela era física e psicologicamente retratada como uma mulher masculina, com a voz, o tamanho e as armas de um homem. Contudo, as informações e os escritos dos antigos autores foram posteriormente utilizados para outros trabalhos artísticos, bem como para peças de teatro, esculturas, livros, pinturas, trabalhos políticos e até mesmo charges que envolviam a figura feminina de Boudica. Essas obras, entretanto, não deixaram de apresentar a concepção social em relação à mulher diante da figura de Boudica. De modo a acrescentar, este estudo demonstra como o século XIX e o início do XX valeram-se dessa imagem e a legitimaram por meio de uma cultura material constituída por estátuas localizadas nas cidades de Londres, Cardiff e Colchester, e por um vitral, o qual se encontra nesta última localidade. Contudo, a validação da rainha guerreira, pelo poder governamental, se deu a partir do conceito de `tradição¿, em voga nesse período, para fins nacionalistas. Dessa forma, os Britânicos utilizaram símbolos como bandeiras, hinos nacionais e até mesmo a personificação da nação, com o intuito de conceber a própria pátria. Essas reproduções estariam ligadas às práticas governamentais, teriam seus próprios valores e regras, seriam facilmente aceitos pelo povo e teriam uma conexão com o passado (Hobsbawm, 1993). Embora Boudica tenha sido lembrada por quase cinco séculos e se tornado uma figura familiar para os ingleses, não quer dizer que historiadores e arqueólogos saibam muito ao seu respeito. De outra forma, constatou-se por entrevistas feitas nos museus de Norwich, Norwich Castle Museum & Art Gallery, de Colchester, Colchester Castle Museum, de Londres, Museum of London e de St. Albans, Verulamium Museum, que sua figura continua presente na memória coletiva dos britânicos. Sendo assim, conclui-se que o presente estudo teve como essência os usos do passado diante de Boudica, sua importância e seu significado, tendo em vista que objetos, patrimônios, estátuas, pinturas, construções e outros encontram-se enraizados na cultura e na história de um grupo ou uma nação e são envolvidos em sentimentos, memória, honra, nostalgia e poder
Abstract: This thesis was intended to study the character of Boudica, a Breton Queen from the Iceni tribe, who led an army against the Roman Empire during the first century before Christ. Boudica is currently held as a polyvalent symbol to the British and she is also stored in their collective memory. The warrior Queen was a feminine representation to powerful women in England, such as Queen Elizabeth I and Queen Victoria, and her image was utilized by suffragists as a fighting insignia, as well as a national reproduction. Tacitus and Cassius Dio described her image at first hand, in the Antiquity. The first author mentioned that, since she was a woman, the government and the leadership did not suit her. Meanwhile, for the second author she was psychologically and physically represented as a masculinized woman, who had the voice, the size and the weapons of a man. However, the information and the writing of the ancient writers were used in the posterity for other artistic works, such as plays, sculptures, books, pictures, politician works and even cartoons, which involved the feminine figure of Boudica, although these works no longer placed the social conception relating those women to the figure of Boudica. Furthermore, this study demonstrates how the Nineteenth and the beginning of the Twentieth century used this image and how it was legitimized by means of a material culture, which is constituted of statues located at the cities of London, Cardiff and Colchester, as well as of a Stained Glass window, which is displayed in the Town Hall of the last city. Nevertheless, the validation of the warrior queen by the governmental power was given by the `tradition¿ concept, in vogue then, to national purposes. Thus, the British utilized the symbols, such as flags, anthems and even a personification of the nation to conceive their own homeland. Such reproductions were linked to government practices, had their own values and rules, were easily accepted by the people and had a connection with the past (Hobsbawm, 1993). Although Boudica has been remembered for almost five centuries and turned into a familiar figure to the English, it does not mean that historians and archaeologists know much about her. On the other hand, it was found, through interviews done in the museums of Norwich, Norwich Castle Museum & Art Gallery, of Colchester, Colchester Castle Museum, of London, Museum of London and of St. Albans, Verulamium Museum, that she is still alive in the collective memory of the British. Thus, it is concluded that the present study had as essence the uses of the past before Boudica, as well as her importance and meaning. And also that objects, patrimonies, statues, pictures and constructions are rooted in the culture and in the history of a group or a nation and are surrounded by feelings, memory, honor, nostalgia and power
Doutorado
Historia Cultural
Doutora em História
30
McCracken, James. "Plotting Irish history : nationalism and the invention of narrative." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.267601.
Full text
31
Feiler, Yael. "Nationen och hans hustru : Feminism och nationalism i Israel med fokus på Miriam Kainys dramatik." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm University, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-94.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this thesis is to elucidate the tension between feminism and nationalism in Israel and to investigate the ways by which such discursive currents mark the identities of Israeli women. The specific field of investigation is Israeli theatre, and the identities examined are dramatic characters created by the Israeli playwright Miriam Kainy. Also examined is the character of the playwright herself. Theatre is being observed as a specific field of society in which the position of women can be clarified. What kind of women characters the Israeli theatre produces is therefore a leading question for this study.
Feminist theories, focusing on gender aspects of power relations, together with the postcolonial perspective, which considers power relations by focusing on ethnicity and geopolitical aspects, provide the theoretical tools. The social constructionist viewpoint is used since it provides an appropriate understanding of important notions for the thesis, such as nation and identity, considering them as constructions created by discourse. The discourses focused upon are the national v. the feminist discourse and theatre is viewed as a discourse mediator, which is why the dramatic text is the object of the analysis. The specific method of analysis is inspired by Norman Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis.
The main part of the thesis consists of a discursive analysis of five women characters, constructed within a period of about five decades, namely between the 1950s and 1990s. Each one of these characters consists of an articulation which is considered representative of a specific time-relevant discursive struggle between the two discourses in question. One of the central assumptions of the thesis is that the Israeli national identity is thoroughly masculine. The identity problems it has been causing Israeli women since the time of the pioneers until today are clearly illuminated throughout the analysis. The conclusion emphasises that the subjectpositions being introduced by Israeli national discourse, namely the ways of being a New Jew, an Israeli, collide with those introduced by feminist discourse, i.e. ways of being an independent woman subject. Nevertheless, each and every character demonstrates creative ways of transforming the discourses by aiming at a hybrid formation.
32
Mabry, Marshall Loomis. "The emergence of nationalism: a comparative study of the English and French experience." Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/54378.
Full textAbstract:
England has long been an anomaly in the nationalism literature. On the other hand the French Revolution has stood as the event embodying the emergence of all nationalism. Not infrequently, writings on other revolutions or civil wars display the absence of objectivity. This thesis attempts both objectivity and a basic orientation towards nationalism by exploring the structural context of emerging nationalisms in two revolutions. Each case depicts a significantly different context in which emerging nationalism develops.
Next, I develop a test case drawn from the record of emerging Basque nationalism. This analysis draws out the consistency between the multiple characteristics of Basque nationalism and their structural orientations. The success of this test case helps in the refinement of our understanding of nationalism.Master of Science
33
Safi, Akmal. "Relationship Between Religion and Nationalism in Pakistan : A Study of Religion and Nationalism in Pakistan during the period 1947 to 1988." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444295.
Full textAbstract:
Religion has always been at the core of the Pakistani national narrative. This research paper argues that the relationship between religion and nationalism in Pakistan is complex and has changed its character during different phases of the Pakistani political history. The aim of this paper was to understand this relationship during the period 1947 to 1988 of the Pakistani political history using the theoretical framework developed by Rogers Brubaker. Our analysis points out that the role of religion and its relationship has taken different shapes during different phases depending on political developments and processes, actors and visions. During the first time frame - from August 1947 - 12 March 1949 - religion under the leadership of the founder of the country Mohammad Ali Jinnah was viewed from the perspective of identity. This is explained by Brubaker’s first approach according to which religion functions as a mode of identification. During the politically chaotic decade after Jinnah’s death, religion was integrated into the organization of the state through the Objectives Resolution and the inclusion of Islamic articles in the country’s first constitution of 1956 and Islam was viewed as the cause of nationalism in Pakistan, explained by Brubaker’s second approach. When General Ayub Khan took over in October 1958 as the first military dictator, the country experienced progressive reforms challenging the role of Islam. This led to agitation from the religious parties who demanded political representation, acting as political claimants. This is explained by the third variant in Brubaker’s first approach in which religion is employed as a way of framing political claims. During Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s tenure, the nations’s Islamic identity was emphasized to establish closer relation with other Muslim nations. Bhutto developed a transnational vision according to which the Pakistani nation was to lead other Islamic countries. This is explained by the second kind of Brubaker’s third approach in which religion is viewed as intertwined with nationalism. General Zia ul Haq’s military dictatorship promoted Nizam-e-Islami to implement a process of Shariatization of the country. General Zia viewed Islam and the Pakistani nation as existentially interdependent and he attempted to bring religion, state and nation into a singularity. This kind of religious nationalism is explained by Brubaker’s fourth approach as a distinctive form of nationalism.
34
Mason, David Charles. "Investigating Turkey: detective fiction and Turkish nationalism, 1928-1950." Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=96737.
Full textAbstract:
After extensive study of the Ottoman Empire, one notes that the historiographyfocuses on events from the perspective of the sultan and/or the elites. This should comeas no surprise as this has historically been the case. However, I felt an urge to know moreabout the lives and histories of the general population. In addition to this interest, I hold along-standing interest in propaganda in popular culture. Concepts of Turkish nationalismwere expounded by the elite in a top-down effort to rally the population of Anatolia toprotect their homeland from the impending attempt by European powers to control theterritory. As it was a top-down effort, there needed to be a mechanism or mechanismsthrough which these concepts could be transmitted to the general population. I decided toassess the level to which authors of indigenous Turkish detective fiction written between1928 and 1950 attempted to aid in this process of transmission. In order to assess this, Icarefully analysed five series of detective fiction. I found that authorial intent to spreadideas of Turkism was clearly displayed by personal addresses to the reader and theuniformity of message in each and every series. These messages of character traits Turksshould embody, the palpable derision shown toward Turks who would work to support aforeign power, and promotion of both rationalism and feminism adhered closely toKemalist concepts of Turkism. As a result, I conclude that these authors did work tospread concepts of Turkism to the general population.Une étude extensive de l'Empire ottoman, m'a amené à relever quel'historiographie se concentrait sur les événements uniquement du point de vue du sultanet/ou des élites. Ceci ne devrait pas être surprenant puis qu'historiquement c'était le cas.Cependant, j'ai eu envie d'en savoir plus sur la vie et l'histoire de la population. Parailleurs, j'ai un intérêt de longue date pour la propagande dans la culture populaire. Lesconcepts du nationalisme turc ont été énoncés par l'élite, dans un effort du haut vers lebas, de rassembler la population d'Anatolie pour protéger leur patrie contre la tentativedes puissances européennes de contrôler le territoire. Comme il s'agissait d'une initiativepartant du haut pour aller vers le bas, il fallut un mécanisme ou des mécanismes parlesquels ces concepts pourraient être communiqués à la population. J'ai décidé d'étudierles moyens par lesquels les auteurs de littérature policière turque, écrite entre 1928 et1950, ont essayé de faciliter ce processus de transmission. Pour ce faire, j'aisoigneusement analysé cinq séries de littérature policière. Cela m'a permis de constaterque l'intention des auteurs de répandre le Turkisme se manifestait clairement par desmessages adressés directement au lecteur et par l'uniformité du message au sein dechaque série. Ces messages exaltent les traits de caractère turcs, expriment une dérisioncertaine en vers les Turcs qui travailleraient pour soutenir une puissance étrangère etpromeuvent le scepticisme et le féminisme, s'inscrivant ainsi dans la droite ligne duKémalisme et du Turkisme. Ma conclusion est que ces auteurs ont contribué à propagerl'idéologie turkiste parmi la population.
35
Öhlén, Hannah. "Nationality, Sexuality & Liberation : A Field Study of the Interconnections of Feminism and Nationalism in Palestine." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-272516.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates the interconnections of feminism and nationalism in the context of Palestine, and is based on a Minor Field Study of interviews with Palestinian women working for women’s rights. The study investigates their views and opinions when it comes to issues related to sexual proprietariness; the view that men own women and their reproductive abilities (Taylor & Jasinski, 2011:249f), and demography in relation to the Palestinian national struggle against the Israeli occupation. The women interviewed in this study argue for the importance of struggling for women’s and Palestinian rights in parallel, partly because the Israeli occupation is said to hinder the work for women’s rights in different ways. The ideology of the Palestinian women’s rights activists interviewed in this study can be said to be an example of nationalist feminism (McClintock, 1997:109) since they are trying to combine feminism and nationalism. By basing their rhetoric on the concept freedom from oppression combining feminism and nationalism is made possible, especially within national liberation movements. The thesis concludes with a discussion about why it might not be nationalism per se that is negatively correlated with women’s rights, but rather conservatism, and it argues that finding a way to theoretically connect individual and collective rights is of great importance in order to manage the struggles.
36
Ratnayaka, R. M. H. Sujeeva. "Nationalism in Sri Lanka and Malaysia : comparative history and historiography /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arr234.pdf.
Full text
37
McDougall, James Robert. "Colonial words : nationalism, Islam and languages of history in Algeria." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251487.
Full text
38
Drelová, Agáta. "A cultural history of Catholic nationalism in Slovakia, 1985-1993." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/21846.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is about the construction of a nationalised public Catholic culture in Slovakia from 1985 to 1993. At the core of this culture was the assumption that the Catholic Church had always been an integral part of the Slovak nation, her past, her present and her future. The thesis seeks to answer the question of who created this culture during the 1980s and 1990s and how and why they did so. To answer these questions this thesis adopts a cultural approach and explores how this culture was created utilising the concepts of collective memory, symbols and events as its main analytical tools. The data for this analysis include, but are not restricted to, materials produced in relation to various commemorative events and pilgrimages, especially those related to the leading national Catholic symbols: the National Patroness Our Lady of the Seven Sorrows and Saints Cyril and Methodius. The thesis argues that this culture was deliberately constructed from the point of view of many actors. Before 1989 these included the official Catholic hierarchy, underground Catholic Church communities, the pope and nationalist Communists. After 1989 these actors continued to construct this culture even as their positions of power changed. Most notably, underground Catholics became part of current ecclesiastical and political elite, and communist nationalists dissociated themselves from the Communist Party but retained their position within the cultural and political elite. The thesis consists of three chapters. The first chapter looks at how the nationalised public Catholic culture started in the mid-1980s with underground Catholic communities that focused on culture and grassroots mobilisation. The second chapter looks at how the nationalist Communists and the official church hierarchy became involved in construction of parts of this culture and how their involvement resonated with the underground Catholic communities. Chapter Three examines how this culture continued to develop in the early 1990s in a new political context, and how it contributed to a broader cultural legitimisation of Slovak independence.
39
Smith, Steven Reginald Burdett. "British nationalism, imperialism and the City of London 1880-1900." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1985. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1896.
Full textAbstract:
Based mainly on the records of the London Chamber of Commerce, the study explores the role of the City in the promotion of a form of British nationalism and the pressure for an expansion of the British Empire and navy in the last two decades of the nineteenth century. In its propagation of a free-trade form of imperial federation, the City struggled with protectionists within the Imperial Federation League, at the Congresses of the Chambers of Commerce of the Empire convened by the London Chamber of Commerce, and by forming the British Empire League. The City's concern to consolidate the existing Empire, together with a demand for its expansion, was presented as a 'National Commercial Policy' and justified with rhetoric which included economic nationalism, the civilising mission of the British, and free trade. The close relationship between the City and the State is revealed to have had two aspects: the one consciously kept hidden and which admitted the political and specific economic realities involved; the other publicly performed, which denied the hidden aspect and was played in general language to various audiences at home and abroad, who were composed of interests which competed politically or economically with the City. The activity of committee members of the trade sections of the London Chamber of Commerce for West Africa, South Africa, and East India and China provide examples of this relationship, and details of the economic interests of those City businessmen involved are recorded. The City's often-ignored, leading role in the pressure for a continuous and rapid expansion of the navy during this period is demonstrated, in particular by the activities of the Naval Defence Standing Committee of the London Chamber of Commerce which brought together the politicians, naval officers and businessmen who formed the centre of the movement in the 1890s.
40
Popolla, Brielle Virginia. "Unsettling The Little House/Pellegrino Artusi, Italian Cookbooks, And (Northern) Nationalism." W&M ScholarWorks, 2020. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1616444410.
Full textAbstract:
This article uses Patrick Wolfe’s theory of settler colonialism to analyze the relationship between Laura Ingalls Wilder’s Little House on the Prairie book series and Native American literature. The article traces Native American authors from the 1930s – when Little House was first published – through to the present day, and aims to show that literature is a long-standing and valid way of decolonizing a settler colonial state. Cited in the article are Ella Deloria, Louise Erdrich, Waziyatawin, and Dennis McAuliffe, Jr., among others. Further topics include a literature award that removed Wilder’s name in 2018, and the role of education and settler colonialism. In this article, the author analyzes Pellegrino Artusi’s 1891 Italian cookbook La scienza in cucina e l’arte di mangiar bene. Overall, La scienza is considered one of the most significant Italian cookbooks. The article’s four main sections – language, class and gender, religion, and geography – support the claim that Artusi created a version of Italian nationalism through food; albeit with a particular emphasis on Northern Italy. This article relies heavily on the work of Benedict Anderson and Anthony D. Smith with their contributions to the field of nationalism, as well as highlighting Jeffrey Pilcher’s work as a means of introducing nationalism through food.
41
Powell, Sara. "Women Writers in Revolution: Feminism in Germaine de Staël and Ding Ling." TopSCHOLAR®, 1994. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/948.
Full textAbstract:
In this essay, the concern is feminism in the writings of the two revolutionary women, Germaine de Stael, who lived and wrote during the French revolutionary era, and Ding Ling, who lived and wrote during the Chinese Communist revolutionary era. The main theme of the essay is to determine whether the feminism in their work is of a similar nature despite the vast differences in the times and places in which they each lived. Concomitantly, the theme is also an attempt to discover through such similarities if feminism is of a universal nature. Through biographical sketches and analysis of selected works, the two women are compared within their historical context. The conclusion is, despite many differences in their lives and works, there are significant similarities which seem to indicate that many aspects of feminism do indeed cross lines of time and space.
42
Hughes, Melissa. "The Romani Place in Kosovar Space: Nationalism and Kosovo’s Roma." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2011. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1397.
Full textAbstract:
On February 17, 2008,Kosovo declared its independence. The path to independence and the claim to Kosovo was a long process that developed in three primary phases: A) the fostering of territorial solidarity under direct rule and an emphasis on historical ties to the territory; B) the foundation of the national idea within the realms of proto-nationalism; and C) the emergence of peripheral and mass nationalism. This research seeks to define the development of nationalist ideologies in Kosovo and to explore where Roma fit within those ideologies. An historical and sociological approach to nationalism in Kosovo is critical in understanding the current situation of Roma living in, and deported to, Kosovo, including the recent phenomenon of ethnic scapegoating of the Roma by both Serbs and Albanians
43
Hendry, Gayle Maureen. "Weapons of propaganda : national character and history in the pamphlets of Ulrich von Hutten and his contemporaries." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30678.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates the interrelationship between nationalism, technological advance and the development of propaganda in the early sixteenth century. It focuses on the function and contemporary impact of pamphlets written by Ulrich von Hutten (1488-1523). It examines the formative influences on Hutten and considers the ways in which he moulded his chosen genres to solicit the adherence of his target audience. Hutten developed two major themes in order to encourage national sentiment and direct hostility against identified enemy groups. The development and use of the themes of national character and history are explored in Hutten's pamphlets with special consideration of the labels, rhetorical devices, and argumentation employed, as well as the cultural patterns and prevailing prejudices that are manipulated. Hutten's work is compared in detail with pamphlets by two other major authors, Eberlin von Günzburg and Hartmut von Cronberg, and a briefly survey is made of other contemporary pamphlets. The reception of both Hutten's nationalist thought and his propagandistic methods is discussed, as well as
possible reasons for the diverse response of other authors. Both the potential and
the limitations of Hutten's propaganda is revealed in the reactions of other pamphleteers. The thesis emphasizes Hutten's importance as a pioneer and methodologist of early nationalist propaganda, and the relevance of his and his supporters' work in the evolution of nationalism.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
44
Weibye, Hanna Margaret. "Friedrich Ludwig Jahn and German nationalism 1800-1819." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708112.
Full text
45
Hörmark, Andreas, and Tobias Sundin. "“Misogyny is Jewish? So is feminism, my dear.” : En tematisk analys av kvinnoideal på det högerextrema forumet Stormfront.org." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-446440.
Full textAbstract:
White nationalism is an ideology on the rise. Thus, it is important to understand why many men and women chose to engage with the ideology. This study aims to deepen the understanding of how women in online white-nationalist communities construct their gender through discursive practices, by using theories and concepts developed by Judith Butler and V. Spike Peterson. By researching this mostly uncharted phenomenon this study provides insight into how gender roles and white-nationalist ideas intersect and how the female users on Stormfront.org self express in relation to these ideas. Using netnography and thematic analysis the users' posts were presented in themes that illuminate different aspects of how they construct their gender. The key findings of this study reinforce earlier studies in emphasizing the role of motherhood and child rearing as essential parts of being a woman. They also show how femininity and white skin are constructed as inseparable, as women can not have one without the other. The need for a woman to have knowledge about white culture and to be educated is also a recurring theme. Lastly, the study also concluded that a renegotiation of the gender roles is taking place on the forum, where some users object to the overly traditional ideals of how a woman should be, requesting a more progressive way to view gender within white nationalism.
46
Lin, Syaru Shirley, and 林夏如. "National identity, economic interest and Taiwan's cross-strait economic policy 1994-2009." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B43761896.
Full text
47
Horne, Victoria. "History of feminist art history : remaking a discipline and its institutions." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/16194.
Full textAbstract:
Recognising art’s crucial function for reproducing economic and sexual differences, feminist political interventions - alongside a range of ‘new’ critical perspectives including Marxism, psychoanalysis and poststructuralism - have wrought historic changes upon the production, circulation and consumption of art. This is widely acknowledged in art historical scholarship. However, understanding that ‘art history’ (as a historically conditioned discipline) is concurrently reproductive of these ideological and material inequalities, feminist scholars have significantly and continually sought to intervene at the point of production – the writing of art’s history – to expose its social role and remake the fundamental terms of the discipline. This is a truth less widely acknowledged or, at least, less well-understood within contemporary scholarship. This thesis, therefore, seeks to examine the discipline of art history in Anglo- American contexts to assess the impact that feminist models of scholarship have had upon its knowledges and practices. This is attained through extensive literature overviews, archival research and, to a lesser extent, email interviews with key contributors to the discourse. Ultimately, this examination endeavours to address the production and regulation of feminist knowledge across a number of expanded (and interconnected) institutional sites. Case studies track the impact of feminist strategies upon the authoring of art history in the classroom, within scholarly professional organisations, academic publishing, the museum sector, and upon art-making itself. The research evaluates the mutable power structures of the discipline, how feminist interventions have had success in rethinking the limits of institutional knowledge, and how it may be possible to articulate critique under twenty-first-century conditions of institutional complicity and the hegemonic recuperation (or indeed ‘disciplining’) of radical practices. To date – and despite its prominence within much feminist writing - the importance of art historiography for the feminist political project has not been properly examined; the aim of this thesis is therefore to redress this omission and provide a timely and comprehensive critical reading of feminist knowledge production since around 1970.
48
Schoel, Gretchen Ferris. "(at)america.jp: Identity, nationalism, and power on the Internet, 1969-2000." W&M ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623448.
Full textAbstract:
" america.jp" explores identity, nationalism, and power on the Internet between 1969 and 2000 through a cultural analysis of Internet code and the creative processes behind it. The dissertation opens with an examination of a real-time Internet Blues jam that linked Japanese and American musicians between Tokyo and Mississippi in 1999. The technological, cultural, and linguistic uncertainties that characterized the Internet jam, combined with the inventive reactions of the musicians who participated, help to introduce the fundamental conceptual question of the dissertation: is code a cultural product and if so can the Internet be considered a distinctly "American" technology?;A comparative study of the Internet's origins in the United States and Japan finds that code is indeed a cultural entity but that it is a product not of one nation, but of many. A cultural critique of the Internet's domain name conventions explores the heavily-gendered creation of code and the institutional power that supports it. An ethnography of the Internet's managing organization, The Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), investigates conflicts and identity formation within and among nations at a time when new Internet technologies have blurred humans' understanding of geographic boundaries. In the year 2000, an effort to prevent United States domination of ICANN produced unintended consequences: disputes about the definition of geographic regions and an eruption of anxiety, especially in China, that the Asian seat on the ICANN board would be dominated by Japan. These incidents indicate that the Internet simultaneously destabilizes identity and ossifies it. In this paradoxical situation, cultures and the people in them are forced to reconfigure the boundaries that circumscribe who they think they are.
49
Donskikh, O. A. (Oleg Alʹbertovich). "Russian philosophy as an expression of Russian national consciousness." Monash University, School of Philosophy, Linguistics and Bioethics, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9108.
Full text
50
Enefalk, Hanna. "En patriotisk drömvärld : Musik, nationalism och genus under det långa 1800-talet." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-9267.
Full textAbstract:
The subject of this thesis is Scandinavian nationalism from the late 18th century to ca 1920. The focus lies on that particular aspect of nationalism that was at the same time the most mundane and the most enigmatic: the ever-present depicting of the nation in words, pictures and music, which in effect created a parallel universe, a patriotic dreamland. This creation was highly gendered, and the media in which it flourished most abundantly was the patriotic song. The study therefore uses song texts as its primary source material and builds upon the theoretical foundations laid by, e.g., Joan Scott and Michael Billig. Geographically, the investigation centers on Sweden, using Norway and Swedish-speaking Finland as objects of comparison. The main producers of the lyrics and their intended target groups are identified, and an in-depth analysis of a large corpus of songs is made. The main conclusion is that the patriotic songs, in spite of spreading to an ever increasing proportion of the population, were not an expression of the ‘voice of the people’ or even that of the bourgeoisie as a whole. The texts were chiefly written by male academics, and from their formative years during the Napoleonic wars the songs preserved an obsession with a warlike unmarried manhood. Only in the last decades of the period were civilian virtues and national womanhood slightly more emphasized. It is suggested that the songs, apart from being an expression of what Billig has termed ‘banal nationalism,’ also functioned as a bastion of a ‘banal androcentrism.’ The thesis shows that the patriotic dreamland of the patriotic songs was designed in a way that promoted the interests of its producers and reproducers. The seemingly semi-autonomous quality of the discourse is also discussed, employing meme theory as used by, e.g., Daniel Dennett.