Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Nationalism and historiography'

This PhD thesis is an inquiry into history as politics in Argentina from the overthrow of Peron to the military coup of 1976. Its main aim is to explain why and how a particular strand of nationalist historical writing (historical revisionism) conquered the public sphere in this period, so that by the 1970s its principal tenets had become almost common sense in the Argentines' understanding of their national past. For this purpose, the thesis contextualises the revisionist discourse in relation to, firstly, the intellectual field and, secondly, political developments, arguing that only a combination of cultural and political history allows us to account for the success of revisionism in influencing the collective historical consciousness. The principal primary sources on which the thesis relies are the publications of revisionists (both books and periodicals), militant periodicals, daily newspapers and institutional sources, in particular related to public education. Special emphasis is given to the conditions that underpinned the production and the public success of revisionist symbolic goods. In six chapters the thesis analyses the historical development of the relationship between the liberal and the nationalist view of history (1) the connection between contemporary debates about Peronism and the revisionist version of the past (2) the influence of Marxism (3) the cultural and political networks of revisionism (4) the Peronist appropriation of revisionist imagery (5) and the relationship between nationalist intellectuals and the state (6). From these points, the thesis derives broader conclusions about the relationship between politics, national identity and historical narratives by singling out the factors that contributed to such a strong politicisation of historiography under nationalist signs. Particularly stressed is the mutually reinforcing interplay between a profound crisis of political legitimacy, a fragile intellectual field and an uneven institutionalisation of historiography.

Univ., Diss. u.d.T. Wien, Peter: Discipline and Sacrifice: authoritarian, totalitarian and pro-fascist inclination in Iraqi Arab Nationalism, 1934-1941--Bonn, 2003.
Includes bibliographical references and index. The historical framework -- Generational conflict -- The generational approach -- The sherifian generation -- The young effendiyya -- The debate of the Iraqi press -- The Iraqi press in its environment -- Direct references to Germany and fascism -- Fascist imagery? -- The debate on the youth.

Thesis (MMus (Music))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Current musicological discourses in South Africa seldom engage with Afrikaans content and contributions, even though there is an acknowledged large body of writing on music in Afrikaans. These writings could significantly inform music and general historiographies in South Africa. This study discusses music-related articles in the following Afrikaans magazines and newspapers of the early twentieth century: Die Brandwag (1910-1921), Die Burger (1915-1948), Die Huisgenoot (1916-1948), Die Nuwe Brandwag (1929-1933), Die Brandwag (1937-1948) and Die Transvaler (1937-1948). The subject matter of a large proportion of these music-related articles comprises the history of Western European music. This includes biographies of composers and histories of stylistic periods, genres and instruments. Despite the physical distance between Europe and Africa, Afrikaners‘ attraction to Europe borders at times on a feeling of belonging to this tradition. This cosmopolitan notion of belonging has received little attention compared to themes of race, language and nationalism in twentieth-century South African historiography. A neglected Afrikaans discourse on music, however, presents an opportunity to explore the possibilities of cosmopolitanism in a further interpretation of Afrikaner identity and understanding of South African history. It is for this reason that the current study is primarily concerned with tracing the role of musical discourse in Afrikaner society between 1910 and 1948 by investigating notions of cosmopolitanism. The two theoretical strands of cosmopolitanism that will guide this study concern the work of Friedrich Meinecke (an early twentieth-century German scholar), and Kwame Anthony Appiah (who is still active in the field of philosophy). Meinecke‘s work is mainly concerned with the role cosmopolitan values played in the development of the National State, with specific reference to Germany from the late eighteenth century to the late nineteenth century. What attracts Appiah to cosmopolitanism is the freedom it provides for the individual to create her own identity. To be a citizen of the world need not be a rootless existence, but allows anyone to be a patriot of the country of her own choice. Meinecke‘s and Appiah‘s theories of cosmopolitanism, and their different positioning of the intersecting points between the spheres of the individual, the nation and the globe, will provide two theoretical frameworks informing the present author‘s attempt to interpret some of the materials collated for this study. The present writer believes that cosmopolitanism will prove an appropriate theory to uncover some elements of Afrikaner identity that has hitherto been ignored.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ten spyte van die omvang van Afrikaanse tekste oor musiek is daar in die hedendaagse tyd min musiekwetenskaplike diskoerse in Suid-Afrika wat bemoeienis maak met inhoude en bydraes wat in Afrikaans gemaak is. Hierdie Afrikaanse tekste besit die potensiaal om nie net musiekhistoriografie nie, maar ook algemene historiografie in Suid-Afrika meer geskakeerd in te klee. Die studie handel oor die musiekartikels in die volgende Afrikaanse tydskrifte en dagblaaie van die vroeg twintigste eeu: Die Brandwag (1910-1921), Die Burger (1915-1948), Die Huisgenoot (1916-1948), Die Nuwe Brandwag (1929-1933), Die Brandwag (1937-1948) en Die Transvaler (1937-1948) 'n Groot gedeelte van hierdie musiekverwante artikels bespreek onderwerpe uit die geskiedenis van Wes-Europese kunsmusiek. Dit sluit onder meer in komponis-biografieë, sowel as geskiedenisse van stilistiese periodes, genres en instrumente. Die Afrikaner se belangstelling in Europa grens soms aan =n gevoel van Europese solidariteit, ten spyte van die fisieke afstand tussen Europa en Afrika. Hierdie kosmopolitiese denkwyse verdwyn dikwels op die agtergrond ten gunste van ander temas soos ras, taal en nasionalisme in twintigste eeuse Suid-Afrikaanse musiekhistoriografie. 'n Verwaarloosde Afrikaanse diskoers oor musiek bied 'n geleentheid om moontlikhede van kosmopolitisme te ondersoek in 'n verdere interpretasie van Afrikaner identiteit en Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis. Dit is om hierdie rede dat die huidige studie idees van kosmopolitisme wil ondersoek ten einde die rol van die musiekdiskoers in die Afrikaner gemeenskap tussen 1910 en 1948 te bepaal. Die huidige studie steun op twee teoretiese modelle van kosmopolitisme soos afgelei uit die werk van Friedriech Meinecke ('n Duitse geskiedkundige van die vroeg twintigste eeu) en Kwame Anthony Appiah (hedendaagse filosoof). Meinecke se werk fokus hoofsaaklik op die rol wat kosmopolitiese waardes gespeel het in die ontwikkeling van die nasie-staat, met spesifieke verwysing na Duitsland van die laat agtiende eeu tot die laat negentiende eeu. Wat Appiah aantrek tot die idee van kosmopolitisme is die vryheid wat dit aan die individu bied om haar eie identiteit te skep. Om 'n wêreldburger te wees dui nie noodwendig op 'n ongewortelde bestaan nie, maar laat enigeen toe om 'n patrioot te wees in die land van haar keuse. Meinecke en Appiah se teorieë van kosmopolitisme, hul onderskeie posisionerings van die individu, die nasie en die wêreld en die snypunte tussen hierdie sfere, bied twee teoretiese raamwerke vir die huidige skrywer se interpretasies van die materiaal wat vir hierdie studie versamel is. Die argument word gemaak dat kosmopolitisme 'n gepasde teorie bied om voorheen geïgnoreerde elemente van Afrikaner identiteit te ontbloot.

This thesis attempts to establish the First Turkish History Congress (July 2--11, 1932) as an exemplary moment that can help us understand the relationship between nationalism and historiography. The thesis first examines the roots of nationalist historiography in the West and in Ottoman Empire, and then paraphrases the proceedings of the congress in detail. It arrives at the view that during the formation of a nation state in alignment with European standards, Turkish nationalists within the Ottoman Empire often found it necessary to review the methodology and the content of history books. The break with Ottoman historiography was a result of the uniform Western approach to the past, promoted by Western schools of thought. Thus, to become a nationalist meant to re-write history in Western fashion.
Available sources on the First Turkish History Congress and the role of religion and language for the Turkish nationalist endeavors are referred throughout the thesis. In its conclusion, this study raises questions about the close relationship between nationalism and historiography, and the influence of nationalism on our view of history today.

This thesis compares and contrasts the historiography of Quebec and Flanders during the first half of the twentieth century. The main argument is that the philosophy of neo-Thomism was influential to the conceptualization and writing of history by prominent nationalist historians in both Quebec and Flanders during the period leading up to the Second World War. By extensively comparing the life and works of prominent nationalist historians that played an active role in the nationalist movements of Quebec and Flanders, it has been found that the Catholic University of Leuven was influential in the development of nationalist historiography in Quebec and Flanders during the first decades of the twentieth century. In this sense, this thesis argues that the nationalist historians of Quebec and Flanders be considered as part of a shared historiographical tradition that was influenced by the neo- Thomist philosophy which played an essential role at the Catholic University of Leuven during this period, and which can be traced back in the writings and practices of nationalist historians in both Quebec and Flanders. Out of this shared influence of the neo-Thomist philosophy then, this thesis argues for a reevaluation of the traditional portrayal of nationalist historiography in the first half of the twentieth century, and a reconsideration of the influence neo-Thomism has had on the conceptualization of nationalist history in Quebec and Flanders. It is argued that the nationalist historians of both Quebec and Flanders have traditionally been characterized as unscientific due to their convergence of science and politics, and portrayed the nation as deterministic, meaning that the nation's essence and development was unaffected by the historical circumstances. By analysing the historical works of nationalist historians that either attended the Catholic University of Leuven, or were part of a network that was influenced by the writings of the neo-Thomists that taught at Leuven, this thesis will make three general arguments that will nuance this traditional portrayal of nationalist historiography during the first half of the twentieth century. First, it will be argued that the neo-Thomist emphasis on the interdependence of essential and existential characteristics nuances the essentialist portrayal of the nation. Using the case of neo- Thomist chemistry as a counterexample, it will be shown how nationalist historians in Quebec and Flanders ascribed an important role to the existentiality and historicity of the nation, and as such, compels us to reconsider the essentialist paradigm of nationalist historiography. Secondly, the neo- Thomist notion of science which legitimated the convergence of subjectivity and objectivity sheds new light on the practice and theory of what constituted scientific history in the first half of the twentieth century. Moreover, it will be argued that Quebec and Flanders shared a similar theoretical concept of what constituted scientific history, but represented their historical works differently due to the differentiating political and academic context. Finally, the thesis will highlight how the notions of ambiguity and human freedom, which figured prominently in neo-Thomism, influenced the notion of teleology in Quebec and Flemish nationalist historiography, as is illustrated by the notion of coincidence in Flemish, and providence in Quebec historiography. In addition, using the cases of nationalist historians Lionel Groulx and Hendrik Elias, it will be argued that the different political contexts influenced the political actions of the two nationalist historians, which helps to shed new light on the motives of Flemish nationalist historians to collaborate during the Second World War. By comparing and contrasting the two cases then, this thesis is able to show how the neo- Thomist framework and crucial concepts were not only instrumental to the nationalist historiographies in Quebec and Flanders, but were also malleable to differing historical contexts, and, as such, provides new insight in the intricate relationship between religion, nationalism and historiography that underpinned nationalist historiography in Quebec and Flanders during the first half of the twentieth century.

Kurdish ulema, a religious class with a strong influence on Kurdish social life, have developed various forms of religious nationalism. This study offers a possible reading of the accounts of Kurdish ulema during the Turkish Republican period, as a neglected form of Kurdish nationalism. I illustrate how they defined the Kurdish nation in the name of religion, supplied religious metaphors and symbols central to the representation of the Kurdish nation, and even produced an alternative to secular nationalism by sharing the underlying grammar of modern nationalism. This calls into question the concept of Kurdish nationalism as something uniform and secular. Such accounts of religious nationalism were largely suppressed in modern Kurdish history writing under Marxist influences. Since the 1940s, this historiography often marginalized the narratives of Kurdish ulema by setting them apart from Kurdish national struggle. This project provides the first in-depth analysis of the role of Kurdish ulema in the story of the development of Kurdish nationalism during the Turkish Republican period (1920s-1990s). My analysis challenges the dichotomy in the Kurdish nationalist historiography that Islamic and Kurdish identities are exclusive of one another. Kurdish ulema combined their Islamic identity with a strong sense of Kurdish national consciousness. Some envisioned the Kurdish nation’s liberation in education, some in joining secular national movements, some in conformity with Turkish-Kurdish brotherhood and some in political Islamic resistance. I emphasize that Kurds, whether secular or religious, formed a united front against Kurdish regional underdevelopment, exclusivist state policies, and exploitative sheikhs as late as the late 1960s. There has been an overlap between opposing Kurdish groups and the division between them was not primordial. These initially similar concerns, however, were gradually shaped by different popular ideologies of their day: nationalism, Marxism, and Islamism, in Turkey and around the world.

Making use of knowledge from a wide range of disciplines, this thesis analyses the interactions of culture and economy, particularly regarding the influence of nineteenthcentury historiography, on Shetland’s present-day economic development. Shetland’s local identity concept is strongly influenced by this North Sea archipelago’s Norse history. This is in part the result of the islands’ late nineteenth- and early twentiethcentury national romantic literature, which was inspired by Continental and mainland British trends in anthropology and philology. The theories of fairy origins proposed in the 1890s by the Edinburgh anthropologist David MacRitchie exerted a great influence on Shetland writers. His theories – since shown to be incorrect – led to the historiographic dehumanisation of the islands’ pre-Norse population and permitted the complete valorisation of the Vikings, most notably in the work of the Shetland author Jessie Saxby. Since the 1930s, a variation of MacRitchie’s theory has been repeated in nearly every local book concerning Shetland folk belief. These conceptions of history continue to inform the sense of local identity felt by many Shetlanders. This has come into conflict with the local government’s efforts at place brand, tourism, heritage, and economic development, all of which tie into a broader struggle between fostering Shetland’s national awareness and expanding Shetland’s jurisdictional capacity. Particular attention is paid to how history is used variously by the community to express exclusivity and by the local government to promote inclusivity.

This thesis argues that art criticism published during Soutine's lifetime emphasizes ethnicity, nationalism and geography in discussions of the artist's style. These critical discussions have influenced the historiography of Soutine published after his death, resulting in a continued emphasis on style that includes references to ethnicity. Ethnicity, nationalism and geography are identified in the critical reception and historiography by noting references, both specific and implied, to Jewishness, French art, and foreign status (among others). These references are analyzed in terms of existing scholarship that addresses concepts of ethnicity and nationalism, and with consideration to how the critical reception has impacted the historiography.

Les débuts du mouvement Sinn Féin (avant 1916) ont été présentés par des générations d’historiens comme ceux d’un petit parti politique sans succès qui eut un impact disproportionné sur le paysage politique de l’époque. Cette vision, cependant, ne représente que la partie visible de l’iceberg. A l’aide des comptes rendus des réunions de la Sinn Féin Printing and Publishing Company, qui imprima la plus grande partie de la propagande du Sinn Féin, cette étude remet en question l’historiographie conventionnelle. En examinant la production matérielle de la SFPP, nous tentons de mettre à jour ce projet dynamique soutenu par des hommes d’affaires dublinois, des fonctionnaires et des employés de bureau, ainsi que par l’expertise de professionnels de l’imprimerie et de juristes pendant une période de changements profonds à la fois dans l’industrie de la presse mais aussi dans la société irlandaise. Le portrait du Sinn Féin qui en ressort n’est pas celui d’un parti marginal mais plutôt celui d’un réseau international de militants connectés entre eux uniquement par les journaux qu’ils lisaient et travaillant tous individuellement à l’indépendance de l’Irlande
The early Sinn Féin movement (before 1916) has been represented by generations of historias as a small and unsuccessful political party which had a disproportionate impact on the political landscape of its time. This, however, is only the tip of the iceberg. Using the minutes of the meetings of the Sinn Féin Printing and Publishing Company,which printed the vast majority of Sinn Féin’s propaganda, this study challenges conventional historiography. Focusing on the material production of the SFPP it exposes a dynamic project supported by sympathetic Dublin tradesmen, public officials and clerical workers, and by the expertise of printing professionals and lawyers during a period of profound change both in the newspaper industry and in Irish society. The picture of Sinn Féin which emerges is not of a marginal party but rather of an international network of militant readers connected only by the newspapers they read and all working as individuals towards an independent Ireland

Este trabalho faz uma análise comparativa de algumas das principais obras de história literária do Brasil, publicadas no século XIX e início do século XX, escritas, respectivamente, por Ferdinand Wolf, Sílvio Romero e José Veríssimo. São analisadas as concepções de nacionalismo, de história e de literatura que veiculam, relacionando-as com as ideias que circulavam à época em que foram escritos Le Brésil Littéraire, de Ferdinand Wolf, a História da Literatura Brasileira, de Sílvio Romero, e a obra homônima de José Veríssimo. Sendo assim, além de analisar as obras comparativamente, o presente trabalho recupera o significado histórico que comportam, uma vez que as insere no quadro de referências vigentes no momento em que apareceram. Partindo do pressuposto de que a característica principal desses textos é a ideia de nacionalismo, estudam-se os significados atribuídos a este termo desde meados do século XIX até inícios do século XX, momento em que foram escritas aquelas histórias literárias. Ademais, relacionam-se as narrativas às variadas formas de se pensar a história, enquanto disciplina, nesse período, procurando identificá-las pelo modo como constroem a explicação histórica. Por fim, as ideias que apresentam a respeito da literatura são articuladas não só às concepções de nacionalismo e de história que aqueles textos veiculam, como também à reflexão que então se fazia
This study makes a comparative analysis of some of the major works of literary history of Brazil, published in the nineteenth and early twentieth century, written by Ferdinand Wolf, Silvio Romero and Jose Verissimo. It analyzes the concepts of nationalism, history and literature, relating them to ideas that circulated at the time they were written Le Brésil Littéraire, by Ferdinand Wolf, the History of Brazilian Literature, by Romero, and work namesake, by José Verissimo. Thus, besides analyzing the works together, it recovers the historical significance of these works, since the inserts in the frame of reference current at the time of appearance of the books that comprise the corpus. Assuming that the main characteristic of these texts is the idea of nationalism, it studies the meaning ascribed to this term since the mid-nineteenth through the early twentieth century, when these books were writte. Moreover, the narratives are related to different ways of thinking history, as a discipline, in that period, trying to identify them by how they build the historical explanation. Finally, the ideas we have about the literature are not only articulated the concepts of nationalism and history of those texts convey, but also the thought that it was undertaken

This thesis explores the ways in which modern history-writing practices reiterate race-based categories of citizenship. To investigate these practices across time, I have examined discourses produced by the United Farm Women of Alberta (UFWA) in 1925, and discourses produced by the contemporary magazine American Renaissance (AR). The UFWA were concerned with the promotion and definition of citizenship, and in so doing laid race as a foundation of Canadian identity. AR is a magazine that concerns itself with white nationalism in the contemporary United States. Drawing upon Avery Gordon and Wendy Brown’s theories of history and haunting, I have situated these discourses in imaginative relation to one another, illuminating the “past” in the present. I have also critically examined how I am complicit in reproducing the historical practices under study; as an architecture of history, haunting helps to imagine alternatives for the study of history and social life, particularly our own.
vii, 160 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm

This dissertation aims to explain how Soviet national historiographies were constructed in Ukraine, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan, in 1936-1953 and what the political and ideological reasons were behind the way they were written. The dissertation aims to contribute to current scholarship on Soviet nationality policies; on Stalinist nation-building projects; and to the debate on whether the Soviet period was a project of developmentalist modernization or not. This dissertation aims to examine the process of national history writing in three republics from the local point of view, by using the local archival sources. For this research, archival materials that have been overlooked by scholars up to this point from the archives of the communist parties, academy of sciences, and central state archives in Kiev, Ukraine, Baku, Azerbaijan, and Almaty, Kazakhstan have been collected. The timeline starts with Zhdanov’s commission in 1936, which summoned historians and ideologues of the Communist Party in Moscow to write an all-Union history because a parallel campaign of writing national histories had been initialized by the local communist parties. The first two chapters cover the pre-war (1936-1941) period, when national histories were written after the demise of Pokrovskiian historiography. Although there was one ideology, there were different preferences in solving the problem of ethnogenesis, defining national heroes, and also different preferences among the sections of the past that national histories emphasized. The third chapter explains the construction of national histories during the war period (1941-1945). The chapter also presents how national histories were used for wartime propaganda. Finally, the last chapter is about the post-war discussions and the shift of emphasis from ‘national’ to ‘class’ that occurred in the non-Russian national narratives in the Zhdanovshchina period. While there was an ‘imperial design’ for the necessities of managing a multi-national state, the Soviet Union also appears as a modernization project for all three cases by constructing national narratives. Though non-Russian Soviet historiographies produced contradictory narratives in different decades, they also homogenized, codified and nationalized the narrative of the past. Regional, dynastic, religious, tribal figures and events incorporated into grandiose national narratives. Nations were primordialized and their national identities armed with spatial and temporal indigenousness within the borders of their national republics. Modern national identities of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Ukraine gained from this homogenization and codification by the Soviet regime. Although modernism is not only about construction of national narratives, the latter points out the developmental and modernizing character of the Soviet period.

This study analyses the intellectual output of Adya Gur Horon (Adolphe Gourevitch, 1907-1972), a Ukrainian-born, Russian-speaking, French-educated ideologue of modern Hebrew nationalism, and one of the founding fathers of the anti-Zionist ideology known as "Canaanism", whose heyday was mid 20th-century Israel. The dissertation's starting point is that if the "Canaanites" (otherwise the Young Hebrews) declared themselves to be above all a national movement independent of, and opposed to, Zionism, they should be analysed as such. In treating "Canaanite" support for the existence of an indigenous Hebrew nation in Palestine/Israel as equally legitimate as the Zionist defence of the Jews' national character (both ultimately constituting "imagined communities"), this work comes to the conclusion that the movement should indeed be classified as a fully-fledged alternative to Zionism; not a radical variation of the latter, but rather a rival national ideology. My chief assertion is that the key to a proper understanding of "Canaanism" is Horon's unique vision of the ancient Hebrew past, which constitutes the "Canaanite" foundational myth that stands in sharp contradiction to its Zionist counterpart. Furthermore, I demonstrate that Zionism and "Canaanism" are incompatible not only because they differ over history, but also because some of the basic socio-political notions they employ, such as national identity or nation-formation, are discordant. A methodology such as this has never before been applied to the "Canaanite" ideology, since most of those who have studied the movement treat "Canaanism" either as an artistic avant-garde or as a fringe variation of Zionism. This study demonstrates that, despite being sidelined by most researchers of "Canaanism", Adya Horon is beyond doubt the leading figure of the "Canaanite" movement. I believe that only by giving due weight to the divergence in national historiographies between "Canaanism" and Zionism can we grasp the former's independence from the latter, both intellectually and politically, without negating "Canaanism's" complex relationship with Zionism and the sometimes significant overlaps between the two. The dissertation makes systematic use of many newly discovered materials, including Horon's writings from the early 1930s to the early 1970s (some of them extremely rare), as well as his private archive. My study thus sits at the intersection of three fields of academic enquiry: nationalism studies; language-based area studies; and historiographical discourse analysis.

The purpose of this thesis is to explore themes in the development of national ideology in Scotland and Greece largely in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The analysis consists of two pairs of case studies where, using the comparative method, the role of historiography in providing ‘mental maps’, precise boundaries for the nation in space and time, its application in constructing a national consensus on an acceptable past, and the use of the latter in consolidating a national identity, are explored in detail. This process followed intricate paths in both Scotland and Greece and displayed rifts and fissures in patterns thought common in the development of nationalism in Europe. The fundamental ideological challenges to which significant segments of the Scottish and Greek society had to respond are shown to have influenced their respective societies’ worldview until the present time. The resilience of a number of different valid perceptions of Scotland in the nineteenth century and the dichotomy between equally possible concepts of Greece demonstrate, in concluding, the fluidity of national identity and indeterminacy of their modern ethnogenesis as late as the eve of the Great War.

Magister Artium - MA
This thesis follows the course of the Nigerian general strike of 1945 in the Northern provinces, a previously under-researched region. It examines some of the many ways in which the strike has been understood in the academy, focusing in particular on the works of Alkasum Abba, Kazah-Toure and Bill Freund who have regarded the strike as well supported and successful. By employing Ian Phimister and Brian Raftopoulos's analysis of the 1948 general strike in colonial Zimbabwe, this thesis re-reads the narrative of success by bringing to the fore previosuly ignored issues relating to questions of planning, tactics, propaganda, solidarity, leadership, and execution of the strike. This re-reading reveals a considerably more varied and uneven response across and within the different categories of workers than has been previously assumed by scholars. Such unevenness challenges notions of "solidarity" and "steadfastness" attributed to the industrial action, with implications for how workers struggles have been incorporated into wider narratives of decolonization and anti-colonial nationalism.

A vida da moça, que ainda criança começara a ouvir vozes lhe revelando a missão de libertar a França dos invasores ingleses, que liderou um exército, coroou o seu rei e teve um destino trágico, sendo queimada viva como herege, parece saída de uma obra literária, mas como bem lembra Colette Beaune Joana dArc é provavelmente, a figura de mulher mais documentada de toda a História. Atualmente contam-se 20.000 estátuas públicas, centenas de biografias e peças de teatro, dezenas de filmes, óperas e músicas. Seria possível desvendar as razões para tamanho sucesso? Essa popularidade foi alcançada ao longo de um processo contínuo e homogêneo, ou houve rupturas, sobressaltos e novas atribuições à heroína que possam ser verificados ao longo do tempo? Essa tese discute a importância da primeira metade do século XIX para esse fenômeno. Nesse período a historiografia francesa se esforçou para enquadrar Joana dArc, heroína há muito honrada pelo reino da França, nos padrões da sociedade pósrevolucionária. Longe de desqualificá-la como figura incompatível com a modernidade pretendida por aquele país, tal como proposto no contexto revolucionário, Joana foi alçada ao panteão dos heróis nacionais tendo sua imagem amalgamada aos ideais de 1789. Buscamos desvendar o processo que tornou possível a popularização de uma nova Joana dArc naquele período, processo intimamente ligado aos valores burgueses então difundidos: a nação, o povo, a pátria, o indivíduo. As novas características atribuídas à Joana correspondiam às expectativas burguesas a partir de um discurso ligado a uma nova visão da História que passou a ser considerada como potencial produtora de verdades e justificativas que embasassem a configuração social que se anunciava.
The life of the young lady whose childhood was haunted by the hearing of voices which revealed to her a mission to free France from English invaders, who led an army, crowned her king had a tragic fate and was burned at the stake as a heretic seems to be taken from a literature work. But as Colette Beaune has rightly pointed out Joan of Arc is probably the most documented woman figure in all World History. It can be numbered about 20,000 public statues, hundreds of biographies and plays, dozens of films, operas and other pieces of music. Would it be possible to unfold the reasons for such an interest in her? The question lies, however, in how quite high popularity was gained. Was it the result of a continuous and homogeneous process or were there interruptions, surprises and new attributions assigned to the heroine that can be verified over time? This thesis discusses the importance of the former half of the nineteenth century to this phenomenon. Throughout this period French historiography struggled to fit Joan of Arc, the heroine overly honored by the kingdom of France, in the patterns of a post-revolutionary society. Far from discrediting her reputation as a figure incompatible with modernity desired by that country, as proposed in the revolutionary context, Joan was elevated to the national pantheon of heroes and had her image amalgamated to the ideals of 1789. Its sought to disclose the process that led to a substantial popularization of a new Joan of Arc at that time, and is intimately connected to bourgeois values disseminated then: nation, people, homeland and individual. New features attributed to Joan met the bourgeoisie expectations through a discourse on a new way of looking at History that turned out to be regarded as a potential producer of truths and justifications to support the social setting that was being announced.

L’objectif de la thèse est l’analyse comparative des historiographies austro-allemande et hongroise, en effleurant l’historiographie tchèque, entre 1867 et 1914. Les questions fondamentales de la légitimité de l’empire supranational et de la coexistence des sociétés nationales ayant un passé conflictuel sont examinées dans les différents Grands récits. Les sources principales sont les Grands récits austro-allemand, hongrois et tchèque, publiés entre 1867 et 1914 avec le but de façonner la mémoire collective directement. Les représentations réciproques des rôles et missions historiques, ainsi que l’utilisation des notions-clés relatives à la loyauté politique y sont examinées. La question principale est de savoir dans quelle mesure ces Grands récits historiques sont compatibles les uns avec les autres, et de voir s’ils offrent un pacte mémoriel permettant la coexistence au sein d’un empire commun. Pour répondre à cette question, il ne suffit pas de s’en remettre aux Grands récits ; les différents raisonnements historiques des pamphlets politiques austro-allemands et hongrois de l’époque traitant l’arrangement dualiste sont analysés en effleurant les Tchèques, ainsi que les buts idéologiques de la science historique chez ces trois groupes. Dans le cas hongrois et austro-allemand, l’usage des notions-clés comme nation, nationalité, Vaterland, Gesamtstaat ou encore Östrerreich, est également analysé. Dans la deuxième partie de la thèse, nous examinons comment la discipline, qui a revendiqué avec de plus en plus de succès, le droit du discours légitime sur le passé, se rapportait, d’une manière plutôt implicite, aux constructions historiques différentes de la sphère politique. Les catégories les plus importantes de l’analyse sont, au-delà du pacte mémoriel, le canon et le master narrative. La conclusion la plus importante est que, dans les Grands récits hongrois, les principaux éléments du master narrative des hommes politiques indépendantistes prévalent, chez l’« aulique » Fraknói aussi bien que chez l’indépendantiste Acsády. De plus, l’ordre des valeurs trouvées dans les récits hongrois donne une place centrale à l’indépendance. Chez les auteurs austro-allemands, c’est la diversité qui saute aux yeux lors de l’analyse des sources. Nous n’y trouvons pas de consensus même à propos de plusieurs notions de base (comme, par exemple, le Gesamtstaat). Pour cette raison, il ne s’agit pas de transmettre une quelconque idéologie impériale dépassée, mais plutôt de l’absence d’une idéologie impériale uniformément transmise, bien qu’il n’y ait pas de sentiment anti-autrichien ouvert non plus. L’image de l’Autriche chez l’auteur tchèque examiné, Josef Pekař, est essentiellement identique à celle de František Palacký qui insiste sur un arrangement fédéral et sur la reconnaissance de l’État tchèque. En même temps, on ne peut pas démontrer une sympathie envers les Slaves de Hongrie chez Pekař. En examinant les rapports des Grands récits entre eux, on constate que les récits impériaux n’ont pas servi de master narrative pour les auteurs hongrois ou tchèques. Pour cela, les interprétations du passé par les historiens examinés étaient trop diverses et s’opposaient même dans des questions fondamentales. Ainsi, un pacte mémoriel n’a pas pu naître. De plus, l’incertitude conceptuelle des récits impériaux nous rappelle de ne pas exagérer la thèse de la viabilité de l’Empire, suggérée récemment par plusieurs auteurs éminents
The purpose of the thesis is a comparative analysis of Austro-German and Hungarian historiographies with a glance at Czech historiography between 1867 and 1914. The basic question of the legitimacy of the supra-national empire and those of the co-existence of national societies with conflicts in the past are examined in the various historical narratives. The main sources are the Austro-German, Hungarian and Czech Grand récits published between 1867 and 1914 with the aim of directly shaping collective memory. The representations of the historical role and mission of each other and their views of key notions relating to political loyalty are examined. The main questions are aimed at determining to what extent these historical narratives are compatible with each other, and whether they provide a pacte mémoriel permitting the co-existence within a common empire. To assess this question, it is not enough to rely on historical narratives; therefore the historical reasoning of Austro-German and Hungarian pamphlets, discussing the dualistic arrangement are also analysed, with a glance at the Czechs. In the Hungarian and Austro-German contexts, the contemporary use of such key notions of political loyalty as nemzet, Vaterland, Mutterland or Österreich is also presented. The second part of the thesis analyses the ways in which historiography, which vindicated the right to the legitimate discourse on the past, approached these different historical constructions, mainly implicitly. The main concepts of the analysis were those of the canon, the master narrative and the pacte mémoriel. According to the main results of the research, in the Hungarian Grand Récits, the essential element of the independentists’ master narrative prevails over that of the partisans of the Ausgleich. This is true of Vilmos Fraknói, an author loyal to the dynasty and Austria, as well as of Ignác Acsády, who is leaning towards an independentist world view. Moreover, the scale of values found in these works place the independence as the most valuable possession of a nation. In the case of the Austro-German authors, the diversity of the corpus was striking, even in the case of basic notions (such as the Gesamtstaat) no consensus could be detected. In the work of the Czech author analysed in the thesis, Josef Pekar, we find an image of Austria which is greatly similar to the one in Frantisek Palacky’s political pamphlets in which Palacky advocates for a federal system and the recognition of the Bohemian state rights. However, Pekar does not share Palacky’s sympathies for the Slavic minotities of Hungary. Comparing the different historical narratives with each other, it can be concluded that the imperial histories did not serve as a master narrative for Hungarian and Czech authors. The interpretations of the past by the historians examined were too divers for that, they clashed in basic questions. In consequence, a pacte mémoriel could not be realized. Furthermore, the uncertainties regarding some key notions in the imperial histories is a warning not to exaggerate the thesis of the viability of the Empire, recently brought forward by several excellent authors

The Chronica regni Gothorum is the first Latin national history of Sweden. Completed after 1471 by a canon of Uppsala, Ericus Olai, it testifies to the articulation at the Swedish arch see of the dominant political issues of the day: the status of the Swedish realm in the union with Denmark-Norway, and the relations between the king, aristocracy and ecclesiastical leadership. This thesis analyses the discourse on authority in the Chronica. It investigates the normative basis of Ericus’s treatment of contemporary political issues as a source for the social-political outlooks of Sweden’s ecclesiastical power elite, a group not previously studied in this respect. In particular, it argues for the importance of two prescriptive assumptions on social order, which lie at the heart of the authority discourse in the Chronica: God divided the world into self-governing peoples and realms, and He instituted the lay and clerical orders as parallel hierarchies of societal authority.

The thesis situates the production of the Chronica within the educational concerns of the Uppsala institution. It scrutinizes the commonplaces – derived from various fields of knowledge – through which Ericus articulated his dualist and nationalist assumptions. The realization of these notions in his historical account is examined in sections of the text where matters of importance for the Uppsala church are evident. Special attention is paid to Ericus’s account of the royal martyr, St Erik, the so-called Engelbrekt rebellion, and the contemporary strife between the Uppsala church and the kings. The thesis ends with a study of the reception of the Chronica in the 1520s, a time when the Reformation and the consolidation of a strong national monarchy in Sweden brought the authority issues addressed by Ericus to conclusion.

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This dissertation investigates politics and nationalism in the Annales d'Histoire Économique et Sociale. Firstly, it approaches the background of this review in political terms. In this sense, some historians who worked with politics in their books were selected. It is the cases of Fustel de Coulanges before the french defeat to Prussia in 1870, of Grabriel Monod who approached the progress of historical knowledge and founded the Revue Historique, Ernest Lavisse who conceived the nation as political expression and Charles Seignobos who consideredthe historical knowledge as an instrument of political education. Next, we show the relationship of the review with politics. Before that, we praised the organization of the review, its themes, authors, among other. In its pages, one finds the policy that somehow remained and the big names (political figures). Moreover, we emphasize a nationalism that expands, especially, towards the African continent. Finally, the dissertation intends to know better a little explored topic of the review, besides perceiving changes and stays between the historians mentioned above and the AHES.
A presente dissertação investiga a política e o nacionalismo na revista dos Annales d’Histoire Économique et Sociale. Inicialmente, aborda os antecedentes do referido periódico em termos políticos. Nesse sentido, alguns historiadores que lidaram com a política em suas obras foram selecionados. São os casos de Fustel de Coulanges perante a derrota francesa para a Prússia em 1870, de Grabriel Monod que tratou do progresso do conhecimento histórico e fundou a Revue Historique, Ernest Lavisse que concebeu a nação enquanto expressão política e Charles Seignobos que tomou o conhecimento histórico como um instrumento de educação política. Em seguida, mostramos a relação da revista com a política. Antes disso, enaltecemos a organização dos Annales, seus temas, autores etc. Em suas páginas, encontram-se a política que de alguma maneira permaneceu e os grandes nomes (que por sinal são figuras políticas). Com efeito, destacamos um nacionalismo que se expande, sobretudo, em direção ao continente africano. Por fim, o trabalho pretende conhecer melhor um tema pouco explorado da revista, além de perceber mudanças e permanências entre os historiadores supracitados e os AHES.

"Les Origines de la France contemporaine" valent à Hippolyte Taine une postérité contrastée, bien différente de celle que sa notoriété intellectuelle acquise sous l'Empire lui aurait apportée. Bouleversé par les évènements des années 1870-1871 et convaincu de la décadence française, il décide d'en rechercher les causes à travers une œuvre historique novatrice tant dans la forme que dans le fond. Si la méthode suivie surprend, la thèse défendue, condamnant la Révolution française sans pour autant défendre la monarchie et l'empire, provoque. Taine déconcerte, satisfait ou mécontente l'ensemble de l'échiquier politique. Insensible aux critiques, il consacre les vingt dernières années de sa vie à l'écriture des Origines qu'il laissera inachevées sans avoir trouvé la thérapeutique à un mal qu'il pensait avoir diagnostiqué. Loin de s'éteindre à sa mort, les polémiques redoublent au gré des soubresauts politiques, favorisant à la fois sa récupération par une droite conservatrice soucieuse de références et sa condamnation définitive par une gauche radicale consciente du danger que son œuvre représente. L'étude des nombreuses publications qui lui sont consacrées de 1875 à 1914 en lui donnant, souvent, des interprétations partisanes, permet de suivre l'évolution d'une fortune controversée.

In 1991, a diplomatic controversy arose between Greece and the newly independent Republic of Macedonia, regarding naming, minority rights and the use of historical symbols. The claims of the new state to the name Macedonia and the historical heritage associated with it were perceived as a threat against Greek national identity and history itself. Within months, the so-called Macedonian question came to dominate the Greek domestic and foreign policy agenda. In Greek public debate, the conflict blended with concerns about the nation’s past, present and future, which played into the challenges brought about by the end of the Cold War. The Macedonian conflict can thus be understood as symptomatic of a crisis in Greek historical culture, as well as a catalyst for broader concerns about the role of history in contemporary society. This study explores the contexts in which the conflict evolved and how history was perceived, narrated and used by institutions, communities and individuals who sought to influence public opinion and policy-makers. The theoretical point of departure is the concept of historical culture, defined as the totality of discourses through which a society makes sense of itself, the present and the future through the interpretation of the past. In the study of historical culture, the notions of narratives and uses of history have been employed, with the notion of boundary-work as a supplementing analytical tool. The material of the study is primarily drawn from mainstream press, but also includes historiography. The study shows how the Macedonian controversy was intertwined with the identity- and memory-political demands of substate actors. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of a narrative on genocide among Greeks of Pontian origins. This happened in an age when traditional notions of national pride were being challenged by transnational history-cultural concerns about human rights and the notion of national guilt. The study also sheds light on how academic historians dealt with issues brought about by demands for politically committed scholarship, objectivity, legitimacy and the need to adjust in a transnational setting.
Denna studie har sin utgångspunkt i de utmaningar som det grekiska samhället och nationalstaten stod inför vid kalla krigets slut. I fokus står den diplomatiska konflikten mellan Grekland och republiken Makedonien, gällande den senare partens namn och bruk av historiskt laddade symboler samt minoritetsrättigheter. Denna makedonska konflikt som seglade upp i samband med Jugoslaviens sammanbrott kom att dominera den in- och utrikespolitiska dagordningen i Grekland under det tidiga 1990-talet, och förde tidvis in landet på kollisionskurs med dess västeuropeiska och amerikanska partners. Avhandlingens syfte har bestått i att spåra de sammanhang som denna konflikt växte fram i. Jag hävdar att den makedonska konflikten inte endast skall förstås som en kris i grekisk inrikespolitik, eller i landets relationer med omvärlden, utan fastmer som en kris i den grekiska historiekulturen. I det offentliga samtalet i Grekland smälte konflikten samman med en oro gällande nationens förflutna, nutid och framtid. Den diplomatiska fejden med den nya grannstaten i norr uppmärksammades av en bred allmänhet och åtföljdes av en diskurs som utmålade den egna nationens historia och arv som hotade. Studiet av denna diskurs, eller rättare sagt diskurser, om historia är ett viktigt mål i denna avhandling, eftersom det belyser uppfattningar om det förflutna jämte farhågor rörande nuet och nationens framtid, uppfattningar och farhågor som ytterst präglade den politiska krisen. Den teoretiska utgångspunkten för studien återfinns i begreppet historiekultur. Med detta avses de samtliga diskurser genom vilka ett samhälle begripliggör sig självt, nuet och framtiden genom att tolka det förflutna. Sålunda definierad skall historiekultur förstås som både struktur och process. Det innebär att historiekulturen är både ramverket av kunskap, attityder och värderingar som ger den enskilde mening och sammanhang, och samhällen deras sammanhållning, och själva handlingen genom vilka ovansagda skapas och förmedlas. Som redskap för att studera historiekultur har begreppen berättelser och historiebruk använts. Eftersom studien särskilt uppmärksammar fackhistorikers roll i konflikten – viktiga i egenskap av aktörer som skapar och sprider den kunskap och de värderingar som utgör historiekultur – har även ett vetenskapssociologiskt perspektiv infogats. Offentliga kontroverser rörande det förflutna inbegriper kamp om trovärdigheten i vissa tolkningar liksom hos dem som framför dem. Som kompletterande analysredskap brukas begreppet gränsdragning (boundary-work), utifrån uppfattningen att vetenskapen bör studeras i det sociala sammanhang i vilket den bibringas mening och auktoritet. Historiekultur studeras genom dess lämningar. I föreliggande avhandling utgörs källmaterialet främst av artiklar i grekisk dagspress, men även historieskrivning (akademisk såväl som icke-akademisk) i bokform, vetenskapliga tidskrifter och andra relevanta trycksaker där historia debatteras, berättas, sätts in i sammanhang och brukas, har studerats. Materialet täcker ingalunda grekisk historiekultur i hela dess vidd men utgör likväl ett representativt urval av de arenor där såväl allmänhet som specialister mötte diskurser och debatter om det förflutna. 324 Studien har kartlagt de sätt på vilka historia brukades med särskilt avseende på de intressen som kan skönjas däri. Själva upplevelsen av kris tog sig uttryck i ett existentiellt historiebruk, kopplats till ett sökande efter rötter och kontinuitet som närdes av fruktan för krig, rotlöshet och kulturell minnesförlust. Det upplevda yttre hotet mot Grekland beskrevs ofta i termer av en hotande utmaning gentemot den nationella identiteten och nationens överlevnad, men också som en möjlighet att återupprätta en samlande nationell berättelse. Samtidigt brukades historia med både kommersiella och politiska mål i sikte, eftersom det nationella förflutna sågs som en moralisk, politisk och ekonomisk tillgång. Ett framträdande drag i debatten var ett politiskt historiebruk som syftade till att utmana en upplevd vänsterhegemoni som utmålades som ett hinder för nationell enighet och främjandet av Greklands utrikespolitiska målsättningar i utlandet. Men historia kunde även brukas politiskt för att visa på nationalismens avarter. Särskild uppmärksamhet har ägnats åt det moraliska historiebruket. Detta är ett bruk som utmanar vad som utpekas som förhärskande föreställningar och därför är ett medel för historiekulturens förändring. Historieproducenter längs med den politiska skalan tenderade att utforma sina berättelser i kritisk och moralistisk anda, även om syftet ofta var att bevara en traditionell förståelse av nationell historia och identitet. Emellertid är det berättelser som utmanar den nationella tolkningsramen som undersökts särskilt noggrant. Det moraliska historiebruket hänger samman med hur den makedonska frågan nyttjades till att främja minnespolitiska krav. I detta sammanhang har särskild uppmärksamhet riktats mot den slaviskmakedonska minoritetsaktivismen som prisade etnisk särart och anklagade den grekiska staten för diskriminering. Dess historiebruk underblåste föreställningar om ett överhängande hot mot den grekiska nationalstaten och tilltalade som sådant också grupperingar inom den grekiska vänstern, som i den slaviskmakedonska kritiska berättelsen såg ett medel till förändring av rådande samhällsordning och den nationella historiekulturen, genom att blottlägga statens ”ideologiska historiebruk”. En grupp som brukade historien moraliskt och som i viss utsträckning även länkade sin minnespolitiska dagordning till den makedonska frågan återfanns bland de pontiska grekerna. Studien har belyst hur en pontisk identitet knuten till en berättelse om folkmord i Turkiet och en historia av diskriminering i Grekland växte fram i senare delen av 1980-talet och erkändes av staten 1994. Medan kapitel 3 utforskar det lokala historiekulturella landskapet i det grekiska Makedonien, belyser kapitel 4 även de förbindelser som pontiska aktivister sökte upprätta med historiska berättelser utanför den nationella historiens ramverk, huvudsakligen det armeniska folkmordet och förintelsen. Förhållandet mellan politik och historia, mellan kritiska berättelser som utmanade förhärskande uppfattningar i nationella frågor och dem som försvarade den förda politikens legitimitet och den officiella historieskrivningen, står i fokus för kapitel 5. Den makedonska konflikten medförde kolliderande anspråk på expertis inom vetenskapssamhället – mellan ämnesdiscipliner och enskilda forskare – såväl som mellan fackmän och lekmän, vilket tog sig uttryck i retoriska 325 uteslutningsmekanismer. För somliga bar den allmänna betoningen av nationell historia ett löfte med sig om finansiering och förstärkt prestige åt dem som hade denna inriktning. Andra uppfattade den makedonska krisen och historieskrivning med nationella och politiska förtecken som ett direkt hot mot den fria forskningen och Greklands överlevnad som ett demokratiskt samhälle. Den akademiska autonomin som föreföll hotad skyddades genom att insistera på en skiljelinje mellan historia som vetenskap respektive som ”ideologiskt bruk” för politiska ändamål. Detta försök att återupprätta konsensus inom vetenskapssamhället genom att vädja till professionens etiska principer blev också en utväg för historiker som med tiden sökte distansera sig från en förd politik som uppfattades som skamfilad och nationalistisk. Analysen har visat på de sammanhang i vilka den makedonska krisen växte fram och hur farhågorna för och bruket av historia kan förstås. Den första av dessa kontexter är den inrikespolitiska, närmare bestämt det grekiska samhällets demokratisering efter 1974. I det nya pluralistiska klimatet införlivades delar av den tidigare förföljda vänsterns kritiska berättelse om det nära förflutna i statens historieskrivning. Övergången från ett auktoritärt samhälle och historiekultur till en ökad öppenhet banade även väg för missnöjda gruppers identitetspolitik (slaviska makedoner, pontiska och andra anatoliska greker), grupper vars historiebruk naggade de gamla nationella och ideologiska stora berättelserna i kanten. Vid tiden för kalla krigets slut 1989 hade en allmänt spridd besvikelse gentemot de politiska ideologierna, i synnerhet socialismen, medfört en motreaktion till förmån för en mer traditionell nationalism. Det andra betydelsefulla sammanhanget återfinns i den europeiska integrationen som följde på Greklands EG-inträde 1981. Denna medförde inte endast hopp om ekonomisk vinning utan även behovet att bearbeta förlusten av nationellt självbestämmande och traditionella former av självförståelse. Grekland stod inför uppgiften att finna sin plats i det nya Europa, samtidigt som landet måste hantera den nya verklighet som 1990-talets krig på Balkan medförde. Särskilt historiker betonade att denna process gjorde det nödvändigt att europeisera nationens värderingar och uppfattningar kring historia, en uppgift som försvårades av Greklands hållning i den makedonska frågan och det sätt på vilket man slog vakt om ”historiska rättigheter”. Även aktivister som, huvudsakligen i den grekiska diasporan, var sysselsatta med att marknadsföra denna fråga pekade på behovet av att modernisera aspekter av den nationella historiekulturen i en tid av europeiskt enande och konvergerande historieutbildningar. Det som ovan beskrivits har ett nära samband med det tredje stora sammanhanget, som även det är av transnationell art. Den nationella historiekulturen är inte avskild från omvärlden; föreställningar om det förflutna rör sig över nationella gränser. På global nivå sammanföll den makedonska konflikten med de s.k. history wars, historiekrig som rasade vid samma tid runtom i världen. Dessa återspeglar i sin tur urholkandet av de stora nationella och ideologiska berättelserna i västerländska samhällen, de identitets- och minnespolitiska kraven hos under- och ickestatliga aktörer, de mänskliga rättigheternas paradigm och 326 beklagandets politik (the politics of regret), som anammar nationell skuld som ny princip för politisk legitimitet. Trenden inom transnationell historiekultur mot en mer universell moral, symboliserad av den ”amerikaniserade” (och ”europeiserade”) förintelsens moral innebar en ytterligare utmaning mot de nationella historiekulturerna. Den pontiska folkmordsberättelsen (och dess nationaliserade förlängning) analyseras som svarande till kravet på en ”amerikanisering” av grekisk historiekultur. I detta sammanhang lyfts den grekiska diasporans roll fram, inte endast som instrumentell i utformningen av Greklands utrikespolitiska dagordning, men även i egenskap av förmedlare av historiekulturella angelägenheter och behovet av anpassning till transnationell omgivning. Konsekvenser av denna ”amerikaniserade” folkmordsberättelse diskuteras. Ett fjärde sammanhang, med en både nationell och transnationell dimension, är det akademiska, inom vilket forskare debatter och formar historiens representation. Identitetspolitikens ankomst och den makedonska konflikten stod även i samband med den objektivistiska historieskrivningens legitimitetskris och den postmoderna utmaningen. Urholkningen av staters bärande historieberättelse och tolkningsföreträde motsvarades i viss utsträckning av ett undergrävt förtroende för den traditionella historieskrivningens trovärdighet och auktoritet. Denna urholkning kunde tolkas som ett hot mot själva historievetenskapen och professionen. Ett annat sätt att bemöta detta hot var att betrakta såväl det som den makedonska krisen som en uppfordran till perspektivskifte inom forskning och historieskrivning. Samspelet mellan politik och historia, mellan förståelsen av svunna realiteter, nutida bekymmer och förväntningar inför framtiden formade sålunda den politiska krisen och banade väg för den grekiska historiekulturens förändring.

Cette thèse porte sur les artistes suédois et norvégiens en France de 1889 à 1908. Ces années ont traditionnellement été considérées comme une période de retour au pays et d’abandon de la France pour les artistes scandinaves qui se seraient tournés de nouveau vers Paris seulement en 1908 avec l’arrivée des élèves d’Henri Matisse. Une étude approfondie de leur présence aux Salons parisiens a été menée afin de constater que leur nombre ne baisse pas et que les départs des uns sont aussitôt comblés par l’arrivée d’autres artistes scandinaves. À travers l’examen de la taille et de l’activité de cette communauté d’artistes installés en France durant ces deux décennies, dites nationalistes, il s’avère que l’hypothèse du retour vers la Scandinavie dans les années 1890 est un mythe créé par une historiographie faussée. La plupart des artistes scandinaves expatriés en France de 1889 à 1908 menèrent des carrières couronnées de succès dans un environnement cosmopolite et international. Les raisons de la mauvaise interprétation de cette période de l’histoire de l’art scandinave ont été analysées à travers les ouvrages d’histoire de l’art anciens et actuels. D’autres investigations ont été entreprises, basées sur la correspondance de ces artistes principalement conservée à l’Académie Royale des Beaux-Arts de Suède et dans les archives d’Auguste Rodin, ainsi que sur l’étude de leur accueil critique en France. Elles démontrent que la colonie scandinave de Paris de ces années-là a été exclue des expositions organisées en France par leurs propres pays et que la carrière de ces artistes expatriés, ainsi que le rôle de la France, ont été minimisés dans l’histoire de l’art scandinave
This dissertation is about the presence of Swedish and Norwegian artists in France during the years 1889 to 1908. Traditionally these years have been considered as a period when Scandinavian artists left France to return to their homelands and according to this traditional view, they only returned to Paris and French influence with the arrival of Henri Matisse’s students around 1908. A thorough study of their presence in the Parisian Salons has been conducted which determines that their numbers do not decrease and that the departure of certain Scandinavian artists was balanced by the arrival of others. By examining the size and the activity of this artistic community in France during these two so-called nationalistic decades, it appears in fact that the hypothesis about the return to Scandinavia in the 1890’s is a myth created by a distorted historiography. Most Scandinavian expatriate artists living in France between 1889 and 1908 led successful careers in a cosmopolitan and international environment. The reasons for the misinterpretation of this period in Scandinavian art history have been analysed using historical and current texts and art history handbooks. Further investigation based on the correspondence of these artists, kept chiefly by the Royal Swedish Academy of Fine Arts and in the archives of Auguste Rodin, as well as the study of their critical reception in France, have shown that the Parisian colony of Scandinavian artists has often been excluded from exhibitions organized in France by their home countries and that the career of these expatriate artists as well as the role of France during this period has been minimized in Scandinavian art history

O presente trabalho pretende analisar a força e os limites do nacionalismo na trajetória de Marc Bloch. A partir da problematização de sua memória post-mortem, construída por seus amigos e familiares, procura-se entender como a imagem de Bloch se consagrou na França como a de alguém que sacrificou sua vida em nome desta comunidade imaginada. A partir daí, busca-se compreender que elementos de sua trajetória foram responsáveis por dar espaço a essa construção. É aí que se apresentam as múltiplas identidades de Marc Bloch soldado, judeu, resistente, historiador, cidadão. Por fim, buscar-se-á, a partir da análise de seu livro Létrange défaite, analisar como o próprio historiador construiu a imagem de si mesmo e da França de sua época.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo discutir a construção da narrativa nacional pela historiografia oitocentista, articulando esta elaboração discursiva a um horizonte pragmático que, efetivamente, pretendia, através de um grande relato da nacionalidade, eliminar a heterogeneidade a partir da construção de um modelo de conduta a ser seguido pelos habitantes da nação. Esta pesquisa, portanto, se propõe a investigar a narrativa elaborada pela historiografia oitocentista, através dos textos de Januário da Cunha Barbosa, Karl Friedrich Von Martius e Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen, que, efetivamente, inventaram uma nação brasileira.
This research has as objective to evaluate the construction of the national narrative by the 19th century historiography, articulating this discursive elaboration to a pragmatic horizon that effectively intended, through a great story of the nationality, to eliminate the heterogeinity through the construction of a behavior model to be followed by the inhabitants of the nation. This research investigates the narrative elaborated by 19th century historiography, through the texts of Januário da Cunha Barbosa, Karl Friedrich Von Martius and Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen, who, effectively, invented a Brazilian nation.

This thesis in Church History presents a biographic study on the life of Ben Marais against the political and ecclesiastic background of South Africa of the 20th century. The significance of Ben Marais’ life is approached through his correspondence with the secretaries of the World Council of Churches during the 1960s and 1970s. The letters, pertaining to the World Council of Churches financial and moral support for the organisations fighting against Apartheid, reflect on Ben Marais’ involvement with the World Council and his particular concerns. Through a study on the life of Ben Marais insight can be gained into the thinking of the leadership of the NG Kerk. The study presents Ben Marais as a prophet who challenged the then popular tendencies in the NG Kerk theology on policy justification and on the relation between religion and nationalism. The central question in this study asks, what led an ordinary man, of humble background, to the insights he reflected, and guided him through times of transparent opposition to maintain his belief in what was right and just? What was the essence of his theology and understanding of the South African problem? To what extent could the church leaders of the present, and the future learn from his example and life, in terms of the tribulations faced, different schools of thought, and sentiments, both nationalistic and spiritual? The study then wishes to test the following hypothesis: Ben Marais can be considered as one of the steadfast and humble prophets of the church in Southern Africa during the 20th century, who serves as an example of Christian Brotherhood, regardless of the perplexities, for present and future generations on relations between the affairs of faith, state and society. The thesis presents a broader introduction on Church Historiography. Ben Marais’ own historiographical reflection is considered. The approaches to history are summarised as background to the periodisation model adopted by the study. The study wishes to work with a thematic model set against a chronological framework. Sensitivity to geographical concerns is also expressed. Afrikaner Nationalism is not seen in isolation, but in relation to African, English and Indian Nationalism.
Thesis (DD)--University of Pretoria, 2005.
Church History and Church Policy
unrestricted

A literatura brasileira tem sido isolada dos estudos literários (acadêmicos, críticos e historiográficos) que tentam dar conta da chamada Literatura latinoamericana. Com um enfoque comparatista da produção historiográfica literária da Argentina e do Brasil românticos, esta pesquisa tem por objeto colocar em relação direta os processos discursivos que as elites letradas de cada país elaboraram no momento de criar (inventar) as nações emergentes. Desta forma se busca ressaltar as semelhanças dos processos sem extenuar nem forçar as comparações. O projeto contempla, também, a possibilidade de colocar em evidência alguns aspectos problemáticos das chamadas literaturas nacionais na atualidade. Para isso, analisar-se-á um corpus de textos de historiografia literária de ambos os países no contexto da produção historiográfica latinoamericana no século XIX, em particular, e ocidental, em geral. As ideias de romantismo, nacionalismo e historiografia literária e liberal do século XIX conformam o pano de fundo no qual se inscreve o projeto.
Brazilian literatura has been taken aside from literary studies (as academical, critical and historiographical) that try to comprise the so-called Latin American Literature. Based on a comparison between Argentinean and Brazilian historiographical literary production of romantic writers, this research had as object to make a direct relation between the discursive processe elaborated by the literate elites of each country while creating (inventing) emerging Nations-Satates. Therefore, we intend to emphasize the similarities of the processes without exhaust or forcing comparisons. The project considers also the possibility of highlighting some problematic aspects of the so-called current national literatures. In this regard, a corpus of written literary historiography of both countries will be analyzed in the historiographical production context of Latin America, particulary, and Occident, in general, during the 19th century. Ideas of romanticism, nationalism, and literary and liberal historiography configure the backdrop in wich the project is inscribed.

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The following dissertation aims at reflecting on the relationship between history and the intellectual constitution of the emotional memory in the process of creating local and national identities. This study analyses the relation between Paulo Prado s books Paulística (1925) and Retrato do Brasil (1928) and the early 1900 s Society in Brazil, and in the city of São Paulo. Struggling to build a Brazilian identity, Paulo Prado s work sheds light into the links between Nation, modernism and local culture. Moreover, it investigates the importance of recorded history in building up local and national identities
Esta dissertação propõe uma reflexão sobre a história e sua relação com a organização intelectual da memória afetiva do passado no processo de construção de identidades regionais e nacionais. Analisa as relações estabelecidas entre as obras escritas por Paulo Prado Paulística (1925) e Retrato do Brasil (1928) com a sociedade paulista e brasileira nas primeiras décadas do século. Inseridas no processo de luta por acomodação de um princípio identitário harmônico no Brasil, as obras e Paulo Prado colaboram para compreender as inflexões entre nação, modernismo e regionalismo. Outrossim, investiga a centralidade da escrita da História como operação central nestas construções

Le but de ce travail est d'offrir une analyse des representations du canada proposees par les historiens anglophones de ce pays. On a choisi d'etudier les historiens canadiens anglophones, plutot que les intellectuels en general, parce qu'ils se sont tres tot attribue un role moteur dans la definition de la specificite nationale et le renforcement du sentiment d'unite. Ce role apparait essentiel du fait de la situation particuliere du canada : colonie n'ayant pas connue de guerre d'independance. Etat devant se demarquer d'un voisin fort semblable, pays dont la diversite ethnique ne cesse de s'accentuer. Les historiens representent le canada de facon fort variee, mettant en lumiere les caracteristiques politiques, sociales, economiques ou naturelles qu'ils estiment les plus benefiques au developpement national. Cette diversite ne doit cependant pas masquer la continuite de l'effort mis en oeuvre pour forger une specificite nationale face aux trois grands defis poses au canada : la dependance envers la grande-bretagne, l'influence americaine, la presence francophone. Si la primaute accordee a cette recherche identitaire n'est pas surprenante au moment de la formation nationale, il est moins normal de la retrouver apres que le pays a conquis le droit a une existence unie et independante. Il s'agit donc d'une identite continuellement en sursis, qui se trouve menacee au moment meme ou elle croit s'etre le mieux definie. Il s'agit aussi d'une identite relative, puisqu'on montrera qu'elle s'etablit necessairement par rapport a des partenaires (anglais, americains, francophones). Ces caracteres recurrents, identite en sursis, identite relative, finissent par creer l'impression paradoxale que la specificite nationale canadienne existe d'autant plus qu'elle ne cesse de se chercher
The purpose of this work is to offer an analysis of the way canada is represented by english- speaking canadian historians. Historians, rather than intellectuals in general, were chosen as the object of study because since the beginning of historical writing in canada, they chose to describe themselves as key agents in the process of defining a national identity and defending national unity. Such a role is crucial in a country whose identity is particularly fragile, due to the lack of a proper declaration of independence from great britain, the difficulty of differentiating itself from the united states, and the internal pressure of ethnic and regional diversity. Historians represent canada in many varied ways; they focus on the political, social, economic, or environmental characteristics which they each consider beneficial to its national development. This variety, however, should not blur the underlying unity of the shared effort to create a specific national identity. Historians' focus on national identity is not unexpected at the time when canada was built; it is more surprising after the country has proven its existence as a united and independent state on the american continent. The canadian identity, as it is analyzed by historians, seems perpetually threatened, even when it should be well anchored. It is always a relative identity, established in relation with three main partners (great britain, the united states, and the french-speaking community). Ironically, these characteristics seem to show that the canadian identity is all the stronger for always seeking to find itself

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Este estudo resulta de pesquisa que buscou estudar, analisar e interpretar a relação entre a crítica literária acadêmica brasileira e a presença e permanência de problemas críticos, teóricos e historiográficos próprios ao nacionalismo literário na cultura brasileira da segunda metade do século XX. Teve o objetivo de explorar a discussão de problemas críticos, teóricos e historiográficos na obra de três críticos literários acadêmicos brasileiros de grande importância: Antonio Candido, Roberto Schwarz e Haroldo de Campos. Essa exploração se deu através de um ponto de vista que pretende ser, simultaneamente, crítico, teórico e historiográfico. Também teve o objetivo de mostrar como permanece na crítica literária acadêmica alguns dos mesmos problemas e dos mesmos dilemas nacionalistas que têm origem na primeira metade do século XIX. Buscou-se historiar, criticamente, o processo da constituição e desenvolvimento do propalado mal-estar intelectual que afeta intelectuais brasileiros de todos os matizes em razão daquilo que chamamos de cultura de ajustamento cultural e intelectual, mostrando que a reflexão sobre o mal-estar intelectual se tornou um valor próprio ao pensamento crítico literário brasileiro. Buscou-se, por fim, analisar a importância e a influência da Formação da literatura brasileira graças ao fato de o livro ter burlado o formato tradicional da historiografia literária nacional
This study results from the research that aimed at studying, analyzing and interpreting the relationship between the Brazilian academic literary criticism and the presence and permanence of critical, theoretical and historiographical problems peculiar to the literary nationalism in the Brazilian culture of the second half of century XX. It aimed at exploring the discussion of critical, theoretical and historiographical problems in the work of three Brazilian academic literary critics of great importance: Antônio Cândido, Roberto Schwarz and Haroldo de Campos. This exploration was carried out through a viewpoint that intends to be, simultaneously, critical, theoretical and historiographical. It also had the purpose of showing how some of the same problems and of the same nationalisit dilemas stand in the academic literary critics, originated in the first half of century XX. The aim was to critically write down the process of constitution and development of the spread uneasiness that affects brazilian intellectuals of all shades due to the so called culture of cultural and intellectual adjustment, showing that the thought about the intellectual uneasiness has become a value peculiar to the brazilian critical literary thinking. Finally, one aimed at analyzing the importance and the influence of the Brazilian literature formation thanks to the fact that the book has cheated the traditional format of the national literary historiography

Abstract This dissertation analyzes conceptions of the nature of the Treaty of Nöteborg, signed in 1323 between Sweden and Novgorod, especially in 19th and 20th century Finnish historical research and popular literature. The methodologies used are contextualization and the sociology of science. The treaty rose to great prominence in mid-19th century periodization of Finnish history. At the time, Finnish historiography considered the Crusade Period in Finland as a showdown between Sweden and Russia and emphasized the significance of interstate treaties. The treaty has maintained its status as a cornerstone of the periodization of Finnish history up to the present. It has symbolized the Christianization and Swedification of Finland and the nationalist myth of the birth of a unified Finnish people in medieval times. With the view of an era of Karelian disunity, symbolized by the treaty, an image of history was constructed in Finnish kinship ideology from the mid-19th century up to the end of World War II. This image was used in furthering the unification of Eastern Karelia with Finland. An image of the treaty as having confirmed an ancient Karelian position of power in Northern Finland was created with the view of the border as stretching to the Bay of Bothnia. This was important particularly in the 19th century, as various nations were constructing views of their own ancient dominance in the North Calotte region. Using these border conceptions, a nationalist image of Finns as having conquered Eastern Savo and Northern Finland for Sweden in late medieval times was also created. The conception of Northern Finland as a common was created in the 1960s. This view was partially based on the 19th century Swedish nationalist conception of the border as stretching to the Arctic Sea. Especially in Savo, views of the location of one’s own locality on the ancient borderline have been used in creating a local identity in the late 20th century. The conception of the border as a dividing line between modern Western and Eastern Finland arose in early 20th century Finnish ethnology based on dubious views of settlement history and geography. The hazy source material concerning borders has been interpreted based on various theoretical background assumptions, and it has been compatible with several different theories
Tiivistelmä Tässä väitöskirjassa analysoidaan käsityksiä Ruotsin ja Novgorodin välillä vuonna 1323 solmitun Pähkinäsaaren rauhan luonteesta erityisesti 1800- ja 1900-lukujen suomalaisessa historiantutkimuksessa ja populaarissa kirjallisuudessa. Metodeina käytetään kontekstualisointia ja tieteensosiologian metodeja. 1800-luvun keskivaiheilla Pähkinäsaaren rauha nousi merkittävään asemaan Suomen historian aikakausijaottelussa. Ajan suomalainen historiantutkimus piti Suomen ristiretkiaikaa venäläis-ruotsalaisena välienselvittelynä ja korosti valtioiden välisten sopimusten merkitystä. Rauha on säilyttänyt asemansa Suomen historian periodisoinnin kulmakivenä nykypäivään asti. Se on symboloinut Suomen kristillistymistä ja ruotsalaistumista sekä nationalistista myyttiä yhtenäisen Suomen kansan synnystä keskiajalla. Käsityksellä Pähkinäsaaren rauhan symboloimasta Karjalan hajanaisuuden ajasta rakennettiin 1800-luvun puolivälistä toisen maailmansodan loppuun heimoaatteessa historiakuvaa, jonka mukaan itäinen Karjala tulisi yhdistää Suomeen. Käsityksellä Pähkinäsaaren rauhan Pohjanlahdelle ulottuneesta rajasta luotiin 1800-luvulla kuvaa rauhan luonteesta muinaisen karjalaisvallan vahvistajana pohjoisessa Suomessa. Tällä oli merkitystä varsinkin 1800-luvulla, jolloin eri kansakunnat rakensivat näkemyksiä omasta muinaisvallastaan pohjoiskalotilla. Rajanäkemyksillä on myös rakennettu nationalistista näkemystä siitä, että suomalaiset valloittivat itäisen Savon ja pohjoisen Suomen Ruotsille myöhäiskeskiajalla. 1960-luvulla syntynyt näkemys piti Pohjois-Suomea yhteisalueena. Se perustui osittain 1800-luvun ruotsalaiseen nationalistiseen näkemykseen, jonka mukaan raja ulottui Jäämerelle. Erityisesti käsityksiä oman paikkakunnan sijainnista muinaisella rajalla on voitu käyttää etenkin Savossa paikallisen identiteetin rakentamisessa 1900-luvun lopulla. Käsitys rajasta Itä- ja Länsi-Suomen jakajana syntyi 1900-luvun alkupuolen suomalaisessa kansatieteessä kyseenalaisten maantieteellisten ja asutushistoriallisten näkemysten pohjalta. Rajoihin liittyvää epäselvää lähdemateriaalia on tulkittu useiden eri teoreettisten taustaoletusten pohjalta, ja se onkin ollut yhteensopiva useiden eri teorioiden kanssa

A principis del segle XX, l'arqueologia hispànica, que fins al moment havia anat a càrrec d'aficionats, començà un procés professionalitzador de la mà d'investigadors de formació germànica. Així, la seva metodologia i la concepció que tenien dels pobles es corresponia amb les dels professionals alemanys del seu temps implantades, especialment, per Pere Bosch Gimpera, que les inculcà als seus deixebles de l'Escola de Barcelona. En aquest treball s'han llegit detalladament les principals obres de diversos investigadors del moment per tractar d'esbrinar quines implicacions ideològiques tenen les seves teories etnològiques; bàsicament, quina distribució territorial proposaven per a l'Estat espanyol en base a la seva composició ètnica. Aquest exercici serveix per posar de manifest que, malgrat l'aparença cientificista i asèptica, les ciències socials no són alienes al context social i polític, ni a les passions dels seus professionals. Alhora, indirectament, pren el pols d'unes dècades molt convulses de la història hispànica.
Until early 20th Century, Hispanic archaeology had only been studied by amateurs. It was at that time when it started a process to give professional status to the subject, carried on by German-formated researchers. Thus, their methodology and the conception that they had about the peoples corresponded with the ones introduced by German professionals and, specially, Pere Bosch Gimpera, who instilled this ideas to their disciples from the called “Escola de Barcelona”. In this work we have read in detail the main works by various researchers of the moment to try to find out which ideological implications have their ethnologic theories; basically, what territorial distribution did they propose for the Spanish State in base of their ethnic composition. This exercise lays bare that, even with the scientificist and aseptic appearance, social sciences are not unconnected to the social and political context nor the passions of their professionals. At the same time, indirectly, it helps clarifying some decades of upheaval of the Spanish history.

Orientador: Arnaldo Franco Junior
Banca: Fábio Akcelrud Durão
Banca: Lúcia Granja
Banca: Márcio Scheel
Banca: Sílvia Maria Azevedo
Resumo: Este estudo resulta de pesquisa que buscou estudar, analisar e interpretar a relação entre a crítica literária acadêmica brasileira e a presença e permanência de problemas críticos, teóricos e historiográficos próprios ao nacionalismo literário na cultura brasileira da segunda metade do século XX. Teve o objetivo de explorar a discussão de problemas críticos, teóricos e historiográficos na obra de três críticos literários acadêmicos brasileiros de grande importância: Antonio Candido, Roberto Schwarz e Haroldo de Campos. Essa exploração se deu através de um ponto de vista que pretende ser, simultaneamente, crítico, teórico e historiográfico. Também teve o objetivo de mostrar como permanece na crítica literária acadêmica alguns dos mesmos problemas e dos mesmos dilemas nacionalistas que têm origem na primeira metade do século XIX. Buscou-se historiar, criticamente, o processo da constituição e desenvolvimento do propalado mal-estar intelectual que afeta intelectuais brasileiros de todos os matizes em razão daquilo que chamamos de cultura de ajustamento cultural e intelectual, mostrando que a reflexão sobre o mal-estar intelectual se tornou um valor próprio ao pensamento crítico literário brasileiro. Buscou-se, por fim, analisar a importância e a influência da Formação da literatura brasileira graças ao fato de o livro ter burlado o formato tradicional da historiografia literária nacional
Abstract: This study results from the research that aimed at studying, analyzing and interpreting the relationship between the Brazilian academic literary criticism and the presence and permanence of critical, theoretical and historiographical problems peculiar to the literary nationalism in the Brazilian culture of the second half of century XX. It aimed at exploring the discussion of critical, theoretical and historiographical problems in the work of three Brazilian academic literary critics of great importance: Antônio Cândido, Roberto Schwarz and Haroldo de Campos. This exploration was carried out through a viewpoint that intends to be, simultaneously, critical, theoretical and historiographical. It also had the purpose of showing how some of the same problems and of the same nationalisit dilemas stand in the academic literary critics, originated in the first half of century XX. The aim was to critically write down the process of constitution and development of the spread uneasiness that affects brazilian intellectuals of all shades due to the so called culture of cultural and intellectual adjustment, showing that the thought about the intellectual uneasiness has become a value peculiar to the brazilian critical literary thinking. Finally, one aimed at analyzing the importance and the influence of the Brazilian literature formation thanks to the fact that the book has cheated the traditional format of the national literary historiography
Doutor

Abstract My thesis focuses on the incorporation of Hyperboreans, a mythical classical race, into the prevailing Gothic or Geatic narrative of national history in seventeenth and eighteenth century Swedish historiography. The beatific Hyperboreans were identified with ancient Swedes to emphasise that the Gothic ancestors of Sweden’s rulers had not been mere mediaeval barbarians. The most extreme proponents of this Hyperborean research tradition claimed that a high culture had thrived in Sweden before classical antiquity. They asserted that traces of this highly-developed northern civilisation could be found in the Bible, classical writings and mediaeval historiography, as well as the domestic antiquities such as runestones and Old Norse writings. By close-reading published and unpublished writings of historians and antiquaries, I examined the overarching and shared distinctive features within this Hyperborean research tradition. This involved an analysis of the main content of this research tradition in its learned, mostly Western European historiographical setting. I focused especially on understanding the Hyperborean research tradition within the intellectual traditions of constructing fabulous pasts. The seventeenth century was a period of institutionalisation of historical and antiquarian research in Sweden and Europe. Hence, I also studied the role of specific politico-historical and institutional conditions in the emergence, development and decline of the Hyperborean research tradition. By combining these two approaches, I attempted to strike a balance between research on long-term intellectual traditions and short-term immediate situations in which the ideas about the Hyperboreans were developed and used. Ultimately my thesis illustrates that the Hyperborean research tradition was a fairly coherent tradition of research. It arose in the early seventeenth century as part of the political pursuits and problems of Swedish monarchs in the domestic front and the Baltics. The tradition dominated Swedish historiography during the period of Swedish absolutism (1690–1720), before gradually crumbling from 1730s onwards. The emergence, development and decline of the Hyperborean research tradition were all a result of complex historiographical and politico-institutional factors
Tiivistelmä Keskityn väitöskirjassani 1600- ja 1700-lukujen ruotsalaisen historiankirjoituksen ilmiöön, jossa antiikin kirjoitusten myyttiset hyperborealaiset sisällytettiin niin kutsuttuun goottilaiseen historianarratiiviin. Tämä varhaismodernissa Ruotsissa suosittu historianarratiivi perustui näkemykseen Raamatun Maagogista sotaisten goottien sekä ruotsalaisten kantaisänä. Eurooppalaiset humanistit kuvasivat kuitenkin gootit keskiaikaisina barbaareina, minkä vastapainoksi oppineet Ruotsissa esittivät kotimaiset gootit sivistyneinä ja hurskaina hyperborealaisina. Hyperborealaisen tutkimusperinteen keskeisin tutkimuskohde oli muinaisen Ruotsin kulttuuri, jonka väitettiin levinneen Upsalasta aina Välimerelle saakka jo ennen kreikkalais-roomalaista antiikkia. Tukeakseen väitteitään oppineet käyttivät lähteinään antiikin kirjoitusten ohella Raamattua ja keskiajan historiantutkimusta. 1600-luvun mittaan he hyödynsivät kasvavassa määrin myös pohjolan alueen muinaismuistoja, kuten muinaisnorjalaisia kirjoituksia ja riimukiviä. Tutkimukseni lähdeaineisto muodostuu hyperborealaiseen perinteeseen kuuluneiden oppineiden julkaistuista ja julkaisemattomista kirjoituksista. Tarkastelen tutkimusperinteen yhtenäisyyttä analysoimalla sen keskeisimpiä yhdistäviä ja erottavia käsityksiä. Analyysini kattaa myös sen opillisten, lähinnä historiantutkimuksellisten puitteiden määrittämisen. Pyrin erityisesti ymmärtämään hyperborealaista tutkimusperinnettä osana varhaismodernille ajalle tyypillisiä historianarratiiveja tarunomaisesta kansallisesta muinaisuudesta. Ruotsalainen historian- ja muinaistutkimus institutionaalistui 1700-luvulla. Täten tarkastelen työn pääasiallisen tutkimusongelman ohella, kuinka poliittiset ja institutionaalisetolosuhteet myötävaikuttivat hyperborealaisen tutkimusperinteen kehittymiseen, vakiintumiseen ja asteittaiseen murenemiseen. Osoitan tutkimuksessani, että hyperborealainen tutkimusperinne syntyi 1600-luvun alussa liittyen Ruotsin kuninkaiden poliittisiin pyrkimyksiin sekä kotirintamalla että Itämerellä. Sen valtakausi sijoittui aikavälille 1685–1720, jolloin Ruotsin itsevaltiaat kuninkaat hyödynsivät hyperborealaisiin liitettäviä teemoja propagandassaan. Tutkimusperinteen vaiheittainen mureneminen tapahtui 1700-luvun puolivälissä. Sen taustalla oli useita poliittisia, institutionaalisia ja opillisia tekijöitä

La présente étude se propose d'analyser plusieurs tentatives de relecture de l'histoire taiwanaise au cours des quatre dernières décennies. Cet effort collectif et composite de réinterprétation du passé est l'œuvre d'opposants au régime nationaliste chinois à Taiwan et de chercheurs issus du milieu académique qui, ensemble, ont entrepris d'exhumer la réalité intrinsèque et le vécu historique propre de la société insulaire jusqu'alors occultés par l'historiographie au service du pouvoir. Alors que le Parti nationaliste chinois (Kuomintang) avait imposé dans l'île, après 1945, une lecture du passé largement étrangère à la population locale, un récit d'inspiration nativiste, fondé sur une perspective historique centrée sur Taiwan, s'est élaboré au tournant de la décennie 1980. En rupture avec la doxa nationaliste chinoise d'après-guerre, ce récit a été favorisé par la libération du régime insulaire et la montée du nationalisme taiwanais, en même temps qu'il en a été le catalyseur. La réflexion engagée dans ce travail s'intéresse sous l'angle discursif et narratif aux divergences d'interprétation qui sous-tendent l'histoire de Taiwan et ses modalités d'écriture à l'ère contemporaine. A quels types de constructions intellectuelles la réévaluation du passé insulaire par les activistes et les chercheurs taiwanais s'est-elle prêtée au cours des quarante dernières années ? Quelles grilles de lectures ressortent de l'élaboration d'une histoire proprement taiwanaise affranchie de la fiction nationaliste chinoise de la période autoritaire ? Sur quoi porte, au juste, cette nouvelle histoire ? Enfin, quels outils, quels modèles d'analyse aident potentiellement à sa compréhension ?
This study seeks to analyse a collective and heterogeneous effort, over the past forty years, by which some of the opponents and scholars of the Chinese nationalist regime in Taiwan tried to break with a Chinese historiographical tradition, imposed on the island in 1945 bythe Kuomintang, in order to rethink the intrinsic reality and the historical past of Taiwan's island society. Whereas the Kuomintang had imposed in the post-war period an all-encompassing historical narrative extraneous to the inhabitants of the island, from the end of the 1970s, some of the political activists and scholars of Taiwan undertook to re-evaluate their past and to redefine their own history in a new Taiwan-centred perspective. Breaking with the Chinese nationalist doxa and marked by a nativist inspiration, this narrative has emerged in the wake of the liberalisation of the island's regime and the rise of a Taiwanese nationalism, while it has also served as a catalyst to them. This work will analyse, from narrative and discursive angle, the discrepancies that underlie Taiwanese history and its modalities of writing from the contemporary era onwards. To which types of intellectual constructions have the re-reading and re-writing of Taiwan's past been submitted for the last four decades ? What kinds of narrative and historical perspectives emerge from the making of a new history of Taiwan freed from the Chinese nationalist fiction inherent to Kuomintang's authoritarian rule ? What exactly is this new history of Taiwan concerned with ? What tools and frames of knowledge are we potentially armed with to grasp its own process ?

This thesis explores the reception of Johann Joachim Winckelmann in Italian art scholarship, 1755-1834. Winckelmann posed a problem: he was a presence in Italy that could not be ignored, yet the views he expounded were Italophobic and contentious to an Italian readership. In light of this dilemma, the research question asked is how did Italian art scholarship respond to Winckelmann in this period and why did it respond in that way. The core argument advanced is that there were two opposing reactions to Winckelmann, both of which were motivated by nationalism. On the one hand, Italian art scholars presented Winckelmann, his works, and his views as less attractive to an Italian readership than they would otherwise have appeared and, on the other hand, they presented him as more attractive. Through these reactions – termed foreignization and domestication respectively – art scholarship either defended against and ostracized Winckelmann or, when presented as less offensive, welcomed and embraced him amongst Italians. Thus this thesis argues that both reactions demonstrate a nationalistic attempt to portray Winckelmann in the manner most auspicious to the yet-to-be-united peninsula. In order to explore this response to the German scholar, the thesis centres on three media: translations, art literature, and artistic journalism. Both foreignization and domestication are evident throughout the sources analysed, yet there is a predominance of domestication, achieved through a variety of methods. This investigation adds to existing literature by examining the previously overlooked dilemma that Winckelmann posed. Moreover, employing the original conceptual framework of foreignization and domestication allows for a re-evaluation of how the art scholarship of the period engaged with the German scholar. Finally, demonstrating the infiltration of nationalistic sentiment in this period, even extending to Italian art scholarship, this thesis is the first to posit that nationalism played a significant role in Winckelmann's critical legacy.

This is a study of the intersection between art historical theory and practice, and cultural heritage, where the revivals and mediations of the neoclassical Gustavian style have been used as a platform for further exploration. In relation to this, the use and changing meanings of the concepts authenticity and style have been examined. The research has a historiographical and multidisciplinary character, drawing on the fields of art history, critical heritage studies and design history. The study shows how the Gustavian style has been routinely used when Swedish culture has been staged, nationally and internationally, but also when shaping ideas of the ideal home and good taste. The focus is placed on three periods – the 1890s, the 1930s-40s and the 1990s – during which the Gustavian style was defined, revived and mediated in different modes of representation such as textbooks, exhibitions, period furniture and historically informed performances. In the study we meet the actors, human and non-human, that have contributed to the resilient position of the Gustavian style in the public consciousness and in a commercial context. The Gustavian style, perhaps like no other, has been systematically embraced by the official heritage institutions in Sweden, including the academic discipline of art history, which has been an important influence on the way the past has been presented, valued, categorised, preserved and re-used. The author argues that the style has been able to maintain its relevance due to its ability to embody many different prevailing aspects across the 20th century, for example tradition and modernity, nationalism and internationalism, but also the past, present and visions of retro-utopia.