Academic literature on the topic 'Nationalism (Greece)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Nationalism (Greece)"
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Demetriou, Olga. "The Original Turkish State: Opposing Nationalism in Nationalist Terms." New Perspectives on Turkey 33 (2005): 93–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600004258.
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On the night of July 4, 2004, Greeks across the globe celebrated their national team's triumph in winning the European Championship Cup of the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA). The victory had been unexpected and the celebrations, which lasted until the next morning, largely spontaneous. Urban streets everywhere in Greece filled with people clad in Greek flags and in plastic replicas of Alexander the Great's helmet; cars hooted past, horns blowing to that well-known five-and-six-beat rhythm signifying soccer victory, the air thick with the bright fumes of celebratory crackers. In the towns of Thrace, where the majority of Greece's Turkish population lives, the scene was the same: loud, celebratory, and full of nationalist symbols. In Komotini, the capital of Thrace, minority members watched and listened, some with apprehension, others with excitement about the unexpected victory.
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Tsagarousianou, Roza. "Mass Communications and Nationalism : The Polities of Belonging and Exclusion in Contemporary Greece." Res Publica 39, no. 2 (June 30, 1997): 271–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18592.
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This article focuses on the ways in which the prevalence of nationalist discourse in the communication process has affected political and cultural life in Greece after the end of the Cold War. It is argued that through the emergence of scientific nationalism, the enactment of public rituals, and the creation of moral panics based on media representations of ethnic/religious difference, the 'political' is simplified allowing no room for diversity and difference within the framework of national politics. The Greek mass media have been sustaining 'official' representations of 'Greece' as a nation under threat which have been crucial in the formation and maintenance of public attitudes regarding both ethno-religious minorities within Greece, and ethnic and religious groups in neighbouring countries and have undermined the formation and maintenance of public spaces (including the mass media) for representation and identity negotiation, independent from state institutions or the party system.
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ALBAYRAK, Hakan. "AN INVESTİGATİON ON OZANTÜRK'S EPİC OF “TURNALAR” IN TERMS OF NATİONALİSM THEORİES." Zeitschrift für die Welt der Türken / Journal of World of Turks 14, no. 2 (August 15, 2022): 327–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/zfwt/140218.
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There are different researches and studies that have appeared regarding nationalism. There are 3 major theories of these studies, these studies are: primary, modernist, and ethno-symbolic hypotheses. Primary hypothesis claims that all nations came from the same race, and they share the same religion, language, culture and history. The modernist hypothesis claims that nationalism is a communal necessity. In this theory, nationalism explains the modernist process that was affected by social, political, and economic parameters. Finally, the ethno-symbolism theory posits that nationalism is mainly based on ethnic origin and culture. The Epic of “Turnalar” by Ozanturk has pushed the Turkish culture forward. There are three sections connected to each other that talk about the Turkish communities in the “Turnalar” Epic. The first section talks about the Turkish people in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, North Cyprus, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Turkey.Second section talks about Turkish tribes who live in Iraq, Iran, East Turkistan, Kirim, Tataristan, Main Kurdistan, Yakutsk, Chuvashia, The Republic of Altai, The Republic of Tuva, etc…The third section details the Turkish people who are struggling to live in eastern European countries such as Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Moldova, Serbia, Bosnia, Kosovo, Albania, Hungary and Macedonia. “Turnalar” is the first work of Bayram Durbilmez who used Ozanturk as a nickname. Bayram Durbilmez used Ozanturk as a nickname for the first time in “Turnalar”. Durbilmez is known by literature studies about love, religious literature, and Turkish national folklore. This scholar defended Turkish nationalism in non-governmental organizations, some foundations, and associations. He used the Ozanturk nickname in his work which shows us how much of a nationalist he is in the literature world. This thesis aims to study “Turnalar” by Ozanturk from the nationalist aspect. By doing this, this thesis will reference his nationalist academic studies. Keywords: Nationalism, Nationalist Theories, Turkish Communities, Ozanturk, Turnalar, Saga, Love Literature
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Sommer, Christian. "Das harte Geschlecht." Philosophy Today 64, no. 2 (2020): 441–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday202062343.
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This article suggests that the deconstruction of Heidegger’s reading of Hölderlin in the Letter on Humanism is a precondition for what Derrida attempts to do in his commentary of Heidegger’s reading of Trakl in Geschlecht III. This preliminary deconstruction, through a constellation of Hölderlinian motifs (“homeland”, “return home”, “Occident”, “Greece”, “Germany”), controls the topology of Geschlecht III and determines Derrida’s approach to the themes of “nationality” and “philosophical nationalism”.
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Chrysoloras, Nikos. "Orthodoxy and the Formation of Greek National Identity." Chronos 27 (March 21, 2019): 7–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v27i0.403.
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The aim of this paper is to describe, analyse and explain the historical emergence of nationalism in Greece. Initially, and in accordance with the modernist approach, we will be arguing that the emergence of the nationalist phenomenon in Greece is inseparably linked with the objective conditions of modernity. The emergence of an educated Greek-speaking middle class, the development of trade and industry, and the diffusion of the liberal, secular and scientific spirit of the Enlightenment in the Greek peninsula, were instrumental factors for the construction of the idea of the nation. In that sense, the Greek nation- like every nation- is an historical and social construction, which emerges as a result of the fundamental split between the pre-modern and the modern.
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Crowther, Nigel. "Sports, nationalism and peace in ancient Greece." Peace Review 11, no. 4 (December 1999): 585–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659908426311.
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Tsakiridou, Cornelia (Corinna) A. "Nationalist Dilemmas: Halide Edib on Greeks, Greece, and the West." New Perspectives on Turkey 27 (2002): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003782.
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O College dear, we praise theeFor pointing to the starsWith faith and hope unswervingWhich no weak vision marsThy service unrestrictedBy race or class or creed;Thy love so freely offered,Its only claim-our need.-Anthem of the American College for Girls, IstanbulHalide Edib (1883-1964) was one of modern Turkey's most celebrated women. Author, feminist, nationalist, modernist, educator, and member of the National Assembly, she identified her person and career with the transformation of Turkey into a modern secular republic. Educated in the internationalist spirit of the American College for Girls in Istanbul, she was, throughout her life, a cosmopolitan intellectual with an international audience. Edib's personal transition from Ottoman society to the new nationalist elite, and her homeland's transition from empire to republic, posed no insurmountable historical, social, and cultural discontinuities; hers was a nationalism that, although grounded in Western notions of emancipation and self-determination, asserted with confidence its distinct identity and autonomy from the West.
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Alexandri, Alexandra. "Of acts and words." Archaeological Dialogues 6, no. 2 (December 1999): 146–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800001501.
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‘Sacralising the past: cults of archaeology in modern Greece’ appears within the framework of recent discussions on archaeology and nationalism and attempts to produce a reflexive and sophisticated analysis of the construction of nationalist discourses, both at the level of state and on an individual basis. Along these lines, Hamilakis and Yalouri argue that attitudes toward classical antiquity in modern Greece constitute what they term a form of ‘secular religion’ which presents distinct affinities with Orthodoxy. In constructing their argument the authors combine a number of analytical domains and touch upon a multitude of issues, all of which merit extensive discussion. However, the main point of their thesis concerns the relationship between the classical past and Greek Orthodox religion, a link forged during the creation of the modern Greek state. According to the authors, apart from being at the roots of nationalist state discourse, this link has also been a persistent, even dominant, feature in the popular perception of classical heritage.
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Mazower, Mark. "The Messiah and the bourgeoisie: Venizelos and politics in Greece, 1909–1912." Historical Journal 35, no. 4 (December 1992): 885–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026200.
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AbstractThe mercurial rise of Venizelos, the most prominent Greek statesman of this century, has been a hotly debated issue of modern Greek history. The tendency until recently has been to explain his success in terms of social changes, and to see the rise of the Liberal party as the triumph of modernizing bourgeois forces in early twentieth-century Greece. This article, however, compares Venizelos both with the generation of politicians which preceded him, and with his leading contemporary, Gounaris. It argues that Venizelos's enormous popularity hinged upon his response to the nationalist, quasi-messianicfervour which gripped Greece after its humiliating defeat by Turkey in 1897. Parliamentary government came to be seen as passive and elitist, political parties as causes of national decline. Using his rhetorical skills and the press, Venizelos presented himself as the agent of national regeneration. His attitude towards class politics, and to the very idea of political parties, was complex and ambivalent. Hence, his rise should be interpreted, not in terms of a simple Marxist or whiggish schema, as the product of Greece's bourgeois revolution, but as the expression of a new more confident nationalism, which reinforced the personality-centred quality of Greek politics.
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Triandafyllidou, A., M. Calloni, and A. Mikrakis. "New Greek Nationalism." Sociological Research Online 2, no. 1 (March 1997): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.44.
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The creation of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia after the dismantling of the Yugoslav federation has led to a revival of Greek nationalism. Greece has refused to recognize the new state as the ‘Republic of Macedonia’, sustaining that its name and national symbols form part of Greek culture and identity and are, therefore, unacceptable. The aim of this study is to highlight the Greek claims of ‘property’ over certain cultural traditions and, more specifically, the relationship between these claims and the ethno-cultural character of Greek national identity. Moreover, the paper examines the strategic manipulation of nationalist feelings by Greek politicians. The role of political and cultural myths in (re)defining national identity and in drawing the boundaries, symbolic and territorial, between ‘us’ and the ‘others’ is investigated. The problems that may arise from such an ethnic conception of the nation-state are discussed and a ‘constitutional model of patriotism’ is proposed as an alternative solution.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Nationalism (Greece)"
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Malakasis, Cynthia H. "Immigration and Nationalism in Greece." FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1280.
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A source of emigration until the early 1970s, Greece has become home to a rising tide of immigrants since 1991, and its foreign-born population rose from below one to over 11 percent. Equally important is the fact that the Greek state has historically premised national belonging on ethnicity, and striven to exclude people who did not exhibit Greek ethnic traits. My study examines how immigration has challenged this nationalist model of ethnically homogeneous belonging. Further, it uses the Greek case to problematize the hegemonic assumption that the nationalist model of social organization is a human universal. Data consist of reactions to a 2010 landmark law that constituted the first jus soli bill in the nation’s history, and include a plurality of voices found in parliamentary proceedings, newspapers, a government-sponsored online forum and Facebook discussions. Voices examined correspond to three main conceptual camps: people who premise belonging on ethnicity and hegemonic definitions of what it means to be Greek, people who mitigate nationalist norms enough to include immigrants, but reproduce a nationalist worldview, and people who seek to divorce political belonging from ethnicity altogether.
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Gikopoulou, Paraskevi. "The Holocaust in Greece : occupation, nationalism and legacy." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/66498/.
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This thesis analyses the Holocaust in occupied Greece and its effects on Greek political life. It is undertaken through a socio-political and historical interpretation of texts and archival sources. It draws especially from the political philosophy of Hannah Arendt and her understanding of totalitarianism, nationalism, statelessness and ‘evil’. I aim to understand the changed position of Jews in Greek society from the fall of the empires, through the emergence of nation-states, to the period of deportations and extermination. I do so to comprehend the rise of nationalism in Greece. I examine a mix of primary and secondary materials – histories, memoirs and unpublished archives of Nazi rule – to cast light on the anti-Semitic laws implemented in Greece during the Nazi occupation and on the relationship of the Holocaust to the political regime that emerged in Greece after the war. I place particular emphasis on Jewish participation in the Greek Resistance, the political conflicts that emerged within the larger resistance movement, and the sensitive issue of collaboration, which was to shape much of the political agenda in Greece after the war. Through the use of diplomatic papers and Foreign Office files, I show how democratic anti-Nazi resistance movements were suppressed after the war by fascist forces and through the reluctance of the Greek bourgeois politicians and British officials to intervene. The politics of collaboration, underplayed in the current literature, also casts light on why perpetrators of the Greek Holocaust generally escaped legal prosecution in Greece and why resistance fighters were prosecuted through the implementation of martial laws and emergency decrees. Finally this thesis explores the ties that bind repression of the memory of the Greek Holocaust, to the development in post-war Greece of nationalist values.
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Stratigopoulou, Christine. "Identity and society in mid 19th century Greece : the case of Otho's reign." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.341651.
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Jones, Evan. "Paralogues: Poems Surrealism in Greece 1935-1941: Cultural nationalism, myth and hybridity." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.493424.
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Yoka, Lia. "The Artist, 1910-1912, 1914 : a modern Greek art journal; sincerity as an aspect of the culture of intellectuals." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365026.
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Nevzat, A. (Altay). "Nationalism amongst the Turks of Cyprus: the first wave." Doctoral thesis, University of Oulu, 2005. http://urn.fi/urn:isbn:9514277511.
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The rise of competing nationalisms in Cyprus first drew world attention in the 1950's, yet the origins of nationalism in Cyprus can clearly be traced to the closing stages of Ottoman rule on the island during the nineteenth century. While the earlier development of nationalism in the Greek Orthodox community of Cyprus is commonly acknowledged, the pre-World War II evolution of nationalism amongst Cyprus' Moslem Turks is consistently overlooked or misrepresented. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, this work contends that Turkish nationalism in Cyprus did not first emerge in the 1950's, but instead grew gradually from the late nineteenth century onwards; that nationalism amongst the island's Turks was first discernible in a 'civic' form founded on Ottomanism which was gradually, though progressively replaced by Turkish ethno-nationalism; and that while both British colonial policies and especially the threat perceived from the rise of Greek nationalism on the island may have helped spur nationalism amongst the Turks, the continued cultural and political interaction with Ottoman, and even non-Ottoman Turks, and later with the Turkish Republic was at least as influential in fostering nationalist sentiments and prompting their expression in political actions. While particular note is made of the often neglected impact of the Young Turk movement in the early twentieth century, this study acknowledges and seeks to elucidate a complex assortment of variegated stimuli that ranged from international developments, such as the recurring crises in the Balkans and President Wilson's speech on the 'Fourteen Points', to the personal attitudes and attributes of British administrators and domestic inter-ethnic relations, and local and international economic trends and developments. Together, it is maintained, these influences had made Turkish nationalism a perceptible phenomenon amongst the Turks of Cyprus by the time of the October Revolt of 1931.
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Karababa, Pinar. "Gender Analysis Of National Identity Discourse In Two Novels: The Case Of Greece And Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607997/index.pdf.
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This thesis study analyzes the construction of a common national self, which bears the characteristics of a dominant male figure, over the mirror image of the other nation&rsquos women. It is believed in this thesis work that without examining the complex gender relations and gendered identity politics within national projects, it is not possible to understand the concept of nation. Accepting that nation is an -imagined- product of modernism and gendered identity construction takes place in the core of the creation of nation, it is believed that novels constitute an appropriate field of analysis because of their imagined structure and because their subtexts enable the researcher to focus on the identity production. The cases of Greece and Turkey as two nation-states that construct their national selves over the reflection of the other provide a proper base for a comparative analysis. The main aim of this thesis, in this context, is to come close to the understanding of nations and the oppressive gender relations within the nation-states focusing on the creation of the male national common identity.
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Karasarinis, Markos. "Spectres of the past : a comparative study of the role of historiography and cultural memory in the development of nationalism in modern Scotland and Greece." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2001. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2894/.
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The purpose of this thesis is to explore themes in the development of national ideology in Scotland and Greece largely in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The analysis consists of two pairs of case studies where, using the comparative method, the role of historiography in providing ‘mental maps’, precise boundaries for the nation in space and time, its application in constructing a national consensus on an acceptable past, and the use of the latter in consolidating a national identity, are explored in detail. This process followed intricate paths in both Scotland and Greece and displayed rifts and fissures in patterns thought common in the development of nationalism in Europe. The fundamental ideological challenges to which significant segments of the Scottish and Greek society had to respond are shown to have influenced their respective societies’ worldview until the present time. The resilience of a number of different valid perceptions of Scotland in the nineteenth century and the dichotomy between equally possible concepts of Greece demonstrate, in concluding, the fluidity of national identity and indeterminacy of their modern ethnogenesis as late as the eve of the Great War.
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Tahir, Nuri Ali. "Minority Rights in Bulgaria and Greece, and the Impact of European Integration Process." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trieste, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10077/8629.
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2011/2012La presente tesi ha come oggetto di studio i diritti delle minoranze in Bulgaria e in Grecia e il conseguente impatto sul processo di Integrazione Europea. Fornisce dettagli su come queste minoranze siano divise dai confini e su fino a che punto il concetto di nazionalismo influisce sull’adozione di un equo regime di tutela dei diritti delle minoranze per conto degli Sati-Nazione. Il contributo dell’Integrazione Europea viene valutato in termini di progresso raggiunto nel campo dei diritti delle minoranze e della cooperazione transfrontaliera. Subito dopo le rispettive dichiarazioni di indipendenza, entrambi i Paesi hanno firmato accordi bilaterali con l’Impero Ottomano esprimendo il loro impegno a rispettare i diritti delle minoranze turche/musulmane presenti nel territorio. Tuttavia, con il passare del tempo e soprattutto a causa dell’irruzione delle due guerre mondiali e delle prese di posizione nazionalistiche in entrambi i paesi, la situazione delle minoranze turco-musulmane é drammaticamente cambiata. Nel corso della storia, il trattamento di queste minoranze in Bulgaria e in Grecia ha creato una serie di problemi nelle relazioni con la Turchia, che rappresenta lo “stato di riferimento” (kin-state) di queste minoranze in entrambi i Paesi. Il nazionalismo Greco con le sue forti caratteristiche di esclusivitá ha giá in varie occasioni escluso la popolazione turco-musulmana dal processo costititutivo della nazione, classificando le minoranze musulmane come “altre”, “estranee”. Con lo scambio demografico tra popolazioni greche e turche, sancito dal Trattato di Losanna, il riconoscimento dell’esistenza della minoranza turco-musulmana é stata limitato soltanto al territorio della Tracia occidentale. Esaminando d’altro lato la situazione della Bulgaria, il trattamento delle minoranze turche ha lí seguito un cammino differente. Comparato con quello greco, il nazionalismo bulgaro ha adottato un approccio relativamente piú inclusivo, soprattutto con riferimento alla popolazione Pomaks, conosciuti oggi anche come musulmani che parlano correntemente bulgaro. Con la fioritura del nazionalismo bulgaro durante il regime comunista, l’inclusione prese la forma di assimilazione e il risultato fu la conversione dei Pomaks in “bulgari”. Per quanto riguarda la minoranza turca poi, la situazione si riveló altrettanto poco esemplare. In molte occasioni i Turchi furono forzati ad emigrare in Turchia, per poter bilanciare l’ alterazione demografica in Bulgaria. Nel frattempo, con la campagna di assimilazione intrapresa nel 1984-1985, i nomi delle minoranze turche in Bulgaria furono sostituiti con nomi bulgari e la Bulgaria arrivó a negare completamente l’esistenza della minoranza turca. Quando i Turchi si opposero a questa politica di assimilazione forzata, furono nuovamente costretti ad emigrare. La discussione intrapresa sui diritti delle minoranze nell’ambito del processo di Integrazione Europea, ha apportato cambiamenti significativi in entrambi i Paesi. Tuttavia, si é verificata una certa limitazione dell’impatto delle politiche dell’Unione Europea in quest’area, derivante da alcuni problemi di natura storica. La Grecia ad esempio, in quanto giá membro effettivo dell’Unione Europea, non dovette passare attraverso un processo europeo di valutazione del trattamento delle minoranze, laddove invece la Bulgaria dovette seguire specifiche procedure di accesso preliminari, necessarie per poter permettere la sua adesione all’Unione Europea. Le dinamiche di cambiamento del discorso sulla democrazia resero inapplicabili alcune restrizioni previamente accettate, per cui un processo di democratizzazione nell’area dei diritti delle minoranze divenne inevitabile. Di fronte all’esistenza di tali problemi, questo processo di democratizzazione suscitó effetti positivi in entrambi i Paesi. Risolvere il problema di democratizzazione non ha portato automaticamente ad una soluzione di tutti i problemi esistenti. Stabilire una collaborazione transfrontaleria tra Bulgaria e Grecia fu il primo problema ad essere discusso dopo la caduta del Comunismo. Tuttavia questo progresso non é avvenuto in maniera semplice e armoniosa. Nuovamente si puó affermare che la prospettiva di un integrazione Europea rappresentó il principale catalizzatore dello sviluppo della cooperazione fra i due Paesi, nonostante la presenza di alcuni problemi in alcune parti del confine, dovuti alla presenza della minoranza turca, il cui “stato di riferimento” é la Turchia. La percezione tradizionale dei confini come barriere di esclusione continua ancora ad essere presente in alcune aree del Sudest Europa, e potrá essere cambiata soltanto attraverso un rinsaldamento dell’integrazione Europea. Per concludere, rispetto al loro trattamento delle minoranze turco-musulmane, Bulgaria e Grecia hanno creato differenti politiche di integrazione. Mentre in Grecia, la partecipazione politica e sociale della minoranza turco-musulmana fu limitata attraverso la creazione di una comunitá separata dal resto della popolazione, in Bulgaria tale partecipazione fu maggiormente incoraggiata proprio per evitare tale segregazione. Tuttavia, questa politica di non-segregazione é stata condotta spesso di pari passo con il non-riconoscimento del carattere etnico della minoranza turca, trasformandosi finalmente in assimilazione durante gli anni ’80. Con il ristabilimento della democrazia in Bulgaria, sono state adottate nuove politiche di integrazione, poi denominate “Modello Etnico Bulgaro”. Conseguentemente, il modello di prevenzione di un conflitto etnico in Bulgaria ha attirato l’attenzione di alcuni Paesi dell’area dei Balcani che hanno sperimentato simili problemi nel corso della loro storia.
XXIV Ciclo
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Zeginis, Dimitris A. "Nationalism and the reality of the nation-state : the case of Greece and Turkey in relation to the European orientation in the two countries." Thesis, University of Essex, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.333473.
Full textBooks on the topic "Nationalism (Greece)"
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1941-, Blinkhorn Martin, and Veremēs Thanos, eds. Modern Greece: Nationalism & nationality. Athens: SAGE-ELIAMEP, 1990.
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Unholy alliance: Greece and Milošević's Serbia. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2002.
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1964-, Sofos Spyros A., ed. Tormented by history: Nationalism in Greece and Turkey. New York: Columbia University Press, 2008.
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Tzanaki, Demetra. Women and Nationalism in the Making of Modern Greece. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230234451.
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David, Ricks, ed. The making of modern Greece: Nationalism, Romanticism, and the uses of the past (1797-1896). Burlington, Vt: Ashgate Pub. Company, 2009.
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Lawrence, Christopher M. Blood and oranges: European markets and immigrant labor in rural Greece. New York: Berghahn Books, 2007.
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Danforth, Loring M. The Macedonian conflict: Ethnic nationalism in a transnational world. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1995.
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Thaleia, Dragōna, ed. Spatial conceptions of the nation: Modernizing geographies in Greece and Turkey. London: I. B. Tauris, 2010.
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Taşkın, Burcu. Political representation of minorities in Greece and Turkey: Nationalism, reciprocity and Europeanization. Istanbul: Libra, 2019.
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Gourgouris, Stathis. Dream nation: Enlightenment, colonization, and the institution of modern Greece. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1996.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Nationalism (Greece)"
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Woodwell, Douglas. "Greece and Turkey." In Nationalism in International Relations, 157–86. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230607200_8.
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Leoussi, Athena S. "Images of Greece as Images of England." In Nationalism and Classicism, 157–79. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230372689_8.
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Leoussi, Athena S. "Images of Greece as Images of France." In Nationalism and Classicism, 180–99. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230372689_9.
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Sofos, Spyros A., and Umut Özkırımlı. "Nationalism in Greece and Turkey: Modernity, Enlightenment, Westernization." In Nationalism in the Troubled Triangle, 76–97. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230297326_6.
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Hirschon, Renée. "Dismantling the Millet: Religion and National Identity in Contemporary Greece." In Nationalism in the Troubled Triangle, 61–75. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230297326_5.
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Ploumidis, Spyridon G. "Nationalism and authoritarianism in interwar Greece (1922–1940)." In Conservatives and Right Radicals in Interwar Europe, 215–36. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429275272-10.
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Maronitis, Kostas. "The New Subjectivity of Nationalism." In Postnationalism and the Challenges to European Integration in Greece, 65–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-46346-9_5.
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Tzanaki, Demetra. "Introduction: Nationalism and Its Gender Histories." In Women and Nationalism in the Making of Modern Greece, 1–10. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230234451_1.
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Alecou, Alexios. "External Influences: Cyprus as a Reflection of Greece." In Communism and Nationalism in Postwar Cyprus, 1945-1955, 75–95. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-29209-0_5.
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Maxwell, Alexander. "Greece and Germany as Models for Habsburg Panslavs." In Pan-Nationalism as a Category in Theory and Practice, 20–39. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003389705-2.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Nationalism (Greece)"
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Hadzantonis, Michael. "Sustaining a Regional Dialect in Greece: Karpathos Island and its Linguistic Heritage." In GLOCAL Conference on Mediterranean and European Linguistic Anthropology Linguistic Anthropology 2022. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/comela22.1-10.
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The island of Karpathos sits both geographically and socio-politically within a vortex. Geographically, the island has been instrumental over centuries as a gateway to Crete and Rhodes, which in turn have offered a haven for foreign occupation. Socio-politically, the case is not significantly devoid. Through occupation of Karpathos, the waves of intruders have attempted to gain some level of footing over both local and larger regions, in order to assert power. Consequent to these waves of occupation, the language and cultural heritages of Karpathos have been tumultuous and dynamic. Yet, ideologies on the island have pervaded such changes and shifts, to adhere to a nationalist code, that is, a Greek nationalism and locally independent mentality, and in which, such a nationalist and independent culture-political positions are entextualized. The study landscapes the language of Karpathos to expose the language ideologies of the inhabitants of the island. I identified a connection to Greek continuity and Greek patriotism, yet entextualized in the island’s language behaviors that are themselves relative to the geographical and sociopolitical stance of the island. The study thus draws on a methodical framework of entextualization, as one that sits firmly within the boundaries of linguistic anthropology.
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Hadzantonis, Michael. "Greek English Code Switching Practices in Diasporic Societies: A Comparative Study of Adelaide, Australia and Queens, New York." In GLOCAL Conference on Mediterranean and European Linguistic Anthropology Linguistic Anthropology 2022. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/comela22.4-4.
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This paper presented addresses the documentation of Greek-English code-switching practices across several contexts. These are the Greek diaspora in Adelaide, South Australia, in Queens, a borough of New York, and Athens, in Greece. While the languages remain the same, as English and Greek, and both Greek immigrants seek to achieve competence in the standardized Greek, while the Greek nationals seek to achieve competence in a standardized English, when switching, the styles differ markedly. As such, switching appears to be influenced by covert factors, such as local language ideologies. The paper reports these different switching practices and presents motives for their diversity, despite the common use of these language codes across all documented contexts.
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Chkhikvadze, Tinatin, and Ermofili Dranidou. "ETHNIC IDENTITY OF GREEKS LIVING IN THEIR HOMELAND AND IN RUSSIA." In NORDSCI International Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2019/b1/v2/27.
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Ethnic identity as a sense of belonging based on our ancestry, cultural heritage, values, and traditions helps us to find our place in our homeland. But what if a person migrates to another country for purpose of getting a job or education? Do people living in their homeland and those who study or work abroad have differences in their ethnic identity? These questions became the basis of our investigation. The study`s purpose was to investigate the ethnic identity of Greeks in their homeland and Russia in order to find out how ethnic identity is determined by such factors as country (homeland or foreign country), occupation (work or study) and sex (male or female). We used the following questionnaires: The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) by Jean S. Phinney, The Positive and Uncertain Ethnic Identity Measure by A.N. Tatarko and N.M. Lebedeva, The Twenty Statements Test by Manfred Kuhn & Thomas McPartland adapted by T.V. Rumyantseva. We conducted Mann-Whitney U-test and multivariate analysis of variance. Results indicate the following. There are differences between Greeks living in their homeland and in Russia. Namely, those living in Russia surpass in affective component of ethnic identity, positive and uncertain ethnic identity. They have more answers reflecting their Greek nationality. Greeks living in Greece have a higher level of ethnic identity search. These differences were corroborated among both men and women. Among students, we found out the same differences except for positive ethnic identity. The Greeks working in Greece showed higher uncertain ethnic identity than those working in Russia. There are differences in ethnic identity between Greeks who work or study. Those who work have higher results in ethnic identity and ethnic identity search among all groups. Working women also have higher results in positive and uncertain ethnic identity. Greeks working in Greece also surpass Greeks studying in the homeland in a number of answers reflecting their religion and in uncertain ethnic identity and concede in positive ethnic identity. Among those living in Russia, students have higher results in uncertain ethnic identity and lower in positive ethnic identity. As for the differences among men and women, Greek women have a more positive ethnic identity and men – uncertain ethnic identity. The same results we got among those who live in the homeland. But there were found no differences between Greek men and women living in Russia. Working men have higher results in ethnic identity search and lower positive ethnic identity in comparison to working women. Male students have higher results in uncertain ethnic identity and affective components of ethnic identity. As for the multivariate analysis of variance, it showed us the following. The factor sex determines ethnic identity, ethnic identity search, positive and uncertain ethnic identity. The factor country (homeland or Russia) determines affective component and ethnic identity search, positive and uncertain ethnic identity. The factor employment (work or study) determines ethnic identity search and positive ethnic identity.
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Hadzantonis, Michael. "Karangiozis in the Shadows: A Linguistic Anthropology of Greece's Shadow Puppetry." In GLOCAL Conference on Mediterranean and European Linguistic Anthropology Linguistic Anthropology 2022. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/comela22.1-4.
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The Karangiozi theatre play has existed for centuries in its various forms and across territories. Initially emanating from the Ottoman regions, it entered Greece several centuries prior, and was popularized during Ottoman occupation of Greece. Structured on a system of multilayered symbolisms, the visuals, performances and narratives in Karangiozi present the lead character, Karangiozi, a poor and benevolent man who is frequently oppressed and beaten for his misdoings. The character must contend with the arrogance and comical approaches of other characters, and must support his family, all while accepting his low socioeconomic status. While the theatre has long addressed Greece’s political satire, nationalist discourse, and class and socioeconomic differentials, the performance has, over the past century, significantly shifted with respect to its poetics, narratives, and symbolisms. These shifts correlate with movements from capitalism to late capitalism, and to the information age, as technology and information flow, and the acceleration of time scales require a new engagement with media, technology and information, where old media, such as puppet theatre performance and its narratives, as well as poetic forms of vernacular, now appear redundant. In this paper, I address the changes in the Karangiozi puppet theatre performance. To this, I have collated a corpus of old and new Karangiozi narratives and performance scripts, which I compare. Factors I address include the altered poetics and script designs, and the notable shift in symbolisms, over the past century. Here, I draw on a framework of symbolic and narrative analysis, while also discussing the ways in which narratives and performance are newly appropriated in the shifting form of the theatre play.
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Primorac, Željka, Božena Bulum, and Marija Pijaca. "NEW EUROPEAN APPROACH ON PASSENGERS’ DIGITAL SURVEILLANCE THROUGH ELECTRONIC PLATFORM (ETIAS) – PASSENGERS’ AND CARRIERS’ PERSPECTIVE." In International Scientific Conference “Digitalization and Green Transformation of the EU“. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/27451.
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On the basis of basic European legal concepts on collecting air passengers’ data, as an important mechanism in fight against terrorism and illegal immigration, the authors point to the European legal provisions of Regulation (EU) 2018/1240 on the newly established IT authorisation system, the application of which guarantees more comprehensive security checks of visa-free third-country nationals (non-EU citizens) when they, as passengers, want to travel to EU. The aim of this work is to present, analyse and review the legal issue of new European rules which prescribe digital surveillance of passengers through electronic system – “European Travel Information and Authorisation System” (ETIAS) even before they arrive at the external border of the Schengen area. When ETIAS becomes operational (expected in November 2023), screening requirements for passengers will mean that some category of passengers will need valid travel authorisation to travel to the Schengen area. Authors point out the significance of prescreening control of passengers’ data with special emphasis on passengers’ obligation to apply for travel authorisation (through ETIAS) prior to travelling to the Schengen area and carriers’ (air carriers, sea carriers and international carriers transporting groups overland by coach) obligation to use ETIAS to verify passengers’ possession of a valid travel authorisation and their liability in case they were transporting third-country nationals (who are exempt from the visa requirement) without valid travel authorisation. Carrying out a theoretical elaboration of the problem in question, in the conclusion the authors clearly indicate the shortcomings of normative legal norms - open legal issues that have not been resolved, such as, for example, the general and insufficiently clear legal regulation of the terms security risk, illegal immigration risk or high epidemic risk in the provisions of the Regulation (EU) 2018/1240 especially considering that these risks represent reasons for profiling of passengers (visa-free third-country nationals) from 60 countries. The authors consider it necessary and justified to adopt a series of delegated acts that will systematically and comprehensively regulate all aspects of the legal and technical issues of the establishment and application of ETIAS.
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Eryücel, Ertuğrul. "A Comparative Analysis on Policy Making in Western Countries and Turkey in the Context of Eugenics." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01847.
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The word eugenics was coined in 1883 by the English scientist Francis Galton, who took the word from a Greek root meaning “good in birth” or “noble in heredity”. Eugenics aimed to assist states in implementing negative or positive policies which would improve the quality of the national breed. The intensive applications of eugenic policies coincide between two World Wars. İn the decades between 1905 and 1945, eugenics politics implemented in more than thirty countries.
The method of this study is based on a literature survey on the sources of the eugenic subject. The sources of the data are documents such as books, articles, journals, theses, projects, research reports about the politics and legal regulations of the countries on the family, population, sport, health and body. This study comparatively examines eugenic policy-making in Turkey and in Western countries: Britain, United States, France, Germany (1905-1945).
This study aims to discuss the relation of eugenic politics in countries with nation building process, ethnic nationalism, and racism. This is a basic claim that the eugenic practices in Turkey contain more positive measures and that there is no racial-ethnic content of eugenics in Turkey.
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Николов, Александър. "Св. Седмочисленици и формирането на българската „протонационална“ идентичност." In Кирило-методиевски места на паметта в българската култура. Кирило-Методиевски научен център, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.59076/5808.2023.03.
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THE SEVEN APOSTLES OF THE SLAVS AND THE FORMATION OF THE BULGARIAN “PROTO-NATIONAL” IDENTITY (Summary) Some historians assume that the emergence of national identities in Europe is a result of social changes occurring in the Early Modern era, while others claim that this process was set in motion already in the Later Middle Ages. Similar disputes on the beginnings of the modern Bulgarian nation are also present in historiographic works. The Slavo-Bulgarian History of Paisiy Hilendarski is usually presented as the first clear sign of the emerging Bulgarian nation. The aim of this article is to confirm a proto-national stage in the development of the Bulgarian medieval ethnic community, which was instrumental for the survival and continuation of the Bulgarians as a separate ethnie and, despite the interruptions in the independent existence of the Bulgarian state and church, led to the transformation of this ethnie into a modern nation. The development of the Bulgarian medieval state, founded in 681 (widely accept¬ed date), lacks continuity. It has been interrupted in 1018 by the Byzantine conquest, which provoked deep social, economic and cultural changes and was followed by ethnic changes too. However, former Bulgarian lands, especially the core area around the last capital of the First Bulgarian Empire, Ohrid, retained certain level of ecclesiastical and economic autonomy. In the diocese of the Ohrid Bishopric began to emerge a “proto-national” pantheon, centered around the figures of St Clement of Ohrid and St John of Rila, and promoted by Byzantine prelates like Theophylactus of Ohrid and George Skylitses. The Bulgarians were regarded as a separate ethnie (according to the theory of Anthony Smith) within the limits of the Byzantine Empire, identified by their traditions, culture, language, and by their own patrons and spiritual teachers, who formed their “proto-national” pantheon. This tendency was successfully continued after the restoration of the Bulgarian state in 1185 (again a widely accepted date). The Second Bulgarian Empire had a multieth¬nic composition, including not only Slavic-speaking Bulgarians, but also Pecheneg and Cuman migrants, Vlah population, etc. All these groups, engaged very often in the gov¬ernment of the re-established empire, were centered around the political and state ideol¬ogy of the Bulgarian ‘proto-nationalism”. In the newly formed “pantheon” of national saints were included as “Bulgarians” also people with non-Bulgarian or at least disputed ethnic origin. In their Vitae, written after the liberation from the Byzantines, the question about their ethnic origin was of growing importance. Special place was given to the holy brothers Cyril and Methodius, (whose Bulgarian origin and direct links with Bulgaria are at least obscure) and five of their most prominent disciples. They were venerated as Bulgarian saints and became important part of the “proto-national” ideology of the Sec-ond Bulgarian Empire. This attitude has been transferred successfully into the national ideology of the modern Bulgarian nation. Later, in the 16th century, this group of saints was stylized as the Seven Apostles of the Slavs and acquired popularity even among the Greek-speaking clergy. Consequently, Cyril and Methodius, who were representatives of the universalistic Christian culture of the Second Rome entrusted with the task to enlighten the Slavonic peoples and to introduce them to the Holy Scriptures, together with their most prominent disciples, became emblematic figures, actively engaged in the formation of one of the Slavonic “proto-nations” during the Late Middle Ages.
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إسماعيل جمعه, كويان, and محمد إسماعيل جمعه. ""Forced displacement and its consequences Khanaqin city as a model"." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/36.
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"Humanity has known (forced displacement) as one of the inhuman phenomena, and international law considers it a war crime, and the forcibly displaced area is subjected to various types of psychological, physical, cultural and ethnic torture. Khanaqin has been subjected to more displacement compared to the rest of Iraq's cities, and forced displacement is a systematic practice carried out by governments or armed groups intolerant towards groups that differ from them in religion, sect, nationalism, belief, politics, or race, with the aim of evacuating lands and replacing groups other population instead. Forced displacement is either direct, i.e. forcibly removing residents from their areas of residence, or indirect, such as using means of intimidation, persecution, and sometimes murder. This phenomenon varies in the causes and motives that depend on conflicts and wars, and greed, as well as dependence on cruelty in dealing and a tendency to brutality and barbarism. With regard to forced displacement in Iraq before the year 2003 AD, it was a systematic phenomenon according to a presidential law away from punishment, and it does not constitute a crime, as evidenced by the absence of any legal text referring to it in the Iraqi Penal Code, but after the year 2003 AD, criminal judgments were issued against the perpetrators of forced displacement. For the period between 17/7/1967 to 1/5/2003 CE, displacement cases were considered a terrorist crime, and consideration of them would be the jurisdiction of the Iraqi Central Criminal Court. The deportations from the city of Khanaqin were included in the forced displacement, by forcibly transferring the civilian population from the area to which they belong and reside to a second area that differs culturally and socially from the city from which they left. Al-Anbar governorate identified a new home for the displaced residents of Khanaqin, first, and then some of the southern governorates. We find other cases of forced displacement, for example, what happened to the Faili Kurds. They were expelled by a presidential decision, and the decision stated: (They were transferred to Nakra Salman, and then they were deported to Iran). These cases of deportation or displacement have led to the emergence of psychological effects on the displaced, resulting from the feeling of persecution and cultural extermination of the traditions of these people, and the obliteration of their national identity, behavior and practices. After the year 2003 AD, the so-called office for the return of property appeared, and there was a headquarters in every governorate, Except in Diyala governorate, there were two offices, the first for the entire governorate, and the second for Khanaqin district alone, and this indicates the extent of injustice, displacement, deportation, tyranny, and extermination that this city was subjected to. The crimes of forced displacement differ from one case to another according to their causes, origins, goals and causes - as we mentioned - but there are expansive reasons, so that this reason is limited to greed, behavior, cruelty, brutality and barbarism. But if these ideas are impure and adopted by extremists, then they cause calamity, inequality and discrimination, forcing the owners of the land to leave. In modern times, the crime of forced displacement has accompanied colonial campaigns to control other countries, so that displacement has become part of the customs of war, whether in conflicts external or internal. Forced displacement has been criminalized and transformed from an acceptable means of war to a means that is legally and internationally rejected by virtue of international law in the twentieth century, especially after the emergence of the United Nations charter in 1945 AD And the two Additional Protocols attached to the Geneva Conventions of 1977 AD, as well as declarations, , conventions and international conferences that included explicit legal texts criminalizing forced displacement as a universal principle of genocide. My approach in this study is a field-analytical approach, as I present official data and documents issued by the competent authorities and higher government agencies before the year 2003 AD, and indicate the coordinates and modalities of the process of displacement and deportation, as well as an interview with the families of the displaced, taking some information and how to coexist with their new imposed situation. forcibly on them."
Reports on the topic "Nationalism (Greece)"
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Sheridan, Anne. Annual report on migration and asylum 2016: Ireland. ESRI, November 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.26504/sustat65.
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The Annual Report on Migration and Asylum 2016 provides an overview of trends, policy developments and significant debates in the area of asylum and migration during 2016 in Ireland. Some important developments in 2016 included: The International Protection Act 2015 was commenced throughout 2016. The single application procedure under the Act came into operation from 31 December 2016. The International Protection Office (IPO) replaced the Office of the Refugee Applications Commissioner (ORAC) from 31 December 2016. The first instance appeals body, the International Protection Appeals Tribunal (IPAT), replacing the Refugee Appeals Tribunal (RAT), was established on 31 December 2016. An online appointments system for all registrations at the Registration Office in Dublin was introduced. An electronic Employment Permits Online System (EPOS) was introduced. The Irish Short Stay Visa Waiver Programme was extended for a further five years to October 2021. The Second National Action Plan to Prevent and Combat Human Trafficking was published. 2016 was the first full year of implementation of the Irish Refugee Protection Programme (IRPP). A total of 240 persons were relocated to Ireland from Greece under the relocation strand of the programme and 356 persons were resettled to Ireland. Following an Oireachtas motion, the Government agreed to allocate up to 200 places to unaccompanied minors who had been living in the former migrant camp in Calais and who expressed a wish to come to Ireland. This figure is included in the overall total under the IRPP. Ireland and Jordan were appointed as co-facilitators in February 2016 to conduct preparatory negotiations for the UN high level Summit for Refugees and Migrants. The New York Declaration, of September 2016, sets out plans to start negotiations for a global compact for safe, orderly and regular migration and a global compact for refugees to be adopted in 2018. Key figures for 2016: There were approximately 115,000 non-EEA nationals with permission to remain in Ireland in 2016 compared to 114,000 at the end of 2015. Net inward migration for non-EU nationals is estimated to be 15,700. The number of newly arriving immigrants increased year-on-year to 84,600 at April 2017 from 82,300 at end April 2016. Non-EU nationals represented 34.8 per cent of this total at end April 2017. A total of 104,572 visas, both long stay and short stay, were issued in 2016. Approximately 4,127 persons were refused entry to Ireland at the external borders. Of these, 396 were subsequently admitted to pursue a protection application. 428 persons were returned from Ireland as part of forced return measures, with 187 availing of voluntary return, of which 143 were assisted by the International Organization for Migration Assisted Voluntary Return Programme. There were 532 permissions of leave to remain granted under section 3 of the Immigration Act 1999 during 2016. A total of 2,244 applications for refugee status were received in 2016, a drop of 32 per cent from 2015 (3,276). 641 subsidiary protection cases were processed and 431 new applications for subsidiary protection were submitted. 358 applications for family reunification in respect of recognised refugees were received. A total of 95 alleged trafficking victims were identified, compared with 78 in 2015.
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Linge, Tone Therese, Olga Gjerald, Åse Helene Bakkevig Dagsland, Kai Victor Myrnes-Hansen, Huseyin Arasli, and Trude Furunes. In Pursuit of Fair Work: Taking a closer look at the Norwegian hospitality industry. University in Stavanger, September 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.269.
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This report highlights the findings and implications of research conducted in the Norwegian hospitality sector during the Covid-19 pandemic. The report focuses on workers’ experiences in the industry, using the Fair Work Principles: fair contracts, fair pay, fair conditions, fair management, and fair representation. Similar surveys have been conducted among hospitality workers in Ireland, Scotland, Greece, Australia, and New Zealand. The Norwegian survey was conducted between September 2021 – March 2022 and generated 853 responses of which 585 were complete from workers in the Norwegian hospitality sector. The respondents varied in gender, age, nationality, role within the sector, contract type and length of service. The results, based on the five key Fair Work Principles, show that the Norwegian hospitality sector still has some work to do to ensure that all workers in the industry experience fair work. Employees in the Norwegian worklife have a strong formal employment protection due to the Working Environment Act (Working Environment Act, 2005), in addition to other laws and regulations. Over 90 % of the participants reported that they were on permanent contracts, either full-time or part-time. However, although Norway has strong rules and regulations concerning employee rights, the survey reveals shortcomings concerning the greyer areas such as a lack of opportunities for pay rise or promotion, workplace training, not getting the rest breaks that workers are entitled to, and uncertainty whether the workers received the correct overtime pay. Some of the most concerning findings in the Norwegian hospitality sector were related to fair conditions, where an alarmingly high number participants reported that they had either experienced or witnessed harassment, abuse and bullying in their workplaces. Most of the abuse came from customers, but many of the respondents also mentioned colleagues and supervisors/ managers as perpetrators of abuse, harassment and bullying. Furthermore, over 40 percent of those who stated that they had experienced or witnessed abuse, harassment or bullying in the workplace declared that they did not report it further due to different reasons such as that they did not know where to report, did not think that anything would be done, or that they were afraid of losing their job. Concerning fair management, a third of the participants stated that they did not feel as though they were treated with dignity and respect, or that they received supportive feedback from their managers. Only half of the participants reported that they had received some kind of training in their job. The findings indicate that the types of training and development opportunities offered to employees were largely dependent on the specific workplace. Ultimately, the findings highlight the following key areas for improvement in the Norwegian hospitality industry: Opportunities for pay rise and promotion Opportunities for training Cultural change: Working to change the industry specific culture of tolerating abuse and harassment among employees in the hospitality industry Management of staff: Increased respect and perceptions of being listened to and making a difference