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Journal articles on the topic 'Nationalism and religion – Brunei'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Royyani, Muh Arif, and Muhammad Shobaruddin. "Islam, State, and Nationalism in Brunei Darussalam, India, Indonesia, and Malaysia: A Comparative Perspective." International Journal Ihya' 'Ulum al-Din 21, no. 2 (February 16, 2020): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ihya.21.2.4832.

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<p><span lang="EN-US">Islam has comprehensive roles in some aspects of human activity. It enlarged from theological aspect to political aspects. Some former colonized countries where Islam was coexisted, this religion became an embryo of nationalist movements during colonization era. This essay scrutinizes the role of Islam in escalating nationalism during colonization era and it relation with the states in post colonization era in four former colonized countries namely Brunei Darussalam, India, Indonesia, and Malaysia. By using comparative method, the essay researched some main literature (library research) related to Islam and nationalism. It was founded that Islam has significant roles in nationalist movement in the four analyzed countries through several channels. Meanwhile, in the post-independence era, the relation between Islam and state system are variably. In India, Islam is separated from state system (secular). In contrast, Islamic ideology became the main sources of state system in Brunei Darussalam (adopted entirely) and Malaysia (adopted partially). Then, Islam in Indonesia seems like “a gray zone” because the country does not using Islamic law but still adopting Islamic thoughts in several cases. </span></p>

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2

Rieffer, Barbara-Ann J. "Religion and Nationalism." Ethnicities 3, no. 2 (June 2003): 215–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796803003002003.

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3

Kucukcan, Talip. "Nationalism and Religion." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 3 (October 1, 1996): 424–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i3.2308.

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Following the spectacular disintegration of the Soviet Union, popularand academic interest in nationalism and religion gathered momentum. Inaddition to recent ethnic clashes and religious conflicts in many parts of theworld, particularly the Balkans, Central Asia, the Middle East, and manyAfrican states, questions have been raised about the relation betweennationalism and religion. What, if any, is the relationship between nationalismand religion? To what extent can religion influence the emergenceand maintenance of nationalism? Can religious beliefs and sentiments legitimizea nationalist ideology? What is meant by “religious nationalism,” andhow is it related to nation-states, resistance, and violence? These questionswere addressed during a one-day conference held at the London School ofEconomics, University of London on 22 March 1996. The well-attendedconference was organized by the Association for the Study of Ethnicity andNationalism, which was established in 1990 and has published the journalNations and Nationalism since March 1995.The first paper at the Nationalism and Religion conference was presentedby Bruce Kapferer (University College of London, London, UK).In his paper “Religious and Historical Metaphors in the Context ofNationalist Violence,” he addressed political action, the force of ideologies,and the relevance of mythological schemes to religious and ritual practiceby means of a case study of Sinhalese Buddhists in Sri Lanka and theevents of 1989-90. In his own words, his focus was “the dynamics ofremythologization, or the process . . . whereby current political and economicforces are totalized within mythological schemes constructed in historicalperiods relatively independent of the circumstances of contemporarynationalism” and “the force of such ideological remythologizations, that is,how such remythologizations can became a passionate dimension of politicalactivity and give it direction.”According to Kapferer, the relation of mythologization to routine religiousbeliefs and ritual practice is significant. In his paper, he argued that“nationalism is the creation of modernism and it is of a continuous dynamicnature whose power is embedded in and sanctified by the culture that hasoriginated in the rituals of religion which provide a cosmology for nationalism.Cosmology of religion as diverse as nationalism itself that is far fromuniversal claims but exists in diversity.” Kapferer’s theorization is based onhis research in Sri Lanka where, he thinks, continuing conflict is related tonationalism based on cosmologies. The case of Sri Lanka provides anSeminars, Conferences, Addresses 425excellent example of how the construction of state ideology is influencedby religious forces, in this case Buddhism. Kapferer asserted that religionhad a deep territorialization aspect and that nationalism, in this sense, mighthave functioned as reterritorialization of a particular land and postcolonialstate. One can discern from his statements that, in the construction of stateideology in Sri Lanka, myths written by monks and religious rituals wereused to create a nationalist movement that eventually developed into a violentand destructive force in the context of Sri Lanka. Kapferer believes thatthe hierarchical order of the Sri Lankan state is embedded in the cosmologyof ancient religious chronicles.Christopher Cviic (The Royal Institute of International Affairs, London,UK) analyzed another phenomenon taking place in WesternEurope. His paper, “Chosen Peoples and Sacred Territories: TheBalkans,” discussed the relationship between religion, nation, and statein the Balkans throughout history and analyzed how these forces haveplayed themselves out in current events. According to Cviic, historicaldevelopments in the Balkans can provide important clues to understandingthe ongoing Balkan crisis, in which the Orthodox Church hasassumed the status of a nationalist institution representing the Serbiannation. The roots of these developments and the creation of a mythical“chosen” Serbian nation legitimized by religion can be traced to thedefeat and fall of medieval Serbia at Kosova by the Ottomans. Thisdefeat meant that they lost the land.However, under the Ottoman millet system, non-Muslim communitieswere allowed to organize their religious life and legal and educationalinstitutions. This allowed the Serbs to preserve and develop their ethnicand religious identities under the leadership of the Orthodox Church.Thus, religion and identity became inextricably linked, and the OrthodoxChurch assumed an extremely important role in the public life of individualBalkan nations. Cviic pointed out that “in the case of the Serbs, theirOrthodox Church played an important role in the formation of the modemSerbian nation-state by nurturing the myth of Kosova, named after theKosova Polje defeat by the Turks. Essential to that myth was the view thatby choosing to fight at Kosova Polje, the Serbs had opted for the Kingdomof Heaven. Later on the myth grew into a broader one, representing theSerbs as the martyr/victim people with a sacred mission of wresting theirHoly Territory of Kosova from the infidel Muslims to whom it had fallen.A later variant of that myth defined Serbia in terms of wherever Serbiangraves were to be found.” ...

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4

Stålsett, Gunnar. "Religion and Nationalism." Bulletin of Peace Proposals 23, no. 1 (March 1992): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096701069202300101.

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5

Mentzel, Peter C. "Introduction: Religion and Nationalism? Or Nationalism and Religion? Some Reflections on the Relationship between Religion and Nationalism." Genealogy 4, no. 4 (September 28, 2020): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4040098.

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This essay is the introduction to the special issue of Genealogy, “For God and Country: Essays on Nationalism and Religion.” It poses the question of what relationship, if any, nationalism has to religion, and then briefly reviews the history and current state of the scholarship on the topic. This essay then introduces the seven essays making up the special edition. It concludes by observing that, overall, the collection suggests that while religion and nationalism are more closely related than previously held, they nevertheless remain two distinct phenomena.

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6

Ekechi, Felix K., J. R. Oldfield, and Gwinyai Henry Muzorewa. "Religion, Race and Nationalism." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 26, no. 1 (1992): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485406.

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7

Ekechi, Felix K. "Religion, Race and Nationalism." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 26, no. 1 (January 1992): 125–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.1992.10804282.

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8

Hoover, A. J. "German nationalism and religion." History of European Ideas 20, no. 4-6 (February 1995): 765–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(95)95809-u.

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9

Farina, John. "Nationalism, Globalism, and Religion." Revista Portuguesa de Filosofia 77, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 411–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17990/rpf/2021_77_1_0411.

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Contemporary political debate is replete with presentations of nationalism that see it as a reactionary movement with a troubling history and dubious prospect. It is often contrasted with globalism, presented in equally sweeping terms. A closer look at the tensions between nationalism and globalism reveals a far more complex picture, especially when the nineteenth and twentieth century histories of those terms are examined. This paper argues for a more nuanced view of nationalism and its value in societies, a value that depends on the action of metapolitical forces, most especially religion, to save nationalism from violent distortions and globalism from naïve utopianism.

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10

Little, David. "Religion, Nationalism, and Human Rights." Annual of the Society of Christian Ethics 17 (1997): 293–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/asce19971719.

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11

Clammer, John. "Cultural nationalism, consumption, and religion." Nations and Nationalism 25, no. 4 (September 5, 2019): 1122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nana.12554.

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12

BRUBAKER, ROGERS. "Religion and nationalism: four approaches*." Nations and Nationalism 18, no. 1 (November 3, 2011): 2–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2011.00486.x.

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13

Lorin, Pelo Shwenilo, and Emil R. Spees. "Religion: Backbone of Naga nationalism." International Journal of Intercultural Relations 14, no. 3 (January 1990): 355–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-1767(90)90020-w.

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14

Kitts, Margo. "Religion, Nationalism, and Violence: Introduction." Journal of Religion and Violence 9, no. 1 (2021): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jrv2021911.

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15

Whiting, Allen S. "Chinese Nationalism and Foreign Policy After Deng." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034950.

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As the Deng era approaches its end, concern abroad, particularly in East Asia, focuses on how the People's Republic of China (PRC) will cope with territorial disputes with Japan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and India, and the continued quest for Taiwan. Meanwhile Chinese military modernization steadily increases the People's Liberation Army (PLA) air and sea power projection. The question arises: might a beleaguered post-Deng leadership seek to strengthen its legitimacy through exploitation of Chinese nationalism and if so, how would this manifest itself in foreign relations?

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16

Sturm, Tristan. "Religion as nationalism: the religious nationalism of American Christian Zionists." National Identities 20, no. 3 (January 17, 2017): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2016.1255187.

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17

Koval, Anatoliy. "Nationalism in the Context of Christian Religion." Religious Freedom 1, no. 19 (August 30, 2016): 69–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/rs.2016.19.1.927.

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When the term "nationalism" is mentioned, then people with different political and social experiences, respectively, have different connotations that cover a very wide range. For some, nationalism is a positive and practical phenomenon of social consciousness, in which man is self-affirming as a citizen and a member of a nation. For another (which is probably more familiar with the history of nationalism and political speculation on it), nationalism is a manifestation of intolerance and limited thinking. Such a dualistic range of values of nationalism as a term is recognized by almost all authors of research on this topic. The history of this phenomenon makes it possible to look at nationalism as broadly as possible.

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18

Den Hartog, Jonathan. "Religion, the Federalists, and American Nationalism." Religions 8, no. 1 (January 5, 2017): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel8010005.

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19

VAN DEN STOCK, Ady. "From Religion to Revolution…and Nationalism." Asian Studies 7, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 173–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2019.7.1.173-199.

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The work of the Marxist historian Jamāl al-Dīn Bai Shouyi (1909–2000), a member of the Chinese Muslim Hui ethnic group, offers a window into the close and complex relation between the contested categories of politics, religion, and ethnicity in modern Chinese intellectual history, particularly with respect to the historical development of Chinese Muslim identity in its encounter with Marxist historical materialism. In this article, I provide a limited case study of this broader problematic by analysing Bai’s writings on Hui identity. In doing so, I attempt to contextualise his arguments with reference to the changing status of religion in contemporary Chinese Marxist discourse, and reflect on the entanglement of nationalism, religion, and ethnopolitics in modern China.

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20

Nishi, Naomi. "Religion and Nationalism in southeast Asia." Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies 9, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 89–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2020.1726555.

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21

Kimmerling, Baruch. "Religion, Nationalism, and Democracy in Israel." Constellations 6, no. 3 (September 1999): 339–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.00150.

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22

Kolås, Åshild. "Tibetan Nationalism: The Politics of Religion." Journal of Peace Research 33, no. 1 (February 1996): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343396033001004.

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23

Kabir, M. G. "Religion, language and nationalism in Bangladesh." Journal of Contemporary Asia 17, no. 4 (January 1987): 473–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472338780000321.

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24

O'Brien, Conor Cruise. "Some reflections on religion and nationalism." Studies in Zionism 6, no. 2 (September 1985): 161–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13531048508575879.

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25

Danielson, Leilah. "Civil Religion as Myth, Not History." Religions 10, no. 6 (June 7, 2019): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10060374.

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This article draws upon recent historiography to critique the concept of “civil religion”, and argues that it should be replaced by nationalism. Its central point is that there is indeed a dominant language of American nationalism and one that has largely reflected the culture of the Anglo-Protestant majority, but that it has always been contested and that it has changed over time. Civil religion, by contrast, is a far more slippery concept that elides questions of power, identity, and belonging that nationalism places at the center of inquiry.

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26

Mang, Pum Za. "Buddhist Nationalism and Burmese Christianity." Studies in World Christianity 22, no. 2 (August 2016): 148–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2016.0147.

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Buddhist nationalists in Burma have characterised Christianity as a Western religion and accused Christians in the country of being more loyal to the West than to the motherland. This essay, however, argues that Christianity is not Western, but global, and that Christians in Burma are not followers of the West, but Burmese who remain as loyal to their homeland as do their fellow Burmese. It is stressed in this article that the indigenous form of Christianity after the exodus of the missionaries from Burma in 1966 has proved that Burmese Christianity should be seen not as a Western religion, but as a part of world Christianity. This article also contends that a combination of social change, political milieu, tribal religion and the cross-cultural appropriation of the gospel has contributed to religious conversion among the ethnic Chin, Kachin and Karen from tribal religion to Christianity.

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27

Najtama, Fikria. "PERKEMBANGAN ISLAM DI BRUNEI." Tasamuh: Jurnal Studi Islam 10, no. 2 (November 7, 2018): 407–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32489/tasamuh.44.

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Brunei has existed since at least the 7th or 8th century. In the history mentioned Islam has come to Brunei since the 7th century, which at that time Brunei has become a center of trade. The king of Brunei Malay kingdom since Sultan Muhammad Shah (1383), is a Muslim sultan who leads the kingdom as well as religious leaders, and is responsible for upholding the implementation of religious teachings in the region. This paper will discuss the development of Islam and the dynamics of Malay politics, religion and traditions in Brunei Darussalam to the present, including how Brunei Islam can pass through the British colonial era with unique conditions, even as they respect Britain as the savior of their country. Brunei reached its heyday from the fifteenth to the seventeenth century at the time of the Bolkiah Sultan, who ruled the entire island of Borneo and the Philippine archipelago, before the arrival of European colonial nations. Together with Malaysia, Brunei was colonized by Britain, and since 1888 the Kingdom of Brunei is a British Commonwealth. After Malaysia Merdeka (1957), Brunei declared its independence on January 1, 1984 from Malaysia. Although not a vast country. Brunei is an Islamic state that plays an important role in maintaining Islamic values in society. This is the success of the mosque coaching program and the advancement of religious education as a top priority. The Malay Muslim Kingdom of Brunei Darussalam made Islam its national ideology to implement Sunni Islam (Ahlussunnah Waljamaah), to obey the king, and to live the life of Darussalam as a Malay nation. In fact, all the activities of the kingdom and government rules serve to strengthen the existence of Islam. The threat of Islam that can disrupt the stability of the country is a radical movement. The government has banned sectarian Islamic sects such as al-Arqam and others, so that Brunei remains a Darussalam, a safe, prosperous country, and protected from disturbances and chaos.

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28

Najtama, Fikria. "Perkembangan Islam di Brunei." TASAMUH: Jurnal Studi Islam 10, no. 2 (September 3, 2018): 407–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.47945/tasamuh.v10i2.80.

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Brunei has existed since at least the 7th or 8th century. In the history mentioned Islam has come to Brunei since the 7th century, which at that time Brunei has become a center of trade. The king of Brunei Malay kingdom since Sultan Muhammad Shah (1383), is a Muslim sultan who leads the kingdom as well as religious leaders, and is responsible for upholding the implementation of religious teachings in the region. This paper will discuss the development of Islam and the dynamics of Malay politics, religion and traditions in Brunei Darussalam to the present, including how Brunei Islam can pass through the British colonial era with unique conditions, even as they respect Britain as the savior of their country. Brunei reached its heyday from the fifteenth to the seventeenth century at the time of the Bolkiah Sultan, who ruled the entire island of Borneo and the Philippine archipelago, before the arrival of European colonial nations. Together with Malaysia, Brunei was colonized by Britain, and since 1888 the Kingdom of Brunei is a British Commonwealth. After Malaysia Merdeka (1957), Brunei declared its independence on January 1, 1984 from Malaysia. Although not a vast country. Brunei is an Islamic state that plays an important role in maintaining Islamic values in society. This is the success of the mosque coaching program and the advancement of religious education as a top priority. The Malay Muslim Kingdom of Brunei Darussalam made Islam its national ideology to implement Sunni Islam (Ahlussunnah Waljamaah), to obey the king, and to live the life of Darussalam as a Malay nation In fact, all the activities of the kingdom and government rules serve to strengthen the existence of Islam. The threat of Islam that can disrupt the stability of the country is a radical movement. The government has banned sectarian Islamic sects such as al-Arqam and others, so that Brunei remains a Darussalam, a safe, prosperous country, and protected from disturbances and chaos.

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29

Bin Kamis, Izzah Naqibah, and Muhammed Sahrin Bin Haji Masri. "Shaer yang di-Pertuan: Tinjuan Historis Relasi Umara dan Ulama di Brunei Darussalam." FIKRAH 8, no. 1 (May 29, 2020): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/fikrah.v8i1.7063.

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Umara and Ulama are two groups who are very influential and has very basic relationships on the State of Brunei Darussalam's growth. Basically, Ulama are known as someone who inherits Anbiya's character, they play a role as murshid in Malay society. This phenomenon has been explained by the importance of their names in some rare materials such as manuscripts, stones and artifacts, <em>hikayat</em> and so on. But The Ulama rarely present it as a poetic/syair approach. The work of "Shaer Yang Di-Pertuan" is one of the poems/syair ever written and can be considered as the most important part of Brunei Darussalam. This poems/syair was written by Pehin Royal Khatib Awang Abdul Razak bin Hasanuddin, a famous Ulama from Brunei, around the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This poems/syair was produced by Pehin Siraja Khatib Awang Abdul Razak bin Hasanuddin, a famous Brunei Ulama around the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. There are many important events during the reign of Sultan Muhammad Jamalul Alam II (26th Sultan of Brunei) featured in this poems/syair. Based on it background, this study will explain some of the key components of the "Syaer Yang Di-Pertuan". In addition, there are some explanations of how the umara-ulama relationship works at the same time will highlight some of the ulama who involved directly. This is because they have a significant influence on the struggle that took place at that time, especially in spreading Islam in the NBD and its role in the development of nationalism and governance in Brunei Darussalam

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30

Reid, Anthony. "Understanding Melayu (Malay) as a Source of Diverse Modern Identities." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 32, no. 3 (October 2001): 295–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463401000157.

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This article attempts to bring together recent literature about the typology of nationalism, with the ways in which ‘Malay’ or ‘Melayu’ have been used as the core of an ethnie or a nationalist project. Different meanings of ‘Melayu’ were salient at different times in Sumatra, in the Peninsula and in the eastern Archipelago, and the Dutch and British used their respective translations of it very differently. Modern ethno-nationalist projects in Malaysia and Brunei made ‘Melayu’ a contested and often divisive concept, whereas its translation into the hitherto empty term ‘Indonesia’ might have provided an easier basis for territorial, or even ultimately civic, nationalism in that country.

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31

Weichlein, Siegfried. "The War against Catholicism: Liberalism and the Anti-Catholic Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Germany. By Michael B. Gross. Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press. 2004. Pp. 376. $70.00 (cloth); $24.95 (paper). ISBN 0-472-11383-6 (cloth); 0-472-03130-9 (paper)." Central European History 39, no. 2 (May 19, 2006): 311–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890625012x.

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In recent years, a growing literature on nationalism has highlighted cultural and gender topics. At the same time, religion, most prominently Catholicism, has attracted the intellectual energy of more and more scholars. To date, however, the relationship between nationalism and religion has been undervalued. Helmut Walser Smith's study German Nationalism and Religious Conflict was one of the first to relate religious conflict to the character of German nationalism. Michael B. Gross now analyzes the relationship between German liberalism and religion.

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32

Nissan, Elizabeth. "God land: reflections on religion and nationalism." International Affairs 65, no. 1 (1988): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621000.

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33

Freeman, Michael. "Religion, nationalism and genocide: ancient Judaism revisited." European Journal of Sociology 35, no. 2 (November 1994): 259–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000397560000686x.

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Following the Cold War, nationalism has rapidly established itself at the centre of the world's political stage. This has had the immediate effect of increasing the importance of nationalism as an object of sociological investigation and this effect can confidently be expected to continue and expand.

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34

Astor, Avi. "Religion and counter-state nationalism in Catalonia." Social Compass 67, no. 2 (January 20, 2020): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768619898651.

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Catalonia is simultaneously the most secular region in Spain and the region that places the greatest priority on actively managing religious affairs. Moreover, parties comprising the Catalan Left have been particularly assertive in pushing for legislative proposals to reduce the privileges of the Catholic Church and the general presence of religion in the public sphere. This article examines the sources of Catalonia’s exceptionality in religious matters, with a focus on the entanglements between religion and nationalism in the region. Drawing on survey data, legal documents, transcripts of parliamentary debates, media reports, and historical studies, the author argues that counter-state understandings of nationhood have figured centrally in the rapid secularization of Catalonia’s populace, the Catalan government’s proactive approach to religious governance, and the Catalan Left’s insistence on church–state reform at both the regional and national levels. This analysis speaks to broader questions regarding religion, secularism, and nationalism in stateless nations.

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35

HANF, Theodor. "The Sacred Marker: Religion, Communalism and Nationalism." Social Compass 41, no. 1 (March 1994): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003776894041001002.

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36

Turner, Bryan. "Religion and Politics: Nationalism, Globalisation and Empire." Asian Journal of Social Science 34, no. 2 (2006): 209–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853106777371175.

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AbstractThe relationship between religion and politics can be examined under three rather different historical circumstances: nation-states, the global system, and empire. Although these three socio-political contexts may overlap in time and space, they are examined here in their specific historical settings. These three contexts are explored in a broadly historical or evolutionary framework, and my conceptual model is explicitly based on the famous essay by Robert Bellah (1964) on 'religious evolution', which traced the development of religion towards its individualistic, pluralistic and denominational features in a secular age. The point of this framework is heuristic, namely to help us to think more clearly about the contemporary period.

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37

HALL, JOHN R. "RELIGION, SECULARITY, AND THE HERMENEUTICS OF NATIONALISM." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 56, no. 4 (December 2017): 897–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jssr.12505.

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38

Buzalka, Juraj. "Nationalism, Religion, and Multiculturalism in Southeast Poland." Czech Sociological Review 43, no. 1 (February 1, 2007): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.2007.43.1.03.

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39

Gorski, Philip S., and Gülay Türkmen-Dervişoğlu. "Religion, Nationalism, and Violence: An Integrated Approach." Annual Review of Sociology 39, no. 1 (July 30, 2013): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-071312-145641.

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40

Sarigil, Zeki, and Omer Fazlioglu. "Religion and ethno-nationalism: Turkey's Kurdish issue." Nations and Nationalism 19, no. 3 (April 25, 2013): 551–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nana.12011.

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41

Rees, John A. "Religion, populism, and the dynamics of nationalism." Religion, State and Society 49, no. 3 (May 27, 2021): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2021.1947111.

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42

STOCKWELL, A. J. "Britain and Brunei, 1945–1963: Imperial Retreat and Royal Ascendancy." Modern Asian Studies 38, no. 4 (October 2004): 785–819. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x04001271.

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An organizing principle of Britain's pre-war empire was collaboration with indigenous monarchies. Secure on their thrones, they legitimated British rule as well as assisting it in practical ways. While friendly princes were assets, however, uncooperative ones could be liabilities; they might obstruct attempts to exploit their resources or to modernize their governments. After the Second World War, British priorities and strategies changed. With their backs to the wall they switched from supporting princes to accommodating politicians. There was no obvious role for them in new nation-states and in many dependencies indigenous monarchies were swept aside by the onrush of nationalism. Yet in Malaya and Brunei they survived: the rulers of the peninsular Malay states did so by adjusting to political change, whereas the Sultan of Brunei flourished by preventing it.

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Sitnikov, Alexey V. "Nation and Religion: towards Definition of Religious Nationalism." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 579–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-4-579-589.

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The aim of the article is to study the phenomenon of religious nationalism, i.e. cases when religion and nationalism are closely related and reinforce each other, and religious identity becomes an important and integral part of national identity. The author aims to analyze the political context of cases of religious nationalism in European countries, to describe their essential features and conditions of occurrence, and also to answer the question: are there any political reasons for religious nationalism? Considering the phenomenon of nationalism in the framework of the constructivist approach, the author also employs the methods of comparative analysis, using material from such countries as Ireland, Poland, Greece, the countries of the former Yugoslavia, as well as the Russian case taking place in the Chechen Republic. Summarizing these cases, the author describes the conditions for the emergence of an alliance of religion and nationalism. Firstly, it is a religious difference between neighboring communities. Secondly, it is a conflict between them, which contains a threat to identity. In these cases, religion becomes an important marker that distinguishes communities from each other, and begins to perform non-religious functions: the affirmation of national identity, ethnic pride, national honor, protection of sovereignty, and culture. Religious nationalism always stimulates growth of religious commitment of a nation, in which the number of believers may reach 90 percent. But this commitment is not individual, it is not based on a personal choice of faith, but collective and obligatory. Religious affiliation is dictated by loyalty to the nation.

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Zafi, Ashif Az. "VALUE OF NATIONALISM ACTIVIST ROHIS." Jurnal MUDARRISUNA: Media Kajian Pendidikan Agama Islam 9, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/jm.v9i2.4713.

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Having a Nationalism Value is a duty for every citizen. In other words, it is an unconditional value. At the same time, the issue of racial disunity has been grown lately. This issue is related to religion. Most compelling evidence, high school student’s Nationalism Value moreover theirs who follow spiritual organization has been descending due to the incorporation between religion and nationality. The scope of this field research is within SMA Negeri 1 Purworejo. Qualitative analysis method supported by descriptive statistical data is being used in this study. As a result, this research found that Nationalism Value can be instilled through classroom learning, recitation and activities in the spiritual program. The value of Unity and Patriotism, which constitutes for Nationalism Value, is invested through verbal and non verbal communication. For this reason, Islamic religion teacher is the most crucial agent in instilling Nationalism Values to spiritual activists. In the event that 57% of students have a high Unity Value and 68% of students have high Patriotism Value, henceforth the Nationalism's Value of spiritual activists tends to be high.

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Kershaw, Eva Maria, and Roger Kershaw. "As Night Falls: A Dusun Harvest Ritual in Brunei1." Asian Journal of Social Science 26, no. 2 (1998): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/030382498x00139.

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AbstractThe Dusuns of Brunei constitute the largest non-Muslim indigenous minority of the state, numbering a little under 10,000 and remain the only indigenous group maintaining an ancient Bornean religion in vital form. But "pressures of modernization" and, most recently, government-sponsored Islamization have made inroads into these beliefs and practices. Just as the crocodile has been driven to the edge of extinction in Brunei rivers by hunters from other ethnic groups, so also is the survival of Dusun religion now questionable in the face of cultural inroads originating not only from economic development but from the limitless pretensions of the state. This essay presents in some detail a ritual which has remained immune to the impact of Islam among its performers to date. As the myths continue to fall into oblivion, the temarok buayo remains a context where the traditionally intimate relationship between the crocodile and Dusuns is still celebrated.

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Coakley, John. "The Religious Roots of Irish Nationalism." Social Compass 58, no. 1 (March 2011): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768610392726.

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The intensity of conflict in the Middle East tends to overshadow other instances where ethno-national conflict has a religious base. The author draws attention to one of them: Ireland. He considers the link between religion and nationalism in Ireland from three perspectives. The first is the significance of religion as an “ethnic marker”: as an indicator of geopolitical (and therefore ethnic) origin rather than of belief system. The second is the role of religious belief, and its potential to accentuate differences between communities. The third is the impact of social organization: the tendency of faith groups towards separate but internally integrated organization, and therefore towards the promotion of group solidarity. The author concludes by exploring the implications of this link between religion and nationalism following the partition of the island.

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Rehman, Mohammad. "Nation as a Neo-Idol: Muslim Political Theology and the Critique of Secular Nationalism in Modern South Asia." Religions 9, no. 11 (November 13, 2018): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9110355.

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Modern perspectives on nationalism tend to privilege structuralist readings which approach nationalism as entailing economic and political restructuring, thereby overlooking the necessary role of human factors in the functioning of nationalism. Religious opposition to secular nationalism is then condemned as backward, reactionary, fundamentalist, or ideological. However, a different understanding of nationalism is uncovered when the role of human factors in nationalism are scrutinized. Toward discerning the role of human factors in nationalism and its relation to religion in general, I turn to Liah Greenfeld’s analysis of social psychology of nationalism as a secular ideology. In exploring the effects of nationalist ideology on religion, I return to the earliest Muslim debates on nationalism in South Asia between two critics of nationalism, Muhammad Iqbal and Abu’l A’laa Mawdudi, and their opponents, Abul Kalam Azad and Husayn Ahmad Madani.

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Khan, Surat. "The Interplay of Nationalism and Religion in Pashtun Society: An Analysis." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. III (September 30, 2019): 235–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-iii).30.

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This paper discusses the role and interplay of nationalism and religion in the context of Pashtun society. Both nationalism and religion have been pivotal in shaping the international system and in guiding the mutual interactions of human beings and social groups. For the Pashtun society, both religion and nationalism simultaneously exist . Historically, the role and impact of both phenomena have been varied. However, as a result of Pakistans policy of strategic depth and the resultant Afghan Jihad in Afghanistan vis-à-vis the USSR, religious extremism and radicalization have increased specifically in the Pashtun areas of Pakistan and this rise has conversely impacted the nationalist fervor of the Pashtuns resulting in the decline of the Pashtun nationalism.

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Lonsdale, John, and Adrian Hastings. "The Construction of Nationhood: Ethnicity, Religion and Nationalism." Journal of Religion in Africa 30, no. 1 (February 2000): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581627.

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Razi, G. Hossein. "Legitimacy, Religion, and Nationalism in the Middle East." American Political Science Review 84, no. 1 (March 1990): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963630.

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The significance of legitimacy to regime maintenance has been much neglected in recent investigations of the Third World, particularly by behavioralists and rational choice theorists. I define legitimacy, discuss factors that may have contributed to this neglect, and explore the significance of nationalism and religion as major sources of legitimacy in the Middle East. Both a misunderstanding of the role of higher values and rationality in individuals' relationship to social systems and a faulty projection applied to the mainsprings of behavior in other cultures have distorted the perceptions of a number of Western analysts. The relationship between religion and nationalism is complex. Contrary to the common assumption in the West, Islam in general has generated fairly sophisticated constitutional theories. Islamic fundamentalism in particular has been a major source of innovation and adaptation—as well as of spiritual gratification—for the Muslim masses.

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