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1
Subba, Tanka B. "Race, Identity and Nationality: Relocating Nepali Nationalism in India." Millennial Asia 9, no. 1 (April 2018): 6–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0976399617753750.
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This article contextualises the relationship between race, identity and nationality with the case of Nepalis in India, who are historically, racially, culturally, and linguistically heterogeneous but socially constructed as a homogenous community in India. It surmises that relocating Indian Nepalis, without a reference to the country of their origin no matter when they came from Nepal, without considering India’s bilateral relationship with Nepal, and without linking Indian Nepalis with the Madhesi or Nepal Nepalis, seems an extremely challenging, if not impossible, task.
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Gould, William. "Congress Radicals and Hindu Militancy: Sampurnanand and Purushottam Das Tandon in the Politics of the United Provinces, 1930–1947." Modern Asian Studies 36, no. 3 (July 2002): 619–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x02003049.
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A recent trend in the historiography of north India has involved analyses of ‘Hindu nationalist’ motifs and ideologies within both mainstream nationalist discourses and subaltern politics. A dense corpus of work has attempted to provide historical explanations for the rise of Hindutva in the subcontinent, and a great deal of debate has surrounded the implications of this development for the fate of secularism in India. Some of this research has examined the wider implications of Hindutva for the Indian state, democracy and civil society and in the process has highlighted, to some degree, the relationship between Hindu nationalism and ‘mainstream’ Indian nationalism. Necessarily, this has involved discussion of the ways in which the Congress, as the predominant vehicle of ‘secular nationalism’ in India, has attempted to contest or accommodate the forces of Hindu nationalist revival and Hindutva. By far the most interesting and illuminating aspect of this research has been the suggestion that Hindu nationalism, operating as an ideology, has manifested itself not only in the institutions of the right-wing Sangh Parivar but has been accommodated, often paradoxically, within political parties and civil institutions hitherto associated with the forces of secularism. An investigation of this phenomenon opens up new possibilities for research into the nature of Hindu nationalism itself, and presents new questions about the ambivalent place of religious politics in institutions such as the Indian National Congress.
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Chakravartty, Aryendra. "Understanding India: Bhadralok, Modernity and Colonial India." Indian Historical Review 45, no. 2 (December 2018): 257–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983617747999.
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This article explores the understandings of mid-nineteenth-century colonial India through the perceptions of Bholanauth Chunder, an anglicised Bengali bhadralok and his early attempt at seeing and experiencing a historical entity called India. The role played by the middle class in forging a sense of anti-colonial nationalism has received significant attention, but this focuses on late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. By focusing on the perceptions and visions of an Indian middle class during the mid-nineteenth century, I provide an early articulation of nationalism which preceded the later nationalist movement by several decades. The ambiguous nature of the colonial middle class demonstrates that although they were concerned with articulating an incipient sense of nationalism, this did not involve a complete repudiation of the British. The influence of Western education is evident in Chunder’s strong desire for progress and modernity; his appreciation and use of history as an instrument in forging a common national past, although it is largely an imagination of a ‘Hindu’ past; and his critique of religious orthodoxy, which is inimical to progress. However, Chunder’s ethnographic observations demonstrate that his perceptions of Indian society were not entirely predetermined by colonial knowledge.
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Behera, Subhakanta. "Identities in India: Region, Nationality and Nationalism - A Theoretical Framework." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 7, no. 2 (March 18, 2008): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-9469.2007.tb00119.x.
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ANDERSON, EDWARD, and PATRICK CLIBBENS. "‘Smugglers of Truth’: The Indian diaspora, Hindu nationalism, and the Emergency (1975–77)." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 5 (June 4, 2018): 1729–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000750.
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AbstractDuring the Indian Emergency (1975–77) a range of opposition groups and the Indian state competed to mobilize the Indian diaspora. The Emergency therefore needs to be understood as a global event. Opposition activists travelled overseas and developed transnational networks to protest against the Emergency, by holding demonstrations in their countries of residence and smuggling pamphlets into India. They tried to influence the media and politicians outside India in an effort to pressurize Indira Gandhi into ending the Emergency. An important strand of ‘long-distance’ anti-Emergency activism involved individuals from the Hindu nationalist movement overseas, whose Indian counterparts were proscribed and imprisoned during the period. Several key Hindutva politicians in recent decades were also involved in transnational anti-Emergency activism, including Subramanian Swamy and Narendra Modi. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's role in opposing the Emergency—particularly the way in which it enabled overseas Indians to act as ‘smugglers of truth’—remains an important legitimizing narrative for Hindu nationalists. Indira Gandhi's Congress government mounted its own pro-Emergency campaigns overseas: it attacked diasporic opposition activists and closely monitored their activities through diplomatic missions. The state's recognition of the diaspora's potential influence on Indian politics, and its attempts to counter this activism, catalysed a long-term change in its attitude towards Indians overseas. It aimed to imitate more ‘successful’ diasporas and began to regard overseas Indians as a vital political and geopolitical resource. The Emergency must be reassessed as a critical event in the creation of new forms of transnational citizenship, global networks, and long-distance nationalism.
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Bhagavan, Manu. "The Rebel Academy: Modernity and the Movement for a University in Princely Baroda, 1908–49." Journal of Asian Studies 61, no. 3 (August 2002): 919–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3096351.
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In recent analyses of nationalism in colonial South Asia, Partha Chatterjee and Tanika Sarkar, among others, have argued that as a result of colonial domination in the “public sphere”—the realm of the state and civil society—Indian male nationalists deployed the “private sphere”—the realm of the home—as the discursive site of anticolonial nationalist imaginaries. The internal space of the home was “the one sphere where improvement could be made through [Indian men's] own initiative, changes could be wrought, where education would bring forth concrete, manipulable, desired results” (Sarkar 1992, 224; Chatterjee 1989) and it therefore took on “compensatory significance” in the experience of modernity in India (Chakrabarty 2000, 215–18).
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Leonard, Karen. "Sandhya Shukla. India Abroad: Diasporic Cultures of Postwar America and England. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2003." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 3 (July 2005): 670–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750524029x.
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Sandhya Shukla has written a highly interdisciplinary comparison of Indian diasporic cultures in Britain and the United States. Specializing in Anthropology and Asian American Studies, she is particularly strong on historical and literary text analysis. She says, “The relational aspects of a range of texts and experiences, which include historical narratives, cultural organizations, autobiography and fiction, musical performance and films, are of paramount importance in this critical ethnography” (20). Contending that the Indian diaspora confronts “a simultaneous nationalism and internationalism,” she is celebratory about India and “formations of Indianness,” and uses phrases like “amazing force” and “wildly multicultural” (17). Her exploration shows “the tremendous impulse to multiple nationality that Indianness abroad has made visible” (14) and, “the amazing persistence of Indian cultures in so many places” (22).
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Therwath, Ingrid. "Cyber-hindutva: Hindu nationalism, the diaspora and the Web." Social Science Information 51, no. 4 (November 20, 2012): 551–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018412456782.
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Hindu nationalists defend the advent of a Hindu state in India, while projecting the universal appeal of their ideology. Their very territorialized yet universal claims have been finding particular resonance among migrant populations, particularly in North America. This study strives to go beyond content analyses that foreground voices to focus on the network structure in order to highlight the new transnational practices of nationalism. Two main points emerge from this in-depth scrutiny. On the one hand, Hindu nationalist organizations have transferred their online activities mainly to the USA, where the Indian diaspora is 3.2 million strong, and constitute therefore a prime example of long-distance transnational nationalism. On the other hand, the morphological discrepancies between the online and the offline networks point to new strategies of discretion developed to evade the gaze of authorities in countries of residence. The recourse to cartography thus becomes crucial not only in understanding what sectarian or illegal movements do and show but also what they seek to hide.
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Rao, Nagendra. "Authoritarianism and making of counterdiscourse in colonial Goa." Revista de História das Ideias 39 (June 16, 2021): 75–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-8925_39_3.
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By using the concepts such as power, discourse, and «reverse» (counter) discourse, this paper contextualises colonial discourse and nationalist counterdiscourse through a critique of the concepts – Goa Dourada and Goa Indica. A comparison of the Goan colonial scenario with Africa demonstrates similarities between the two regions. Further, the Goan scene is juxtaposed with other parts of India. It enables us to rationalize the affinity of the nationalist of Goa with Indian nationalism. The complex processes, individuals, groups involved in the making of the counterdiscourse are delineated. The final part of the article analyses the emergence of discourse that countered the counterdiscourse, thus showing that a discourse is bound to be challenged by a counterdiscourse.
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Fasseur, C., and D. H. A. Kolff. "II. Some Remarks on the Development of Colonial Bureaucracies in India and Indonesia." Itinerario 10, no. 1 (March 1986): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300008974.
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A systematic comparison of the development of modern bureaucracies in India and Indonesia during the colonial era has never been made. No equivalent of the excellent work done by J.S. Furnivall on the colonial administration in Burma and Java is available. Yet, much of what he said is useful for the subject of this paper and we shall therefore lean heavily on him. It would be an overstatementto say that Indians before the Second World War felt interested in the events and developments in Indonesia. In the other direction that interest surely existed. We need only to recall the deep impact the Indian nationalist movement made upon such Indonesian nationalists as Sukarno.‘The example of Asian nationalism to which Indonesians referred most often was the Indian one.’ This applies for instance to the Congress non-cooperation campaign in the early 1920s. Indonesian nationalists could since then be classified as cooperators and non-cooperators, although for them the principal criterion was not the wish to boycott Dutch schools, goods and government officials(such a boycott actually never occurred in colonial Indonesia)but the refusal to participate in representative councils such as the Volksraad(i.e. People's Council).
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Et al., Bisma Butt. "An Analysis of Kanthapura by Raja Rao: A Postcolonial Study." Psychology and Education Journal 58, no. 1 (January 15, 2021): 4701–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i1.1629.
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This study focuses the ‘Kanthapura’ to analyze the construction of historical consciousness in narratives and this fiction is used as literary aspect of nationalist ideology. Particularly, this work examines the political representation of women in Indian national movement in 1930 by using the theory of nationalism by Bhabha (1990). The study demystifies this novel to find out challenges of stereotypical Indian women and how they become solidified in the building process of Indian national identity. Kanthapura (Delhi Orient) is very much concerned to focus on the construction of Vedic Hindu ideal for women and the reason of writing true and authentic history to investigate the women’s issues they face during the colonial period of India. The study sheds light on imagined and true nature of nationalist discourse and its effect on women in postcolonial India. It is not concerned with those doctrines of nationalist sentiments which are generalized through religious stereotypes rather it is paradoxical in nature that begins to assume identification with European accounts of India so it explores the idea of political desirability that shapes and constructs the ideology and as well as it allows for the presentation of unified identity of India.
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Khan, M. A. Muqtedar, and Rifat Binte Lutful. "Emerging Hindu Rashtra and Its Impact on Indian Muslims." Religions 12, no. 9 (August 27, 2021): 693. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090693.
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This article examines the impact of the gradual Hindutvaization of Indian culture and politics on Indian Muslims. The article contrasts the status of Muslims in the still secular, pluralistic, and democratic constitution of India with the rather marginalized reality of Muslims since the rise of Hindu nationalism. The article argues that successive electoral victories by Hindu nationalist party, the Bharatiya Janata Party, has precipitated political events, generated policies, and passed new laws that are eroding the democratic nature of India and undermining its religious freedoms. The article documents recent changes that are expediting the emergence of the Hindu state in India and consequently exposes the world’s largest religious minority to an intolerant form of majoritarian governance.
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CHACKO, PRIYA. "MarketizingHindutva: The state, society, and markets in Hindu nationalism." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 2 (October 26, 2018): 377–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000051.
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AbstractThe embrace of markets and globalization by radical political parties is often taken as reflecting and facilitating the moderation of their ideologies. This article considers the case of Hindu nationalism, orHindutva, in India. It is argued that, rather than resulting in the moderation of Hindu nationalism, mainstream economic ideas are adopted and adapted by its proponents to further theHindutvaproject. Hence, until the 1990s, the Hindu nationalist political party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), its earlier incarnation, the Jana Sangh, and the grass-roots organization, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), adopted and adapted mainstream ideas by emphasizing the state as the protector of (Hindu) society against markets and as a tool of societal transformation for its Hindu nationalist support base. Since the 1990s, Indian bureaucratic and political elites, including in the BJP, have adopted a view of the market as the main driver of societal transformations. Under the leadership of Narendra Modi, in particular, the BJP has sought to consolidate a broader support base and stimulate economic growth and job creation by bolstering the corporate sector and recreating the middle and ‘neo-middle’ classes as ‘virtuous market citizens’ who view themselves as entrepreneurs and consumers but whose behaviour is regulated by the framework of Hindu nationalism. These policies, however, remain contested within the Hindu nationalist movement and in Indian society generally. The BJP's discourse against ‘anti-nationals’ and the use of legal sanctions against dissent is an attempt to curb these challenges.
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Singh, Shailendra Kumar. "Premchand, nationalism and civil resistance in colonial North India." Indian Economic & Social History Review 56, no. 2 (April 2019): 171–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464619835663.
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The theme of nationalism in the works of Premchand, the pre-eminent Urdu–Hindi writer of the 1920s and 1930s, not only serves as an organising principle but also constitutes a protean and contentious field of study, which has resulted in conflicting interpretations. On the one hand, his nationalist narratives are categorically denounced for their apparent lack of radicalism, while on the other hand, they are unequivocally valorised for their so-called subversive content. Both these diametrically opposed schools of criticism, however, share a common lacuna, that is, both of them tend to conflate the writer’s nationalist narratives with his peasant discourse, thereby precluding the possibility of different themes yielding different interpretations. This article examines the theme of nationalism in Premchand’s works, in general, and the question of civil resistance in particular, in order to demonstrate how the writer’s politics of representation in his nationalist writings differs from the one that we find in his peasant narratives. It argues that as opposed to the authorial valorisation of the fictive peasant’s conformity to the exploitative status quo, civil resistance in Premchand’s nationalist narratives is not only necessary and desirable but also synonymous with dharma (moral duty) itself.
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Jacob, Andrew. "NATIONALISM IN INDIA." SEJARAH 25, no. 1 (June 20, 2016): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/sejarah.vol25no1.2.
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Gabbay, Shaul M. "India’s Muslims and Hindu Nationalism." International Journal of Social Science Studies 8, no. 5 (July 22, 2020): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v8i5.4940.
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India is in the midst of changing its definition of what it means to be Indian. For the first time since becoming an independent nation in 1947, the government of India has chosen to use religion as a criteria for citizenship. This paper examines the critical importance of this development as it pertains to Muslims currently living in India, as well as for anyone living in South Asia who may wish to seek asylum in India in the future. The paper also examines the significance of the world’s most populous democracy shifting from secular to sectarian governance, a development with local, regional, and global impacts.The immediate effect of using religion as a criteria for citizenship has immediate and far-reaching consequences for India’s minority Muslim population. The criteria also impacts other religious groups in India and the south Asia region. This significant change has already resulted in deleterious effects including mob violence, internal displacement of Indian-born Muslims into newly constructed detention camps, and the expectation of massive deportation of Muslims from India.The findings presented in this paper are based on information obtained from historical sources provided by human rights organizations, government foreign affairs reports, and current references including media, non-government organizations, and political think tanks.
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Kaul, Nitasha. "India's Obsession with Kashmir: Democracy, Gender, (Anti-)Nationalism." Feminist Review 119, no. 1 (July 2018): 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41305-018-0123-x.
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This article attempts to make sense of India's obsession with Kashmir by way of a gendered analysis. I begin by drawing attention to the historical and continuing failure of Indian democracy in Kashmir that results in the violent and multifaceted dehumanisation of Kashmiris and, in turn, domesticates dissent on the question of Kashmir within India. This scenario has been enabled by the persuasive appeal of a gendered masculinist nationalist neoliberal state currently enhanced in its Hindutva avatar. I focus on understanding how the violence enacted upon Kashmiri bodies is connected to feminised understandings of the body of Kashmir in India's imagination of itself as a nation state. I argue that the gendered discourses of representation, cartography and possession are central to the way in which such nationalism works to legitimise and normalise the violence in Kashmir. I conclude with a few reflections on how Kashmir is a litmus test for the discourse on (anti-)nationalism in contemporary India.
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Patil, Tejaswini. "The Politics of Race, Nationhood and Hindu Nationalism." Asian Journal of Social Science 45, no. 1-2 (2017): 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04501002.
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The discussion on Hindu-Muslim conflict in India has revolved around religious or ethno-nationalist explanations. Employing the Gujarat riots of 2002 as a case study, I argue that dominant (Hindu) nationalism is linked to the ideas of “race” and has its roots in Brahminical notions of Aryanism and colonial racism. The categories of “foreign, hypermasculine, terrorist Other” widely prevalent in the characterisation of the Muslim Other, are not necessarily produced due to religious differences. Instead, social and cultural cleavages propagated by Hindu nationalists have their origins in race theory that accommodates purity, lineage, classification and hierarchy as part of the democratic discourses that pervade the modern nation-state. It focuses on how the state and non-state actors create discursive silences and normalise violence against minority communities by embodying emotions of fear, hate and anger among its participants to protect Hindu nationalism.
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Fernandes, Leela. "Unsettled Territories: State, Civil Society, and the Politics of Religious Conversion in India." Politics and Religion 4, no. 1 (November 1, 2010): 108–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048310000490.
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AbstractThe article argues that the secular Indian state and the Hindu nationalist movement are invested in restricting changes in religious membership in ways that intensify religious and caste-based inequalities. The secular state and the Hindu nationalist movement attempt to enforce a shared model of religion that takes the form of a fixed territory. In this model, changes in religious membership through conversion are restricted. An analysis of state-civil society interactions in India must therefore move away from a presumed opposition between state secularism on the one hand and religious nationalism and conflict within civil society on the other. The article draws on three cases: (1) nationalist debates over caste and religious conversion, (2) Hindu nationalist mobilization against religious conversion, and (3) state caste-based affirmative action policies that restrict benefits based on religious conversion.
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Zobaer, Sheikh. "Pre-partition India and the Rise of Indian Nationalism in Amitav Ghosh’s 'The Shadow Lines'." Rainbow: Journal of Literature, Linguistics and Cultural Studies 9, no. 2 (October 23, 2020): 156–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/rainbow.v9i2.40231.
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The Shadow Lines is mostly celebrated for capturing the agony and trauma of the artificial segregation that divided the Indian subcontinent in 1947. However, the novel also provides a great insight into the undivided Indian subcontinent during the British colonial period. Moreover, the novel aptly captures the rise of Indian nationalism and the struggle against the British colonial rule through the revolutionary movements. Such image of pre-partition India is extremely important because the picture of an undivided India is what we need in order to compare the scenario of pre-partition India with that of a postcolonial India divided into two countries, and later into three with the independence of Bangladesh in 1971. This paper explores how The Shadow Lines captures colonial India and the rise of Indian nationalism through the lens of postcolonialism.
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Kumar, Ajit. "Ideas Old and New: Bharatiyakaran/Indianisation of Social Work." International Journal of Community and Social Development 1, no. 3 (September 2019): 254–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2516602619878353.
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This article discusses the current development of Bharatiyakaran/Indianisation of social work education and practice in India. Drawing on relevant information from Bharatiyakaran workshops and conferences, it analyses mission and motives, and prospects and perils of Bharatiyakaran. The Indic-religions and emic approach are crafting a unique form of the Indian religio-cultural nationalism. The Bharatiyakaran advocates assert that their initiatives of de-colonisation, Indianisation and indigenisation would challenge the Eurocentric domination of the Indian social work. While indigenisation of social work in India is overdue, the current Bharatiyakaran trend raises more contradictions and questions.
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Gilmartin, David. "Partition, Pakistan, and South Asian History: In Search of a Narrative." Journal of Asian Studies 57, no. 4 (November 1998): 1068–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2659304.
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Few events have been more important to the history of modern South Asia than the partition of the subcontinent into India and Pakistan in 1947. The coming of partition has cast a powerful shadow on historical reconstructions of the decades before 1947, while the ramifications of partition have continued to leave their mark on subcontinental politics fifty years after the event.Yet, neither scholars of British India nor scholars of Indian nationalism have been able to find a compelling place for partition within their larger historical narratives (Pandey 1994, 204–5). For many British empire historians, partition has been treated as an illustration of the failure of the “modernizing” impact of colonial rule, an unpleasant blip on the transition from the colonial to the postcolonial worlds. For many nationalist Indian historians, it resulted from the distorting impact of colonialism itself on the transition to nationalism and modernity, “the unfortunate outcome of sectarian and separatist politics,” and “a tragic accompaniment to the exhilaration and promise of a freedom fought for with courage and valour” (Menon and Bhasin 1998, 3).
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Krzysztof Iwanek. "Is BJP Conservative?" Politeja 16, no. 2(59) (December 31, 2019): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.59.04.
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This article will consider whether the Bharatiya Janata Party (the BJP), the party currently ruling India, may be considered conservative. The author will use Swapan Dasgupta’s 2015 lecture on conservatism as a starting point for further deliberations. While agreeing with some of Dasgupta’s points, the author will conclude that the defining elements of Indian conservatism which he had proposed can, at the same time, define Hindu nationalism as well. To find the difference between the two, the text will consider a few historical examples of disputes and cooperation between the parties of the Hindu Right (and between Hindu conservatives and Hindu nationalists in general) such as the issue of the civil code reform, the attitude towards Dalits (untouchables) and the question of monarchy abolition. The final conclusion of the text is that while Hindu nationalism does share certain aspects and goals with Hindu conservatism, it also differs with it on some other points, and thus the BJP is more of a nationalist than a conservative party. It was the Ramrajya Parishad, a small and now defunct party, that in the author’s view represented the strand of Hindu conservatism.
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SINGH, JOGINDER. "Mahatma Gandhi’s Contribution To Indian Nationalism." History Research Journal 5, no. 5 (September 26, 2019): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/hrj.v5i5.7857.
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Mahatma Gandhi has given a significant contribution to grow the ‘Nationalism’ in India. In order to inculcate the spirit of ‘Nationalism’ within himself, an experience of stay in South Africa, has given rise to take initiate of the ‘Nationalism spirit.’ Subsequently, his views on politics, the truth, the ‘Satyagrah’ and secular views on religious faith have given rise to ‘cementing force’ to develop ‘Nationalism’ in India. The other views on women’s right, decentralized democracy by empowering the Gram Panchayats, the rural development and the vision on ‘Ram Rajaya’ have cumulatively, have been proved conducive to grow the ‘Nationalism’ in India. The factors like Gandian philosophy on non-cooperative movement and the mode of boycotting the British discriminative policy against Indians, an active participation of the people, different strata of society have given rise to grow ‘Nationalism’ among the people, belonged to different strata of Indian societies, pressure groups and religious leaders of India.
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Baruah, Sanjib. "Warriors in Politics: Hindu Nationalism, Violence, and the Shiv Sena in India. By Sikata Banerjee. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2000. 207p. $62.00." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (March 2001): 229–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401532013.
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These two books are about two powerful regional political forces in India-the Shiv Sena of Maharashtra (with a focus on the city of Mumbai) and the Dravidianist parties of Tamil Nadu. Many readers of this journal may know these places by their older names: Mumbai is Bombay, and the state of Tamil Nadu and its capital city were once known as Madras. Both books, not coincidentally, have much to say about the rise of Hindu nationalism in India, which is perhaps the most dramatic change in the Indian political landscape in recent years. That, indeed, is the central theme of Banerjee's book, which investigates the Hindu-Muslim riots in Mumbai in 1993. Banerjee argues that the politics of Hindu nationalism provides the context for the riots. In Mumbai, the major political force articulating a Hindu nationalist agenda is the Shiv Sena (literally, the warriors of Shivaji, a legendary Maharastrian Hindu hero).
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Banerjee, Sikata, and Rina Verma Williams. "Making the nation manly: The case of Bhaag Milkha Bhaag (2013) and India's search for regional dominance in an era of neo-liberal globalization." Studies in South Asian Film & Media 10, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/safm_00013_1.
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Abstract This article unpacks a particular gendered vision of nation that we term muscular nationalism. Briefly put, muscular nationalism is an intersection of a specific vision of masculinity with the political doctrine of nationalism. This idea of nation is animated by an idea of manhood associated with martial prowess, muscular strength and toughness. A particular interpretation of muscular nationalism has unfolded in India within a cultural milieu shaped by an assertive self-confidence fuelled by 'liberalization', a process by which India has been integrated into the global political economy, coupled with the prominence of Hindu nationalist politics. India's prolific commercial film industry centred in Mumbai has used images of manhood to express and valorize these cultural changes. We use the popular and critically acclaimed film Bhaag Milkha Bhaag (2013), directed by Rakesh Omprakash Mehra, to illustrate how athleticism and India's desire for regional dominance in South Asia shape muscular nationalism.
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Baruah, Sanjib. "‘Ethnic’ Conflict as Stat–Society Struggle: The Poetics and Politics of Assamese Micro-Nationalism." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 3 (July 1994): 649–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00011896.
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This paper is an attempt to understand one case of ‘ethnic’ conflict in India—Assam. By looking closely at this one case I hope we will understand better the phenomenon of India's persistent dilemma of micro-nationalist politics that from time to time seems to be fundamentally at odds with India's macro-nationalist project. To be sure, despite the seriousness of some of these conflicts—say Punjab and Kashmir at present, or Assam until recently—the incidence of micro-nationalist dissent should be kept in perspective. The Indian state can claim quite a bit of success in its project of ‘nation building’-it has been able to incorporate micro-nationalist dissent of a number of peoples by using persuasive and coercive means at its disposal. Moreover, cven conflicts that appear stubborn at one time turn out to be surprisingly amenable to negotiated settlement. Irrespective of the Indian state's ability to manage micro-nationalist dissent, the assumption that nationalisms have a telos that inevitably leads to a demand for separation relies on a rather sloppy and lazy naturalist theory of the nature and origins of nations and nation states. What the Indian experience forces us to confront is the fate of nationalism and the nation state as they spread worldwide as a modal form. In the Indian subcontinent these new forms that privilege 'formal boundedness over substantive interelationships," come face to face with a civilisation that represents a particularly complex way of ordering diversity.2 In a subcontinent where the historical legacy of state formation is marked by an intermittent tension between the imperial state and regional kingdoms, nationalisms and the nation state may have proved to be rather unfortunate modern transplants.3
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Chalcraft, John. "Question: What Are the Fruitful New Directions in Subaltern Studies, and How Can Those Working in Middle East Studies Most Productively Engage With Them?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 3 (August 2008): 376–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808080963.
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More than twenty-five years ago, a small group of South Asianists challenged the bourgeois-nationalist and colonialist historiography of Indian nationalism. Based mostly in India and critical of “economistic” Marxism, they aimed to recover the occluded histories of what Antonio Gramsci calls “subaltern social groups” and to put into question the relations of power, subordination, and “inferior rank” more generally. The influence of subaltern studies quickly became international, inspiring research projects in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, Latin America, and the Middle East.
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Varshney, Ashutosh. "India: Liberalism Vs. Nationalism." Journal of Democracy 3, no. 3 (1992): 147–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.1992.0037.
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BAYLY, SUSAN. "Imagining ‘Greater India’: French and Indian Visions of Colonialism in the Indic Mode." Modern Asian Studies 38, no. 3 (July 2004): 703–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x04001246.
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This article explores both Western and Asian imaginings of national histories beyond the boundaries of the nation. It seeks to contribute to the history of Asian modernities, and to the anthropological study of nationalism. Its focus is on thinkers and political actors whose visions of both the colonising and decolonising processes were translocal, rather than narrowly territorial in scope.
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Putcha, Rumya S. "The Modern Courtesan: Gender, Religion and Dance in Transnational India." Feminist Review 126, no. 1 (October 22, 2020): 54–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0141778920944530.
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This article exposes the role of expressive culture in the rise and spread of late twentieth-century Hindu identity politics. I examine how Hindu nationalism is fuelled by an affective attachment to the Indian classical dancer. I analyse the affective logics that have crystallised around the now iconic Indian classical dancer and have situated her gendered and athletic body as a transnational, globally circulating emblem of an authentic Hindu and Indian national identity. This embodied identity is represented by the historical South Indian temple dancer and has, in the postcolonial era, been rebranded as the nationalist classical dancer—an archetype I refer to as the modern courtesan. I connect the modern courtesan to transnational forms of identity politics, heteropatriarchal marriage economies, as well as pathologies of gender violence. In so doing, I examine how the affective politics of ‘Hinduism’ have functionally weaponised the Indian dancing body. I argue that the nationalist and now transnationalist production of the classical dancer-courtesan exposes misogyny and casteism and thus requires a critical feminist dismantling. This article combines ethnographic fieldwork in classical dance studios in India and the United States with film and popular media analysis to contribute to critical transnational feminist studies, as well as South Asian gender, performance and media studies.
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Reetz, Dietrich. "In Search of the Collective Self: How Ethnic Group Concepts were Cast through Conflict in Colonial India." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 2 (May 1997): 285–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00014311.
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When the concept of Western nationalism travelled to India in the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century it was carried by British officialdom and an increasingly mobile and articulate Indian élite that was educated in English and in the tradition of British society. Not only did it inspire the all-India nationalist movement, but it encouraged regional politics as well, mainly in ethnic and religious terms. Most of today's ethnic and religious movements in South Asia could be traced back to their antecedents before independence. Looking closer at the three major regional movements of pre-independence India, the Pathans, the Sikhs and the Tamils, one finds a striking similarity in patterns of mobilization, conflict and concept irrespective of their association with the national movement (Red Shirt movement of the Pathans, Sikh movement of the Akalis) or independent existence in opposition to Congress (non-Brahmin/Tamil movement)
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Frederiksen, Bodil Folke. "PRINT, NEWSPAPERS AND AUDIENCES IN COLONIAL KENYA: AFRICAN AND INDIAN IMPROVEMENT, PROTEST AND CONNECTIONS." Africa 81, no. 1 (January 24, 2011): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972010000082.
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ABSTRACTThe article addresses African and Indian newspaper networks in Kenya in the late 1940s in an Indian Ocean perspective. Newspapers were important parts of a printing culture that was sustained by Indian and African nationalist politics and economic enterprise. In this period new intermediary groups of African and Indian entrepreneurs, activists and publicists, collaborating around newspaper production, captured fairly large and significant non-European audiences (some papers had print runs of around ten thousand) and engaged them in new ways, incorporating their aspirations, writings and points of view in newspapers. They depended on voluntary and political associations and anti-colonial struggles in Kenya and on links to nationalists in India and the passive resistance movement in South Africa. They sidestepped the European-dominated print culture and created an anti-colonial counter-voice. Editors insisted on the right to write freely and be heard, and traditions of freedom of speech put a brake on censorship. Furthermore, the shifting networks of financial, editorial and journalistic collaboration, and the newspapers’ language choice – African vernaculars, Gujarati, Swahili and English – made intervention difficult for the authorities. With time, the politics and ideologies sustaining the newspapers pulled in different directions, with African nationalism gaining the upper hand among the forces that shaped the future independent Kenyan nation.
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Khalikova, Venera R. "Medicine and the Cultural Politics of National Belongings in Contemporary India." Asian Medicine 13, no. 1-2 (September 10, 2018): 198–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15734218-12341413.
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AbstractThe Government of India claims to promote plural medical traditions, currently institutionalized under the acronym AYUSH (Ayurveda, Yoga and Naturopathy, Unani, Siddha, and Homeopathy). Yet, one medical system—Ayurveda—receives most social and ideological support: Ayurveda is routinely constructed as the only truly Indian, homegrown, and national medicine, while the national belonging of other AYUSH traditions is challenged. This essay explores discourses surrounding the promotion of AYUSH and the privileged position of Ayurveda, situating them within two competing nationalist ideologies: the ideology of inclusive secularism anchored in the principle of India’s cultural diversity and the ideology of Hindu nationalism, which promotes a distinctive image of India as a country with a culturally monolithic foundation. By doing so, I show how a nation can be differently imagined through one medical tradition or through medical plurality. Furthermore, by analyzing media reports, official statements, and the narratives of AYUSH practitioners, I outline factors that contribute to Ayurvedic hegemony. In particular, I argue that the exceptionalism of Ayurveda rests on the fact that, unlike other alternative medical systems in India, it has been promoted as both cultural (“Indian”) and universal medicine—that is, medicine with global appeal.
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Raut, Santosh I. "Liberating India: Contextualising Nationalism, Democracy and Dr Ambedkar." Journal of Social Inclusion Studies 5, no. 2 (December 2019): 172–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2394481119900065.
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Dr B. R. Ambedkar (1891–1956) is the principal architect of the Indian constitution and one of the most visionary leaders of India. He remains to this day a symbol of humanity. He is the father of Indian Democracy and a nation builder who shaped modern India. But his notion of nationalism and democracy envisioning an egalitarian society has rarely received adequate academic attention. His views on religion, how it affects socio-political behaviour, and what needs to be done to build an egalitarian society are unique. Such reflections in terms of nationalism and freedom of the people are of great significance in contemporary time in India and the world in general. This article attempts to analyse Ambedkar’s vision of nation and democracy. It also seeks to study how caste system is the major barrier to creating a true nation and a harmonious society. What role does religion play in society and politics? Can socio-spiritual values inspire to break down the barriers of caste differences to form an egalitarian society? History bears witness to instances where great minds empowered with deep contemplation on meeting with the suffering of the people (which in itself is both a prerequisite and an inseparable element of social reform and liberation), resulting in radical shifts in perception. Ambedkar is one such genius whose compassionate engagement and deep imagination envisioned the establishment of an ideal society based on non-discrimination and love.
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Bayly, C. A. "South Asia and the ‘Great Divergence’." Itinerario 24, no. 3-4 (November 2000): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300014510.
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Indian nationalism was born out of the notion that India's poverty and backwardness was not a natural result of technical inferiority or inefficient use of resources, but that it was a consequence of colonial rule. Even before the development of scientific nationalist economics in the 1890s, the moralists of Young Bengal had called for a protectionist ‘national political economy’ on the lines advocated by Friedrich List in Germany, whom they had read as early as 1850. Bholanath Chandra asserted in 1873 that India had once been the greatest textile producer in the world and had initiated the industrial revolution. By 1970,.he predicted, Britain would be eclipsed by the United States and by India as the greatest industrial producers. This would be brought about by rigorous protectionism and by the growth of what he called ‘moral hostility’ to the consumption of foreign goods which had even polluted the materials used in the making of the sacred threads of orthodox Hindus. This emphasis on the culture of consumption and the structure of external economic relations was central to different varieties of Indian nationalist thought as they developed from Dadhabhai Naoroji through to Mahatma Gandhi.
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WAHEED, SARAH. "Women of ‘Ill Repute’: Ethics and Urdu literature in colonial India." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 4 (April 23, 2014): 986–1023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000048.
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AbstractThe courtesan, the embodiment of both threat and allure, was a central figure in the moral discourses of the Muslim ‘respectable’ classes of colonial North India. Since women are seen as the bearers of culture, tradition, the honour of the family, community, and nation, control over women's sexuality becomes a central feature in the process of forming identity and community. As a public woman, the courtesan became the target of severe moral regulation from the mid-nineteenth century onwards. The way in which the courtesan was invoked within aesthetic, ethical, and legal domains shifted over time, and by the third decade of the twentieth century, there appeared a new way of speaking and writing about the ‘fallen woman’ within the Urdu public sphere. A social critique emerged which heralded the prostitute-courtesan as an ethical figure struggling against an unjust social order. Since the courtesan symbolized both elite Mughal court culture as well as its decay, she was a convenient foil for some nationalists to challenge the dominant idioms of nationalist and communitarian politics. Moreover, certain late medieval and early modern Indo-Persian ethical concepts were redeployed by twentieth century writers for ‘progressive’ ends. This illustrated a turn to progressive cultural politics that was simultaneously anti-colonial and anti-communitarian, while maintaining a critical posture towards the dominant idioms of Indian nationalism.
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Sarma, Dhurjjati. "Reinterpreting the ‘Bard’: Shakespearean Performances in India and (East) Germany." Space and Culture, India 1, no. 2 (November 28, 2013): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v1i2.29.
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This essay attempts to undertake a comparative study of the Shakespearean appropriations in late 19th century India under colonial rule on one hand, and in mid-20th century (East) Germany on the other. While 19th century Indian responses to Shakespeare carried a covert nationalist agenda against the British rulers who had made him complicit in the colonial project, the mid-20th century German adaptations found in him, a potent site for voicing their opposition against the governments, which had imposed censorship regulations upon newspapers, books and television. Within this framework and making use of the textual, performative and audience sensibility components, the paper would endeavor to: a) explore the nuances in the performance strategies of selected playwrights from both the countries, and understand the extent of divergences and departures from the English text; and b) scrutinise the location of these performances respectively within the overlapping currents of colonial modernity, nationality and regional identity in the 19th and 20th century India, and the post-war communist regimes operating in (East) Germany.
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Jayaraman, K. S. "Singh shifts India towards nationalism." Nature 342, no. 6251 (December 1989): 723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/342723a0.
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van der Veer, Peter. "Minority Rights and Hindu Nationalism in India." Asian Journal of Law and Society 8, no. 1 (February 2021): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2020.51.
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AbstractIn this paper, I want to focus on some aspects of the political process in India that have an impact on the treatment of religious minorities. Much of the discussion on multicultural jurisdictions deals with differentiated citizenship rights that allow religious groups to maintain their normative universe. This literature shows the tensions surrounding individual and group rights. I want to approach the question of religious freedom from a rather different angle. I want to first focus on the protection of bare life in the face of religious violence and then examine the issue of conversion from one religion to another. The issues of human security and conversion are linked in India, since Hindu nationalists see Muslims as forcibly converted Hindus who should be reconverted. To highlight the importance of majoritarian nationalism rather than political systems in the treatment of religious minorities, I offer a brief comparison with China.
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Das, Runa. "A Post-colonial Analysis of India–United States Nuclear Security: Orientalism, Discourse, and Identity in International Relations." Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 6 (October 15, 2015): 741–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909615609940.
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This article uses Edward Said’s post-colonial framework to analyze India–United States (US) nuclear security relations in the post-Cold War period as a clash of US Orientalism and India’s nuclear sovereignty as a key marker of India’s post-colonial essence. Through an analysis of the discourses of India and the US with regard to India’s May 1998 detonation and the 123 Agreement, it explores the following questions: To what extent has America’s security relationship with India been characterized by Orientalist discourses? Does the revision of the US post-9/11 security relationship with India as evidenced through the 123 Agreement indicate continuity or change in America’s Orientalist discourses vis-à-vis the nuclear policies of the Indian state? How has this shaped India’s nuclear nationalism? In exploring these questions, it will be argued that US security discourses reflective of Orientalism have constructed India along Orientalist lines; have structured US security policies towards the nuclear strategies of the Indian state (thereby consolidating India’s nuclear nationalism); and, that the revision of the US security relationship with India post-9/11 shows a continuity of America’s Orientalism towards the Indian state and its nuclear program. The article concludes with an analysis of the implications of Orientalism on South Asian security/International Relations.
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Goel, Sandeep. "Earnings management in corporate enterprises in India." International Journal of Emerging Markets 13, no. 6 (November 29, 2018): 1820–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijoem-06-2017-0206.
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Purpose The earnings management (EM) research on the impact of firm’s multi-nationality and reputation on the earnings’ quality is limited, particularly in the context of emerging economies like India. In India, the corporate ownership model is “Promoter-dominated shareholder model” wherein companies have global operations. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the EM practices of corporate enterprises in India about multi-nationality, reputation and related determinants. Design/methodology/approach The present study employs DeAngelo model for calculating discretionary accruals for detecting EM. Multi-nationality, reputation and related determinants are measured as accounting indices. The statistical tools applied for testing the accuracy of results include correlation and regression analysis, t-test and descriptive statistics, like arithmetic mean, median and standard deviation. Findings The results show that multi-nationality is the driving force for EM and significantly affects the accounting choices of management in the sample units. The firm’s reputation and other related determinants, except size, vary with accruals. The earnings behavior of the corporate is influenced by other factors, like growth and leverage as well. Research limitations/implications A total of 12 units out of top 25 units, taken for the study, met the sampling requirements. So, the present study is confined to 12 profit-making private listed companies in India. These companies constitute a significant size of BSE’s market capitalization for completeness of data; still the size and diversity of units can be extended for further study. The period in the study is of five years (2003–2004 to 2007–2008) to find the effects of global recession on EM practices in India. Researchers may like to select a different time-period based on their objective. Practical implications The study draws new dimensions about the quality of financial reporting in case of global firms and with high-perceived reputation. The findings are of significance to standard setters and regulators, particularly for emerging economies, like India where companies have international operations. They are equally important for other companies that are based in economies with relatively mature corporate governance mechanisms because of common regulatory focal points. Social implications It brings out the importance of financial reporting process of global corporations for shareholders’ value creation. It is likely to enrich the knowledge and understanding of the EM phenomenon in developing economies like India. Originality/value It is an original paper, which highlights the EM motivation about multi-nationality, reputation and related variables in Indian corporate.
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Mannan, Md Abdul. "Islamo-nationalism, domestic politics, and Bangladesh’s policy of balancing against India since the 1990s." International Area Studies Review 21, no. 4 (November 13, 2018): 340–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865918808031.
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This article examines the connection between politics of Islamo-nationalism in Bangladesh and Bangladesh’s policy of balancing against India. In response to India’s regional supremacy in South Asia, especially India’s dominance over Bangladesh, policy makers in Bangladesh have constantly faced two options: either ‘bandwagoning’ with India, or ‘balancing’ against the regional hegemon. Interestingly, since the 1990s until 2013, Bangladesh’s response has always swung from one side to another – from bandwagoning to balancing – in connection with the rotation of Bangladesh regime between two major political parties: the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Bangladesh Awami League (AL). Bangladesh – with the BNP’s hold on power – preferred a policy of balancing against India’s dominance. During the regime of the AL, such policy dramatically shifted towards bandwagoning with India. The BNP’s preference for a balancing policy constitutes a puzzle. Weak states – which are not capable of changing unequal outcomes in the face of a preponderant power – generally pursue a policy of bandwagoning. Thus, the puzzle is as to why Bangladesh – despite being a weak actor vis-a-vis India’s overwhelming regional supremacy – pursued a policy of balancing against India during the BNP’s hold on power. This article asserts that the BNP’s politics of Islamo-nationalism is a key variable that can answer the above puzzle. The ‘self–other’ notion of Islamo-nationalism defines the national ‘selfness’ of Bangladesh in terms of the Islamic identity for its overwhelming Muslim masses, and constructs India, henceforth in this article, ‘Hindu India’, as the ‘enemy–other’ to ‘Muslim Bangladesh’.
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Field, Garrett M. "Music for Inner Domains: Sinhala Song and the Arya and Hela Schools of Cultural Nationalism in Colonial Sri Lanka." Journal of Asian Studies 73, no. 4 (November 2014): 1043–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911814001028.
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In this article, I juxtapose the ways the “father of modern Sinhala drama,” John De Silva, and the Sinhala language reformer, Munidasa Cumaratunga, utilized music for different nationalist projects. First, I explore how De Silva created musicals that articulated Arya-Sinhala nationalism to support the Buddhist Revival. Second, I investigate how Cumaratunga, who spearheaded the Hela-Sinhala movement, asserted that genuine Sinhala song should be rid of North Indian influence but full of lyrics composed in “pure” Sinhala. The purpose of this comparison is to critique Partha Chatterjee's notion of the inner domain. Chatterjee focused on Bengali cultural nationalism and its complex relation to Western hegemony. He considered Bengal, the metropolis of the British Raj, to be representative of colonized nations. This article reveals that elsewhere in South Asia—Sri Lanka—one cultural movement sought to define the nation not in relation to the West but in opposition to North India.
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Hyslop, Jonathan. "The world voyage of James Keir Hardie: Indian nationalism, Zulu insurgency and the British labour diaspora 1907–1908." Journal of Global History 1, no. 3 (November 2006): 343–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022806003032.
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In 1907–1908, the British labour leader, James Keir Hardie, made a round-the-world tour, which included visits to India, Australasia and southern Africa. The support for Indian nationalism which he expressed precipitated a major international political controversy, in the course of which Hardie came under severe attack from the Right, both in Britain and in her colonies. In southern Africa, the issue, combined with Hardie’s earlier criticism of the repression of the 1906 Bambatha rising in Natal, sparked rioting against Hardie by British settlers during his visit. This article seeks to show how Hardie’s voyage illuminates the imperial politics of its moment. Hardie’s journey demonstrates how politics in the British colonies of his era took place not within local political boundaries, but in a single field which covered both metropolis and colonies. The article is a case study which helps to illustrate and develop an argument that the white working classes in the pre-First World War British Empire were not composed of nationally discrete entities, but were bound together into an imperial working class which developed a distinct common ideology, White Labourism, fusing elements of racism and xenophobia with worker militancy and anti-capitalism. The current paper refines this analysis of the politics of the imperial working class by situating it in relation to the rising force of Indian nationalism in the same period, and to the changes this development generated in the politics of the settler colonies and the imperial centre. In India, Hardie forged links with the dynamic new political mobilization that had followed on the crisis over the partition of Bengal. In doing so, he entered, as an ally, into the discursive struggle which Indian nationalists were waging for self-government. By taking a pro-Indian position he antagonized the British Right. Labourites in the white settlement colonies wanted to defend Hardie, as a representative figure of British labour, but were embarrassed by the fact that Hardie’s position on India went against the grain of White Labourist ideology. In southern Africa, local leaders of British labour did opt to defend Hardie. But they did so not only at the risk of alienating their members, but also at the price of being forced into direct confrontations with anti-Hardie groupings.
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Royyani, Muh Arif, and Muhammad Shobaruddin. "Islam, State, and Nationalism in Brunei Darussalam, India, Indonesia, and Malaysia: A Comparative Perspective." International Journal Ihya' 'Ulum al-Din 21, no. 2 (February 16, 2020): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ihya.21.2.4832.
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<p><span lang="EN-US">Islam has comprehensive roles in some aspects of human activity. It enlarged from theological aspect to political aspects. Some former colonized countries where Islam was coexisted, this religion became an embryo of nationalist movements during colonization era. This essay scrutinizes the role of Islam in escalating nationalism during colonization era and it relation with the states in post colonization era in four former colonized countries namely Brunei Darussalam, India, Indonesia, and Malaysia. By using comparative method, the essay researched some main literature (library research) related to Islam and nationalism. It was founded that Islam has significant roles in nationalist movement in the four analyzed countries through several channels. Meanwhile, in the post-independence era, the relation between Islam and state system are variably. In India, Islam is separated from state system (secular). In contrast, Islamic ideology became the main sources of state system in Brunei Darussalam (adopted entirely) and Malaysia (adopted partially). Then, Islam in Indonesia seems like “a gray zone” because the country does not using Islamic law but still adopting Islamic thoughts in several cases. </span></p>
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Lone, Suhail-ul-Rehman. "The princely states and the national movement: The case of Kashmir (1931–39)." Studies in People's History 4, no. 2 (October 23, 2017): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448917725855.
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The British created an invisible wall between ‘British India’ and the ‘Princely India’ by governing the latter indirectly through hereditary princes, who were supposedly fully autonomous, but for British ‘paramountcy’. The Indian National Congress had from the beginning adopted a policy of non-interference in the states’ affairs, which Mahatma Gandhi too upheld. However, nationalism began to cast its influence in the states despite this policy of non-interference. In Kashmir the opposition to the Maharaja took, first, the form of a Muslim agitation against the ruler’s oppressive measures. But in time as the movement against the Dogra Raj obtained increasing support from the nationalist leaders, notably Jawaharlal Nehru, the Muslim Conference (later named National Conference) leadership headed by Sheikh Abdullah gravitated towards the All-India States Peoples Conference and its spiritual parent, the Congress. The Congress too abandoned its policy of non-interference fully by 1939. This shift ultimately caused a rift in the valley, with Ch. Ghulam Abbas forming the Muslim Conference in opposition to Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference in 1941.
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Talbot, Cynthia. "Inscribing the Other, Inscribing the Self: Hindu-Muslim Identities in Pre-Colonial India." Comparative Studies in Society and History 37, no. 4 (October 1995): 692–722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500019927.
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The nature of medieval Hindu-Muslim relations is an issue of great relevance in contemporary India. Prior to the 200 years of colonial subjection to the British that ended in 1947, large portions of the Indian subcontinent were under Muslim political control. An upsurge of Hindu nationalism over the past decade has led to demands that the state rectify past wrongs on behalf of India's majority religion.' In the nationalist view, Hindu beliefs were continually suppressed and its institutions repeatedly violated during the many centuries of Muslim rule from 1200 C.E. onward. The focal point of nationalist sentiment is the most visible symbol of Hinduism, its temples. As many as 60,000 Hindu temples are said to have been torn down by Muslim rulers, and mosques built on 3,000 of those temples' foundations. The most famous of these alleged former temple sites is at Ayodhya in North India, long considered the birthplace of the Hindu god Rama. The movement to liberate this sacred spot, supposedly defiled in the sixteenth century when the Babri Masjid mosque was erected on the ruins of a Rama temple, was one of the hottest political issues of the late 1980s and early 1990s. Tensions reached a peak in December 1992, when Hindu militants succeeded in demolishing the mosque.
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Crow, John L. "Celestial India: Madame Blavatsky and the Birth of Indian Nationalism." Nova Religio 17, no. 4 (February 2013): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2014.17.4.109.
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CHAKRAVARTTY, ARYENDRA. "Provincial Pasts and National Histories: Territorial self-fashioning in twentieth-century Bihar." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 4 (April 2, 2018): 1347–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000561.
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AbstractThis article explores how local lived experiences and nationalist sentiments converged to shape a regional literati's conception of the province of Bihar in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century colonial India. Following the formation of the separate province of Bihar in 1912, certain very powerful Indian-nationalist and cultural-historical factors were deployed to create a much-needed cultural-historical past for Bihar. In this project of territorial self-fashioning, institutions such as the Bihar and Orissa Research Society (1915) and the Patna Museum (1917) became crucial to the new political-cultural configuration of the region. Additionally, they also made Bihar's ancient past visible in a deliberately nationalist narrative. Projecting its rich ancient past onto a national framework provided Bihar with the possibility of overcoming its characterization as ‘backward’ and provincial. This article therefore moves beyond analytic frameworks of nationalism which emphasize particularities of regional identity by framing them in perpetual antagonism to the efforts of Indian national integration. By looking at the construction of narratives of an ancient past that straddled the region and the nation, I argue that the emergence of an entity called Bihar was braided into India's nationalist imagination.