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Journal articles on the topic 'Nationalism (Greece)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 July 2024

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1

Demetriou, Olga. "The Original Turkish State: Opposing Nationalism in Nationalist Terms." New Perspectives on Turkey 33 (2005): 93–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600004258.

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On the night of July 4, 2004, Greeks across the globe celebrated their national team's triumph in winning the European Championship Cup of the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA). The victory had been unexpected and the celebrations, which lasted until the next morning, largely spontaneous. Urban streets everywhere in Greece filled with people clad in Greek flags and in plastic replicas of Alexander the Great's helmet; cars hooted past, horns blowing to that well-known five-and-six-beat rhythm signifying soccer victory, the air thick with the bright fumes of celebratory crackers. In the towns of Thrace, where the majority of Greece's Turkish population lives, the scene was the same: loud, celebratory, and full of nationalist symbols. In Komotini, the capital of Thrace, minority members watched and listened, some with apprehension, others with excitement about the unexpected victory.

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2

Tsagarousianou, Roza. "Mass Communications and Nationalism : The Polities of Belonging and Exclusion in Contemporary Greece." Res Publica 39, no. 2 (June 30, 1997): 271–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18592.

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This article focuses on the ways in which the prevalence of nationalist discourse in the communication process has affected political and cultural life in Greece after the end of the Cold War. It is argued that through the emergence of scientific nationalism, the enactment of public rituals, and the creation of moral panics based on media representations of ethnic/religious difference, the 'political' is simplified allowing no room for diversity and difference within the framework of national politics. The Greek mass media have been sustaining 'official' representations of 'Greece' as a nation under threat which have been crucial in the formation and maintenance of public attitudes regarding both ethno-religious minorities within Greece, and ethnic and religious groups in neighbouring countries and have undermined the formation and maintenance of public spaces (including the mass media) for representation and identity negotiation, independent from state institutions or the party system.

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3

ALBAYRAK, Hakan. "AN INVESTİGATİON ON OZANTÜRK'S EPİC OF “TURNALAR” IN TERMS OF NATİONALİSM THEORİES." Zeitschrift für die Welt der Türken / Journal of World of Turks 14, no. 2 (August 15, 2022): 327–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/zfwt/140218.

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There are different researches and studies that have appeared regarding nationalism. There are 3 major theories of these studies, these studies are: primary, modernist, and ethno-symbolic hypotheses. Primary hypothesis claims that all nations came from the same race, and they share the same religion, language, culture and history. The modernist hypothesis claims that nationalism is a communal necessity. In this theory, nationalism explains the modernist process that was affected by social, political, and economic parameters. Finally, the ethno-symbolism theory posits that nationalism is mainly based on ethnic origin and culture. The Epic of “Turnalar” by Ozanturk has pushed the Turkish culture forward. There are three sections connected to each other that talk about the Turkish communities in the “Turnalar” Epic. The first section talks about the Turkish people in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, North Cyprus, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Turkey.Second section talks about Turkish tribes who live in Iraq, Iran, East Turkistan, Kirim, Tataristan, Main Kurdistan, Yakutsk, Chuvashia, The Republic of Altai, The Republic of Tuva, etc…The third section details the Turkish people who are struggling to live in eastern European countries such as Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Moldova, Serbia, Bosnia, Kosovo, Albania, Hungary and Macedonia. “Turnalar” is the first work of Bayram Durbilmez who used Ozanturk as a nickname. Bayram Durbilmez used Ozanturk as a nickname for the first time in “Turnalar”. Durbilmez is known by literature studies about love, religious literature, and Turkish national folklore. This scholar defended Turkish nationalism in non-governmental organizations, some foundations, and associations. He used the Ozanturk nickname in his work which shows us how much of a nationalist he is in the literature world. This thesis aims to study “Turnalar” by Ozanturk from the nationalist aspect. By doing this, this thesis will reference his nationalist academic studies. Keywords: Nationalism, Nationalist Theories, Turkish Communities, Ozanturk, Turnalar, Saga, Love Literature

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4

Sommer, Christian. "Das harte Geschlecht." Philosophy Today 64, no. 2 (2020): 441–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday202062343.

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This article suggests that the deconstruction of Heidegger’s reading of Hölderlin in the Letter on Humanism is a precondition for what Derrida attempts to do in his commentary of Heidegger’s reading of Trakl in Geschlecht III. This preliminary deconstruction, through a constellation of Hölderlinian motifs (“homeland”, “return home”, “Occident”, “Greece”, “Germany”), controls the topology of Geschlecht III and determines Derrida’s approach to the themes of “nationality” and “philosophical nationalism”.

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5

Chrysoloras, Nikos. "Orthodoxy and the Formation of Greek National Identity." Chronos 27 (March 21, 2019): 7–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v27i0.403.

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The aim of this paper is to describe, analyse and explain the historical emergence of nationalism in Greece. Initially, and in accordance with the modernist approach, we will be arguing that the emergence of the nationalist phenomenon in Greece is inseparably linked with the objective conditions of modernity. The emergence of an educated Greek-speaking middle class, the development of trade and industry, and the diffusion of the liberal, secular and scientific spirit of the Enlightenment in the Greek peninsula, were instrumental factors for the construction of the idea of the nation. In that sense, the Greek nation- like every nation- is an historical and social construction, which emerges as a result of the fundamental split between the pre-modern and the modern.

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6

Crowther, Nigel. "Sports, nationalism and peace in ancient Greece." Peace Review 11, no. 4 (December 1999): 585–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659908426311.

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7

Tsakiridou, Cornelia (Corinna) A. "Nationalist Dilemmas: Halide Edib on Greeks, Greece, and the West." New Perspectives on Turkey 27 (2002): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003782.

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O College dear, we praise theeFor pointing to the starsWith faith and hope unswervingWhich no weak vision marsThy service unrestrictedBy race or class or creed;Thy love so freely offered,Its only claim-our need.-Anthem of the American College for Girls, IstanbulHalide Edib (1883-1964) was one of modern Turkey's most celebrated women. Author, feminist, nationalist, modernist, educator, and member of the National Assembly, she identified her person and career with the transformation of Turkey into a modern secular republic. Educated in the internationalist spirit of the American College for Girls in Istanbul, she was, throughout her life, a cosmopolitan intellectual with an international audience. Edib's personal transition from Ottoman society to the new nationalist elite, and her homeland's transition from empire to republic, posed no insurmountable historical, social, and cultural discontinuities; hers was a nationalism that, although grounded in Western notions of emancipation and self-determination, asserted with confidence its distinct identity and autonomy from the West.

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8

Alexandri, Alexandra. "Of acts and words." Archaeological Dialogues 6, no. 2 (December 1999): 146–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800001501.

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‘Sacralising the past: cults of archaeology in modern Greece’ appears within the framework of recent discussions on archaeology and nationalism and attempts to produce a reflexive and sophisticated analysis of the construction of nationalist discourses, both at the level of state and on an individual basis. Along these lines, Hamilakis and Yalouri argue that attitudes toward classical antiquity in modern Greece constitute what they term a form of ‘secular religion’ which presents distinct affinities with Orthodoxy. In constructing their argument the authors combine a number of analytical domains and touch upon a multitude of issues, all of which merit extensive discussion. However, the main point of their thesis concerns the relationship between the classical past and Greek Orthodox religion, a link forged during the creation of the modern Greek state. According to the authors, apart from being at the roots of nationalist state discourse, this link has also been a persistent, even dominant, feature in the popular perception of classical heritage.

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9

Mazower, Mark. "The Messiah and the bourgeoisie: Venizelos and politics in Greece, 1909–1912." Historical Journal 35, no. 4 (December 1992): 885–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026200.

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AbstractThe mercurial rise of Venizelos, the most prominent Greek statesman of this century, has been a hotly debated issue of modern Greek history. The tendency until recently has been to explain his success in terms of social changes, and to see the rise of the Liberal party as the triumph of modernizing bourgeois forces in early twentieth-century Greece. This article, however, compares Venizelos both with the generation of politicians which preceded him, and with his leading contemporary, Gounaris. It argues that Venizelos's enormous popularity hinged upon his response to the nationalist, quasi-messianicfervour which gripped Greece after its humiliating defeat by Turkey in 1897. Parliamentary government came to be seen as passive and elitist, political parties as causes of national decline. Using his rhetorical skills and the press, Venizelos presented himself as the agent of national regeneration. His attitude towards class politics, and to the very idea of political parties, was complex and ambivalent. Hence, his rise should be interpreted, not in terms of a simple Marxist or whiggish schema, as the product of Greece's bourgeois revolution, but as the expression of a new more confident nationalism, which reinforced the personality-centred quality of Greek politics.

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10

Triandafyllidou, A., M. Calloni, and A. Mikrakis. "New Greek Nationalism." Sociological Research Online 2, no. 1 (March 1997): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.44.

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The creation of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia after the dismantling of the Yugoslav federation has led to a revival of Greek nationalism. Greece has refused to recognize the new state as the ‘Republic of Macedonia’, sustaining that its name and national symbols form part of Greek culture and identity and are, therefore, unacceptable. The aim of this study is to highlight the Greek claims of ‘property’ over certain cultural traditions and, more specifically, the relationship between these claims and the ethno-cultural character of Greek national identity. Moreover, the paper examines the strategic manipulation of nationalist feelings by Greek politicians. The role of political and cultural myths in (re)defining national identity and in drawing the boundaries, symbolic and territorial, between ‘us’ and the ‘others’ is investigated. The problems that may arise from such an ethnic conception of the nation-state are discussed and a ‘constitutional model of patriotism’ is proposed as an alternative solution.

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11

Kalogeropoulou, Sofia. "Greek dance and everyday nationalism in contemporary Greece." Dance Research Aotearoa 1, no. 1 (July 3, 2013): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15663/dra.v1i1.6.

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12

Ploumidis, Spyridon. "‘Peasantist nationalism’ in inter-war Greece (1927–41)." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 37, no. 1 (February 28, 2013): 111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/0307013112z.00000000022.

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13

STJEPANOVIC, DEJAN. "NATIONALISM AND DEMOCRACY: POST-AUTHORITARIAN SERBIA AND GREECE." Southeastern Europe 32, no. 1 (2007): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633307x00084.

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Abstract Summary: The article analyses post-authoritarian societies of Serbia and Greece in reference to nationalism and the process of democratization. It is a study of the post-dictatorial Greek and Serbian societies in the periods following the end of the Junta and Milosevic's rules. The comparison of these two cases identifies legacy and elements of continuity of the past regimes as features detrimental to the democratization process. The article discusses the inextricable link between the types of "revolutions" or regime changes, where a significant segment of power remained in the hands of the old regimes' structures, which resulted in the creation of somewhat truncated democracies. Failed military ventures and national projects as crucial factors in the development of these post-authoritarian societies are analyzed as well. The case studies of Greece and Serbia and their transitions to democracy, which the article deals with, contribute to better understanding of democratization models and their successful implementation.

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14

Uçarlar, Nesrin. "Tormented by History — Nationalism in Greece and Turkey." Southeastern Europe 33, no. 1 (2009): 160–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633309x421274.

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15

Oğuzlu, Tarık. "Tormented By History: Nationalism in Greece and Turkey." Turkish Studies 10, no. 3 (September 2009): 503–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683840903141855.

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16

Antoniou, Dimitris. "Islam and Nationalism in Modern Greece, 1821–1940." History: Reviews of New Books 51, no. 3 (May 4, 2023): 62–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2023.2213987.

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17

Rutar, Sabine. "Researching the European Cold War: Nationalism, (Anti-)Communism and Violence." Slavic Review 82, no. 1 (2023): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2023.104.

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In her introduction to the themed cluster “Nationalism, (Anti-)Communism and Violence in the European Cold War,” the author contextualizes the issue's research contributions on Greece, Czechoslovakia, and Bulgaria. She introduces the methodological rationale and highlights what binds the three case studies together: They explore how nationalism was woven into Cold War societies. The authors employ, as analytical prisms, both physical and symbolic violence in order to visualize empirically the workings of nationalism in the service of both communism and anti-communism. Hitherto, few scholars have focused on the interconnections between nationalism, (anti-)communism, and violence in Cold War east central and southeastern Europe.

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18

Douros, Dimitris, and Dimitris Angelis-Dimakis. "Perceptions and Uses of the Land: Agrarian Rhetoric and Agricultural Policy in Greece under Metaxas’ Regime (1936-1941)." Perspectivas - Journal of Political Science 25 (December 17, 2021): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/perspectivas.3208.

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This paper aims to explore the ways in which the concepts of ’Nature’ and ’Land’ were incorporated and mobilized in the rhetoric of the dictatorial regime established in Greece by Ioannis Metaxas on August 4, 1936. Firstly, it examines the links between the construction of a national landscape and the emergence of a novel nationalist ideology in interwar Greece. Then, it looks into different ways in which politicized ideas of nature informed agronomic researches and practices and were translated in Metaxas’ political thought and policies. These ideological connotations of Land and Nature inscribe themselves in the philosophical and economic doctrine of the ’peasantist nationalism’. Based mostly on radical agrarianism and neo-romanticism, this discourse gained momentum in the early 1930s and permeated autarchic economic and agrarian policies, especially after the collapse of parliamentary rule. Along those lines, Metaxas’ dictatorship and its perceptions of the environment arguably align with features and trajectories of the authoritarian regimes that flourished all around Europe in the interwar period.

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19

Koulos, Thanos. "Nationalism and the lost homeland: The case of Greece." Nations and Nationalism 27, no. 2 (January 29, 2021): 482–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nana.12710.

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20

Nafpliotis, Alexandros. "Nationalism in the Troubled Triangle: Cyprus, Greece and Turkey." History: Reviews of New Books 43, no. 1 (November 14, 2014): 33–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2015.952166.

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21

Tsagarousianou, Roza. "Nationalism, the public sphere, and mass communications in Greece." Contemporary Politics 2, no. 1 (March 1996): 57–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569775.1996.10382950.

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22

Vlachos, George L. "State, nationalism, and the Jewish communities of modern Greece." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 26, no. 5 (May 1, 2019): 908–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2019.1607504.

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23

Raudon, Sally, and Cris Shore. "The Eurozone Crisis, Greece and European Integration." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 27, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2018.270111.

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Around 2010, a shift in the EU-understanding of austerity took place – from a future-orientated vision based on concepts of solidarity, cohesion and subsidiarity, to a crisis-driven present shaped around the imperatives of immediate fiscal discipline and debt repayment. This has had contradictory effects, producing widespread divisions, disunity and rising nationalism across Europe on one hand, and new forms of social solidarity and resistance on the other.

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24

Micu, Andrei Alexandru. "The Albanian Nationalism: between the National Revival and the Security Prospects in the Adriatic Region." Euro-Atlantic Studies, no. 2 (2019): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/eas.2019.2.5.

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The study will address the phenomenology and the processes that marked the Albanian independence movement, concomitantly illustrating it as an integrated stage into the Balkan trend of nation-state edification during the decline of the Ottoman Empire, hence enforcing the debate over the mechanism that had been used in administrating the territorial possessions of the quasi-defunct caliphate. On this occasion, the research will highlight the external involvement in supporting the Albanian independence movement, mentioning in this way the Italian Kingdom, the actor that assumed the role of protecting independent Albania as a result of Rome`s primordial interests in assuming a predominant role in the Adriatic security architecture.Simultaneously will be pursued Tirana`s nationalist projects and the points of tension from the relations with Greece and Yugoslavia as a result of overlapping the territorial expansionist ethnic agendas of these three states. Therefore, it will illustrate how the Albanian state`s interactions with proximity are influenced by the regional climate of state-building on ethnic backgrounds, with a major impact on the security perspectives over the divergent energies of militant nationalism. In this way, the paper will analyze both the Albania – Greece – Italy triangle, with Rome inoculating the moderation in the Athens – Tirana relationship and mentioning the main the Italian foreign policy objective of assuming the role of a Mediterranean power.Last but not least, the Albanian National Revival Movement is presented from the perspective of social history and ideology, legitimizing Albania's independence, highlighting the domestic lines of rupture and the societal manifestations that could be framed in post-Ottomanism. Differentiating from the Balkan space by Albanian Kemalism eradicated by Ismail Kemal, the Albanian nationalism marked also by a modernization dichotomy: on the one hand by the desire of building a state based on the West-European model, by the agrarian reform and by overcoming the religious differences, and on the other hand the outstanding nationalist conservative revolution of returning to Albania's national values under Skanderbeg`s flag of the two-headed black eagle.

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25

Hamilakis, Yannis. "Archaeology in Greek higher education." Antiquity 74, no. 283 (March 2000): 177–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00066321.

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The teaching of archaeology in higher education in Greece cannot be viewed in isolation from the broader realms of antiquity, archaeology and the past in modern Greek society and the context of Greek higher education. A growing body of literature has shown that archaeological antiquities have contributed substantially to the generation and perpetuation of a genealogical national myth upon which the modern nation- state of Greece was founded (e.g. Gourgouris 1996; Herzfeld 1982, 1987; Kitromilides 1989; Morris 1994; Skopetea 1988). This ideology of nationalism not only presented the nation-state as the ideal form of political organization for 19th-century Greece, but also presented the inhabitants of Greece as direct descendants of Socrates and Plato. Intellectuals and the emerging middle class merchants imported this western romantic ideology (so popular amongst the European middle-class of the time) into Greece.

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26

Groen, B. "Nationalisme in de Oosterse Orthodoxie." Het Christelijk Oosten 50, no. 1-2 (November 29, 1998): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497663-0500102004.

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Nationalism in Eastern Orthodoxy Firstly, the close bonds are examined, which developed in the Byzantine Empire, in the post-Byzantine period, in Russia and Ukraine between Orthodoxy and ethnicity. Secondly several notions on modern nationalism and negative reactions from prominent Orthodox theologians to ecclesiastical nationalism are described. Thirdly, Serbian Orthodox views on the relation between religion and the Serbian people are dealt with. Fourthly, Greek opinions on the relation between Orthodoxy and ethnicity in Greece and Greek reactions to the armed conflicts in former Yugoslavia are examined. Fifthly, the Constantinople Patriarchate’s general position, its self-consciousness and its reactions to the war in former Yugoslavia are dealt with. Many Orthodox stress the close link between Church, homeland and people and the need for interorthodox solidarity against the enemy. Other Orthodox emphasize the inner way of the heart and reject nationalism because of its exclusiveness. However, it is a difficult task to loosen the age-old bonds between religion and nationalism because of collective images and identity issues.

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Koumaridis, Yorgos. "Urban Transformation and De-Ottomanization in Greece." East Central Europe 33, no. 1-2 (2006): 213–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633006x00114.

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AbstractThis article examines the ways in which nationalism transformed Greek urban space during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Through urban planning, architecture, archaeology, the destruction of Ottoman material remains and the promotion of Ancient Greek and (later) Byzantine heritage, urban space was gradually hellenized and cleansed of its Ottoman past. Specific examples, including the case of Thessaloniki, where the strong Ottoman character of the city was gradually effaced, are examined so as to outline the aims and the patterns of this transformation.

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Gumpert, Gary, and Susan J. Drucker. "The Question of Identity in a Divided Media Landscape : The Case of Cyprus." Res Publica 39, no. 2 (June 30, 1997): 281–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18593.

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The military operations of 1974 in Cyprus led to the formation of two autonomous areas houding Turkish Cypriots in the north and the Greek Cypriots in the south. The island is divided by the "Green Line", patrolled by U.N. peace keeping forces.Movement is blocked and communication severed. There are multiple and conflicting Cypriot identities and feelings of nationalism ranging from pride in being Cypriots, to feelings of connection to Hellenic heritage, and cultural along with political and economic ties to Greece. A Turkish Cypriot identity linked to a distinct religious and linguistic background co-exists with Turkish settlers living in the independent north yet tied to Turkey. This article examines the division from a communication perspective taking into account language, religion, the visual landscape and the media landscape on each side ofthe "Green Line" along with interlocking media landscapes with Greece or Turkey in order to explore influences shaping collective identity and nationalism.

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29

LeMahieu, D. L., and F. Rosen. "Bentham, Byron, and Greece: Constitutionalism, Nationalism, and Early Liberal Political Thought." American Historical Review 98, no. 5 (December 1993): 1607. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2167128.

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30

Gekas, Sakis. "Evdoxios Doxiadis. State, Nationalism, and the Jewish Communities of Modern Greece." American Historical Review 125, no. 4 (October 2020): 1554–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz777.

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31

Heyck, Thomas William. "Bentham, Byron and Greece: Constitutionalism, nationalism and early liberal political thought." History of European Ideas 17, no. 2-3 (March 1993): 380–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(93)90332-k.

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32

Kitroeff, Alexander. "Tormented by History: Nationalism in Greece and Turkey (review)." Journal of World History 22, no. 1 (2011): 202–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2011.0013.

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MARVAKIS, Athanassios. "The dialectics of new fascism in Greece." Estudos de Psicologia (Campinas) 32, no. 3 (September 2015): 547–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0103-166x2015000300019.

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The success of historical fascism in the particular transitional period at the beginning of the 20th century was grounded in its contribution to the successive acceptance and application of the so-called Fordist model for the organization of labor (accompanied by the correspondent social conditions and relations). Historical fascism contributed thus, with its particular way, to establishing a new class compromise between the potentials related with the productive forces and the confinements emanating from the productive relations. This contribution constitutes the "creativity" of fascism. Such a historical perspective on social processes allows us not to fall into the trap of understanding fascism only as a (barbarian) "deception". Fascism cannot be a plain deception, because a "mere deceit" cannot mobilize people. Fascism takes over, adopts real and unfulfilled needs and hopes - which as such constitute resistance to the capitalist arrogance and logic of commodification of everything - and offers its own (fascist, barbarian) solution or fulfillment. Consequently, our responsibility cannot lie in rejecting these needs and hopes (which are basically needs and hopes for security) because of their distorted or "pervert" articulations. Our responsibility lies in the careful peeling of these hopes/demands from their (fascist) enwrapment. Nationalism (from the subalterns!) does not constitute a mere irrational leftover from the past, but contains potentially mystic and romantic pre- or anti-capitalist elements and references. Nationalism obtains its dynamics and persuasion (for the subalterns!) from and for the contemporary societal processes, thus constituting an active, political and actual demand/position within the restructuring of society - which is in itself a moment in the restructuring of capitalism. Herein also the "rational kernel" of the anti-capitalist antithesis by the New Right is founded as counter position to the "neutral" commodification of everything. This antithesis can of course not be the issue for us the opponents of fascism. The "problem" for us is the fascist perspective in which this antithesis is embedded; the political vision which has recruited the antithesis for confining solidarity only to "our people" and not broadening solidarity towards all people!

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Sitnikov, Alexey V. "Nation and Religion: towards Definition of Religious Nationalism." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 579–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-4-579-589.

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The aim of the article is to study the phenomenon of religious nationalism, i.e. cases when religion and nationalism are closely related and reinforce each other, and religious identity becomes an important and integral part of national identity. The author aims to analyze the political context of cases of religious nationalism in European countries, to describe their essential features and conditions of occurrence, and also to answer the question: are there any political reasons for religious nationalism? Considering the phenomenon of nationalism in the framework of the constructivist approach, the author also employs the methods of comparative analysis, using material from such countries as Ireland, Poland, Greece, the countries of the former Yugoslavia, as well as the Russian case taking place in the Chechen Republic. Summarizing these cases, the author describes the conditions for the emergence of an alliance of religion and nationalism. Firstly, it is a religious difference between neighboring communities. Secondly, it is a conflict between them, which contains a threat to identity. In these cases, religion becomes an important marker that distinguishes communities from each other, and begins to perform non-religious functions: the affirmation of national identity, ethnic pride, national honor, protection of sovereignty, and culture. Religious nationalism always stimulates growth of religious commitment of a nation, in which the number of believers may reach 90 percent. But this commitment is not individual, it is not based on a personal choice of faith, but collective and obligatory. Religious affiliation is dictated by loyalty to the nation.

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35

Karagiannis, Evangelos. "Pfingsten im Kontext." Anthropos 115, no. 1 (2020): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2020-1-133.

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The present article addresses two issues that have preoccupied anthropological research on Pentecostal churches: context-sensitivity and radical globalism/antinationalism. The article seeks to qualify this dominant image of Pentecostals in anthropology by focusing on Greece, where nationalism has strong roots and is closely linked to Orthodox Christianity, and by analysing the development of the leading Pentecostal church of the country over the last fifty years. It can be established that the church’s sensitive adaptation to dominant religious expectations in Greece did ensure its hegemonic position among Greek Pentecostals, but it also involved its disconnection from global Pentecostalism. Furthermore, the very success of the church over the first three decades after its establishment stimulated a structural rigidity, which in turn proved to be fatal for its capacity to adapt to an ever-changing social context in Greece. Meanwhile, being neither globalist nor adaptive, the largest Greek Pentecostal church is stagnating.

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36

Voudouri, Daphne. "Law and the Politics of the Past: Legal Protection of Cultural Heritage in Greece." International Journal of Cultural Property 17, no. 3 (August 2010): 547–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s094073911000024x.

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AbstractThis article examines the main lines of Greek legislation on antiquities and on cultural heritage in general, in the course of its history, with an emphasis on the innovations and continuity of the current Law 3028 of 2002. It attempts to place the Greek case in the context of the relevant international experience and the broader debate about ownership of the past. It throws light on the relationship between the legal framework of antiquities and the formation and fostering of national identity in Greece, and on their close connection with the state, while at the same time criticizing the view that opposes a “cultural internationalist” approach to heritage to the “cultural nationalism” of Greece and other source countries.

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Iliadis, Christos. "Nationalism and Minorities in the Ottoman Balkans: Greek Discourses on the Eastern Crisis (1875–1878)." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 15, no. 1 (May 20, 2019): 210. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.20450.

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This article focuses on how the Eastern Crisis of 1875–1878 and the Slavic revolts were interpreted in Greece, given its national aspirations and its relationship with the Orthodox people of the Balkans. The analysis draws on the Athenian press and parliamentary minutes of the time, and rather than focusing on the diplomatic developments follows instead the social discourses on and dominant interpretations of the Slavs and Bulgarians after the Balkan uprisings as well as the dilemmas faced by Greece. It explores a moment in the discursive shift, which introduced an ethno-racial language within the Greek kingdom that began to replace the portrayal of Hellenism as an ecumenical ideology with one of a more exclusive and nationalistic character. It thus shows how the events sharpened the division between Hellenism and Slavism.

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Houliston, Linda, Stanislav Ivanov, and Craig Webster. "Nationalism in Official Tourism Websites of Balkan Countries." Tourism 69, no. 1 (March 27, 2021): 83–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.37741/t.69.1.7.

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This paper investigates the official tourism websites for the Balkan countries of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia, and Turkey to learn about its depiction of the nation for an international tourism market. The research combines Pauwels’ (2012) multimodal discourse analysis method designed for cultural websites with Smith’s (1998) six main institutional dimensions to seek out potential nationalistic patterns involving the state, territory, language, religion, history, and rites and ceremonies. The findings mostly involve verbal and visual signifiers that have a historical context to them such as antiquity, communism, Yugoslavia, religion, irredentism, the Ottoman Empire, and national identity. The findings illustrate that official websites, while being sensitive not to alienate international tourists, portray a sense of nationalism but do so in a different way, based upon the historical experiences and unique features of each country surveyed.

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Kaldis, William Peter. "National Histories, Natural States: Nationalism and the Politics of Place in Greece." History: Reviews of New Books 30, no. 2 (January 2002): 65–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2002.10526037.

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Grant, Gail. "The Empty Cradle of Democracy: Sex, Abortion, and Nationalism in Modern Greece." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 35, no. 2 (March 2006): 132–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610603500215.

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Roudometof, Victor. "Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Balkans: Greece and the Macedonian Question." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 14, no. 2 (1996): 253–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.1996.0026.

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Benveniste, Henriette-Rika. "State, Nationalism, and the Jewish Communities of Modern Greece by Evdoxios Doxiadis." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 37, no. 2 (2019): 425–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2019.0023.

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Baćak, Valerio. "The Empty Cradle of Democracy: Sex, Abortion, and Nationalism in Modern Greece." Archives of Sexual Behavior 36, no. 6 (November 6, 2007): 868–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10508-007-9247-3.

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Vallianos, Pericles. "The Ways of the Nation: Messianic and Universalist Nationalism 161 in Renieris, Zambelios and Paparrigopoulos." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 15, no. 1 (May 20, 2019): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.20448.

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The vital cultural project during the nineteenth century was the formation of an authoritative version of the national consciousness that serve to homogenise the disparate populations of newly independent Greece. Three towering intellectuals led the way in this process: Markos Renieris, Spyridon Zambelios and Konstantinos Paparrigopoulos. All three adhered to the since dominant theory of the historical continuity of the Greek nation from prehistoric times to the present but held sharply different views concerning the role of Greece in the modern world. Renieris stressed the European vocation of today’s Hellenic culture, given that the foundations of European civilisation were initially Hellenic as well. Zambelios put forward an anti-Western view of the nation’s destiny, tinged with theological fanaticism and a mystical historicism. Paparrigopoulos was the consummate historian who emphasised the links between the Greek present and the past, chiefly through the medium of language, but without hiding the sharp discontinuitiesbetween historical periods.

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Featherstone, Kevin. "The Making of Modern Greece: Nationalism, Romanticism, and the Uses of the Past." International History Review 34, no. 3 (September 2012): 609–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2012.718109.

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Vovchenko, Denis. "Creating Arab Nationalism? Russia and Greece in Ottoman Syria and Palestine (1840–1909)." Middle Eastern Studies 49, no. 6 (November 2013): 901–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2013.836499.

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Livanios, Dimitris. "The Quest for Hellenism: Religion, Nationalism and Collective Identities in Greece (1453-1913)." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 3 (January 20, 2007): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.198.

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<p>The main aim of this essay is to offer a critical survey of the development of Greek collective identities, between 1453 and 1913. That period witnessed dramatic transformations, and the arrival of a modernising and Westernising wave, which crashed onto the Greek shores in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The ensuing clash between Western and modern ideas of nationalism on the one hand, and time-honoured local mentalities nurtured by Orthodoxy and the Ottoman millet system, on the other, was intense. This paper attempts to chart some salient aspects of that struggle, to discuss the evolution of concepts and words, such as "Hellene" [Έλληνα&sigmaf;], "Hellenism" [Ελληνισμό&sigmaf;], "Roman" [Ρωμιό&sigmaf;] and "Romiosyne" [Ρωμιοσύνη], and to place them within their changing historical context.</p>

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Theodorou, Vassiliki, and Despina Karakatsani. "Early Measures for School Hygiene in Greece: Between Nationalism and Modernization (1890–1920)." Canadian Bulletin of Medical History 34, no. 1 (April 2017): 146–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cbmh.139-27012015.

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Loizos, Peter. "The Empty Cradle of Democracy: Sex, Abortion, and Nationalism in Modern Greece (review)." Journal of the History of Sexuality 14, no. 3 (2005): 339–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sex.2006.0025.

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Βαρουξάκης, Γιώργος. "F. Rosen, Bentham, Byron, and Greece: Constitutionalism, Nationalism, and Early Liberal Political Thought." Επιστήμη και Κοινωνία: Επιθεώρηση Πολιτικής και Ηθικής Θεωρίας 1 (September 24, 2015): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/sas.690.

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