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1
Ahmadi, Hamid Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "The politics of ethnic nationalism in Iran." Ottawa, 1995.
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Dehkordi, Farideh Koohi-Kamali. "Economic and social bases of Kurdish nationalism in Iran." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.308853.
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Ahmadoghlu, Ramin. "Nationalism, Secularism, and Islam: Azerbaijani Turks in Azerbaijan and Iran." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1468337156.
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Jeffries, Tyler H. "Enemy Images and Iraqi Ba'thist Nationalism: Anti-Persian Discourse in Historical Narrative Construction." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/556976.
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During the Iran-Iraq War of 1980-1988, the Iraqi Baʿth party engaged in the production of historical narrative, which defined the party's ideal of Iraqi nationality and statehood, while promoting the legitimacy of its military efforts. Public intellectuals played an important role in the manufacture of such historical narrative. This thesis examines two works produced in the service of this project, Al-Ṣirāʿal-ʿIrāqiyy Fārisiyy, or "The Iraqi-Persian Conflict," and Tārīkh al-Munāzaʿāt wa-l-Ḥurūb Bayn al-ʿIrāq waʾĪrān, or "The History of the Conflicts and Wars Between Iraq and Iran." It will be demonstrated that these works reflected, and rarified a wartime nationalist discourse permeating the public sphere, in which an ideal of Iraqi nationality and statehood was defined through the demonization of an essentialist Persian other. Pre-Islamic and medieval Islamic history was employed to emphasize episodes of violence and cultural conflict between Iraqis and Iranians, in doing so illustrating the characteristics of both peoples. Iraqi nationality was defined as embodying superlative qualities of governance, military prowess, cultural achievement, and religiosity. Iraqi nationhood was defined and elevated in contrast to an opposite, malicious Persian nationality, rooted in anti-Arab hostility and characterized by inferiority in piety, culture, leadership, and warfare. Direct parallels existed between this nationalist narrative, and public sphere expressions of Baʿthist nationalist discourse, such as government statements, school textbooks, and monument construction.
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Sadigh-Dailami, Pezhmann. "Nationalism and communism in Iran: the case of Gilan, 1915-1921." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.565939.
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Daroogheh-Nokhodcheri, Rana. "Nationalism, politics, and the practice of archaeology : the case study of Iran." Thesis, Durham University, 2014. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10658/.
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Since the first pillars of the discipline of archaeology were laid in the nineteenth century, archaeologists have been aware of the potential employment of their research for political purposes. Despite the recognition of the role of archaeology in politics, and specifically in the instigation and promotion of different brands of nationalism, there have been few studies that focused on Iran. To fill this lacuna, this thesis aims to examine the close relationship between the rise of nationalism and its impact on the birth and development of Iranian archaeology. It is argued that during different political periods, in particular during the Qajar, Pahlavi and post-Revolutionary Administrations, various aspects of Iranian history and identity were selected to assist the construction of new State-sponsored narratives. The utilisation of archaeological sites to support the competing brands of nationalism promoted by each of these Administrations is analysed in this thesis through the selection of three case studies that represent the Prehistoric (Sialk), pre-Islamic (Persepolis), and Islamic (Friday Mosque of Isfahan) archaeological periods. Following an interpretive analysis of the internalist and externalist dimensions that fostered the foundation and development of Iranian archaeology, it is concluded that the discipline was born out of nationalistic traditions, and remains exploited as a potential instrument of legitimisation. It is further argued that during certain periods of modern Iranian history, the employment of archaeology to authenticate particular aspects of Iranian identity resulted in the institutionalisation of the discipline. In contrast, during periods when authenticity was sought in ‘charismatic leadership’ or ‘populism’, archaeology was cast aside as a pseudoscience to legitimise the ‘tyranny’ of Iranian dynasties or, alternatively, employed for populist projects to assert a particular impression of Iran as the protectorate of Shi’a Muslims across the globe. This thesis aims to demonstrate that it is only through such analyses of the fluid nature of Iranian archaeology and the review of the history of attempts at its politicisation that Iranian archaeologists can begin to address the potential challenges to their discipline and raise caution against the instrumental application of archaeology as a political tool in service of different political administrations and their nationalistic policies and resume a focus on the outstanding research questions and preservation challenges.
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Al-Qaiwani, Sara. "Nationalism, revolution and feminism : women in Egypt and Iran from 1880-1980." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3212/.
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The rise of women’s rights movements in the Middle East has a long, varied, and complex historical trajectory, which makes it a challenging area of comparative study. This thesis explores the development of notions of cultural authenticity and womanhood, and how women struck bargains with men around such notions, by looking at the rise of women’s rights discourses and movements in Egypt and Iran from 1880 to 1980. More specifically, it investigates how changing notions of ‘cultural authenticity’ and ‘womanhood’ affected the relationship between ‘nationalism’ and ‘feminism’, women’s relationship with modernizing states, and ‘female activism’ within revolutionary and Islamist opposition movements. 1880 was chosen as the starting period of this study to assess the modernist and nationalist debates of the late 19th century, which incorporated new women’s rights discourses in both cases. 1980 was chosen as an end point as the Iran'Iraq war, and the advent of ‘Islamic feminism’ debates over the next decades in both Iran and Egypt, introduced new factors and issues, which would not have been possible to assess properly within the scope of this study. The two countries were selected not only for their political significance, but because of key differences, particularly in terms of dominant language and religion, to help challenge generalizations about ‘Arab versus non'Arab culture’, and notions of a monolithic ‘Islam’, ‘Muslim culture’, and/or the Middle East. Differences between regional cases need to be highlighted to avoid generalizations and simplified readings of women’s histories. This thesis places its original contributions within existing historiography on women’s movements in Iran and Egypt, contributing to the wider debates on women’s histories and ‘feminisms’ in the Middle East. Its arguments contribute to existing historiography on women and nationalism, women and revolution, and women and the state in Iran, Egypt, and wider studies on Middle Eastern women’s histories.
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Navabi, Hesamedin. "Iranian politics and the origins of the Anglo-Iranian oil dispute of 1950-1951." Thesis, Durham University, 1998. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1225/.
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This study is primarily concerned with answering several important questions surrounding the Anglo-Iranian Oil Dispute of 1950-1951 which have remained unanswered. What were the detailed origins of the disputes between the Iranian Government and the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company? Why was such a favourable oil concession granted to a British citizen? What was the impact of the occupation of Iran on the Iranian people's way of political thinking and how did oil become an issue for public debate? Why was there an oil crisis in 1951 ? What were the motivations of the parties to the oil dispute? Was the crisis mainly over economic grievances ? What was the role of nationalism ? These are answered within a framework that highlights the salient variables such as politics, economy, international relations and diplomacy. The methodology adopted is a descriptive analysis of archival material and literature on the related subjects. The emphasis is on the Iranian view of the crisis for the reason that, although it received international attention and was in many ways an international crisis, it originated in Iran. There were features unique to it which were Iranian. Given the nature of Iranian society with its strong oral traditions, the past is important to an explanation of the crisis. It is alive in Iranian mind in a way not apparent to western society. Conceptions of the past and an awareness of the weakness of Iranian autonomy are important in the context of the 1950 crisis.Consequently, it is necessary to examine the concept of history prevalent in Iran. This takes the staring point of the thesis to the D'Arcy oil concession. In 1900, Iran was bankrupt in Western terms, the Shah needed immediate cash payment,I authorities were financially corrupt and politics was riddled with foreign intrigue. Oil had been sought in Iran since 1878 without much success. By 1900, the demand for Iranian oil was supported by the British Legation. D'Arcy, an English financier, managed to obtain, through connections with a string of individuals, an oil concession for 60 years. The Iranian authorities had every reason to believe that this oil concession, like all other oil concessions would eventually lapse. However, D' Arcy worked the concession to the point of bankruptcy and his engineer, to the point of exhaustion. As a result an oil industry was established which "was to see the Royal Navy through two world wars, and to cause Persia more trouble than all the political manoeuvrings of the great powers put together". 2The world oil rivalry, compounded with the British government's desire for oil independence, turned the Iranian oil industry into the largest oil industry of the time and an important source of income for the British Treasury. The exploitation of the oil reserves of Iran by an industrial power soon became a matter of great controversy as disputes developed between two parties which extended over several decades. Iran received some funds in revenues. However, the revenues did not improve the Iranian standard of life considerably although they affected the balance of payments, currency reserves and purchase of arms. Iranian society was in the process of transition from a traditional society to a modern one. The Constitutional Movement of 1906 had an impact on the public's political way of thinking. Reza Shah suppressed the society but the desire for a democratic system continued to exist. During the reign of Reza Shah (1925-1941), a large portion of the rural population moved to urban areas. The industrialisation of Iran helped in developing a new class of urban middle class and artisans. It was obvious that the relationship between Iran and the oil company needed readjusting. However, the oil company officiIs did not show much interest in this until it was too late. The occupation of Iran in 1941 helped several political forces appear on the political scene. The released communist prisoners quickly formed the Tudeh Party. The communists were assisted by the Soviet forces in the North to the extent that the Tudeh, a communist party, became one of the main political parties of this period in an Islamic society. However, several factors helped monarchists overcome the communists. One such factor was an increasing American involvement in Iran after Pearl Harbour which functioned as a third power to reduce the dominance of the others. The Tripartite Treaty of 1942 regularised the presence of American troops. The Tehran Declaration of 1943 provided for economic aid at the end of the war. In 1947, the ideological basis for American involvement in Iran was provided by Truman Doctrine. The final blow to the Tudeh Party was delivered in 1949. The attempt on the Shah's life gave the monarchists an excuse to outlaw the Tudeh. Contrary to their ideology, Moscow provoked discontented Iranian minorities rather than encouraging class struggle ! Moscow menaced Iran several times. At least at two occasions Moscow demanded an oil concession. They also threatened Iranian integrity and caused a great deal of public anxiety which directed public attention to Iranain problems. The Azarbaijan crisis of 1945-1946 turned Iranian problem into an international one. Moscow's pressure on Greece and Turkey threatened Western interests in the Near and Middle East and caused inter-Allied friction. In 1941, Iran appeared to have become a model for Allied cooperation. By 1944, however, the first post-war oil crisis seemed to haye turned Iran into a battleground between foreign powers ; the early stages of the cold war. On the Iranian side, at least since 1944 there was a demand for oil nationalisation. The idea developed first into a law forbidding negotiating or granting new oil concessions to foreign powers until Iran was occupied. Mosaddegh was mainly responsible for this. Then in 1947, an overwhelming majority of Majles deputies rejected a Soviet proposal for an oil concession in the North. The Majles instructed the government to negotiate with the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company for better terms. This set in motion a chain of events which resulted in a proposal to supplement the 1933 oil concession which had replaced the D' Arcy concession. In 1949, a small group of nationalists fiercely fought the proposals. The press criticisms, the Majles debates and public gatherings helped ordinary people understand the oil issue. However, despite strong opposition, the monarchists were III favour of the Supplementary Agreement and attempted to resolve the issue by appointing a strong military man, General Razmara, as prime minister in June 1950. The idea, however, backfired as public desire for the removal of foreign influence was now strong. The Majles opposition, the press and the public appeared to be united. Nationalist feelings were fuelled by long-term resentment over the oil company's handling of the oil issue. By early 1951 nationalist sentiment was too strong to be curtailed. By this time Razmara had become a threat both to the Shah and to the nationalists and acted like an obstacle on the way to the oil nationalisation. His assassination, in March 1951, removed this obstacle. By this time the support for the movement, the demand for oil nationalisation and respect for Mosaddegh covered far-right to the far-left as both clergy and communists supported the nationalists. The communists were represented by the banned Tudeh Party. The political activities of the clergy was mainly associated with Kashani. His role in the movement and relationship with Mosaddegh were vital to the existence of the movement. However, Mosaddegh and Kashani were on a collision course. The Western-educated Mosaddegh was secular. Kashani, on the other hand, was in favour of an Islamic state. The same definition applied to their supporters. However, although they differed in their outlook, the unifying figure of Mosaddegh brought them together over the oil issue; a process which was reversed after 1951. Kashani and some nationalists weakened Mosaddegh and assisted in his downfall. Mosaddegh initiated the first petrodiplomacy in Iranian history. He dedicated his life to fight foreign domination and the nation trusted him. Without him it would be impossible for the nationalists to acquire a political standing strong enough to nationalise the oil. Regrettably, his downfall in 1953 brought an end to his efforts to remove foreign influence from Iran. Iran has been a centre of major political events for over 2000 years. In recent history, the development of two superpowers, Russian and British empires, on either side of Iran changed Iran's geopolitical situation to the extent that they fought within Iran for the dominance of Asia. As a result Iran's independence was weakened, its integrity was threatened, domestic feud was encouraged, corruption and intrigue were promoted, and self-interest and low morality became a feature of life.Whether a victim of international power politics, or a victim of internal strife. low political culture, and short-sightedness of Iranian politicians, the super powers could not tolerate the upset of the oil control in the Middle East. The country-by-country flare-up effect of such an achievement would be disastrous for the Western economy. In their view, the nationalist movement of Iran had to be defeated. Indeed, no other oil-producing country considered oil nationalisation for many years to come.
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Hedayat, Hirbohd. "The Development of the Modern Iranian Nation-State: From Qajar Origins to Early Pahlavi Modernization." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77956.
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This thesis focuses on the development of the Iranian nation and state from 1811 to 1941. Both of these developments occurred in response to Iran's encounter with the European powers, specifically Russia and Great Britain. Government-led reforms opened the possibility for the development of Iranian nationalism, as Iranian students were in England and brought back the first printing press with them to Iran in 1815. The introduction of the printing press was significant to the development of the Iranian nation-state, as an increase in journals and periodicals introduced contemporary European political ideas to Iranians. This increased the calls to replicate the customs and norms of European society in Iran, ultimately leading to the Constitutional Revolution of 1906. The Constitutional Revolution established a Parliament in Iran that was politically weak and held little power in the provinces outside of Tehran. Tribal authority increased throughout Iran, and the Russians and British eventually occupied Iran from 1911 to 1917. The establishment of Reza Shah's rule in 1921 introduced a new centralized Iranian state that was legitimated by the nation and established its rule over the tribes. It is also during Reza Shah's rule that the conception of the Iranian nation begins to change.Master of Arts
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Said, Shamsaddini. "Nationalism, political Islam and the Kurdish question in Iran in the late twentieth century." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.629770.
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Gohari, Nadir. "Resource nationalism in the Persian Gulf : Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates." Thesis, Durham University, 2014. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11134/.
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Natural resources have long been associated with strategic benefits and the potential to generate impressive economic wealth. Consequently, scarce and exhaustible natural resources have been moreover coveted given the prospects for even greater gains. However, competition over ownership rights to reserves can lead to tensions as well as conflict. Resource nationalism has been described as the case in which governments and/or ethnic groups lay claim to natural resources located within territorial boundaries for the purposes of ownership and control. This thesis examines the impact of resource nationalism on international relations and the shaping of geopolitics using the Persian Gulf countries of Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates as case studies. It employs a multi-faceted approach in which components of resource nationalism are identified and expounded. The materials of focus are oil and gas, both of which are present across Persian Gulf region and are the primary generators of revenue for each case study. The thesis explores the dynamics of resource nationalism through various interpretations and manifestations, demonstrating its utilization in Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. Additionally, derivations of respective implementations are reviewed such as economic entities and militarization. In this vein, existing and developing ethnic tensions are also assessed. Afterwards, further unexplored and unidentified usages of resource nationalism are additionally covered. The research concludes by providing conceptual solutions for the shortcomings of resource nationalism framework, recommendations for tactical management of deficiencies, and prospects for proliferation.
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Holliday, Shabnam. "Discourses and counter-discourses of Iranian national identity during Khatami's presidency (1997-2005)." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/69433.
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This thesis expands the discussion on Iranian national identity into the period of Khatami’s presidency. Within the theoretical and methodological framework of discourse analysis this thesis contends that the multiple constructions of Iranian national identity, which coexist and compete with each other, can be better understood as discourses. The detailed analysis of five discourses of national identity illustrates a complex set of relationships based on the meanings attached to Iran’s Islamic and pre-Islamic identities and how the West is dealt with in the construction of national identity. The first discourse addressed is the Islamist discourse of national identity, which prioritises Iran’s Islamic culture. At the opposite end of the spectrum the Iranist discourse, which is based on the prioritisation of Iran’s pre-Islamic culture, is deconstructed. It is contended that this represents a new indigenous Iranism that is based on a rediscovery of Sasanian Iran as opposed to Achaemenid Iran. Khatami’s discourse is presented as an attempt at a dialogue between Islamism and Iranism. It is argued that the Khatami period is unique in terms of the articulation of national identity because Khatami has combined for the first time ideas, which together form the Islamist-Iranian discourse of national identity, as an official state discourse. These are the combination of Islamic and pre-Islamic culture, the notion of ‘dialogue among civilisations’ and the idea of Islamic democracy. While these three discourses are based on the politicisation of culture, two additional discourses are presented that reject this politicisation. The first is a discourse of civic Iranian national identity and the second is a discourse of cosmopolitan Iranian national identity. It is contended that Khatami and his Islamist-Iranian discourse have allowed the more open articulation, since the establishment of the Islamic Republic, of these constructions of Iranian national identity.
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Siavoshi, Sussan. "The failure of the liberal nationalist movement in Iran, 1949-1979 : an analysis of structural constraints and political choices /." The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487262513408765.
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Derayeh, Minoo. "Religion and nationalism in Iran, 1951-1953 : Dr. Muḥammad Muṣaddiq and Āyatullāh Abul-Qāsim Kāshānī." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23329.
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In the history of modern Iran, religion and nationalism often converge to bring about social and political change. The people of the bazaar and the religious leaders, who consistently supported each other on many important occasions, joined forces with the intelligensia to bring about change. This alliance was dissolved after the accomplishment of the original goal. This configuration came into existence during the Constitutional Revolution of 1906 and at the time of the movement to nationalize the oil industry. During 1951-1953, under the umbrella of the National Front, the intelligensia, led by Dr. Muhammad Musaddiq, along with the merchants and religious leaders under Ayatullah Kashani, formed an alliance to implement nationalist economic policies. In this instance, too, the alliance did not last long, especially as it threatened the interests of the major powers.
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Khalili, Mostafa. "Everyday ethnicity of Kurmanji speaking Kurds in Iran : a case in political anthropology." Thesis, https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13135798/?lang=0, 2020. https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13135798/?lang=0.
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This dissertation is an attempt to pose a challenge to the reified image of Kurdishness and Kurdayeti (awakening Kurdish nationalism), from an ethnographical perspective. The focus group is the comparatively understudied Kurmanji-speaking Kurds of Urmia county in Iran, both in rural and urban contexts. The questions is why do the Kurds of this study, in particular, and Kurds all over the Middle East, in general, have a high potential for mobilization during politically charged moments?博士(グローバル社会研究)
Doctor of Philosophy in Global Society Studies
同志社大学
Doshisha University
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Steele, R. "The 2500th Anniversary Celebrations and cultural politics in Late Pahlavi Iran." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/35230.
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This thesis presents a thorough investigation of the 2500th Anniversary Celebrations of the Founding of the Persian Empire by Cyrus the Great, held in Persepolis by the Shah of Iran in 1971. Since the time of the Celebrations they have been routinely demonised by historians and critics of the Pahlavi regime, who present them as evidence of the delusion and megalomania of an Oriental despot. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a more sober, balanced account of the events of 1971 and the preparations leading up to them, in order to understand more fully the aims and motivations of the Shah and his entourage in organising such a nationalist spectacle. It will argue that Iran benefitted greatly from the international exposure the event generated, politically, economically and culturally. Most accounts of the Celebrations have focussed primarily on the sumptuous Pahlavi hospitality, enjoyed by the world’s elite over the course of a few days in purpose-built accommodation at Persepolis, the former ceremonial capital of the Achaemenid dynasty. In contrast, the premise of this thesis is that the ceremonies at Persepolis and Pasargadae were just a small, albeit highly visible, part of the programme for the Celebrations. From the time the Celebrations were conceived in the late 1950s, exhibitions were organised, publications commissioned and buildings constructed. All were intended to contribute to the development and modernisation of Iran, and all were conceived with the Anniversary Celebrations in mind. Internationally too, the Celebrations aroused great interest. Hundreds of books and articles were published in conjunction with the event, and museum exhibitions, academic conferences and other special cultural events were organised around the world, giving an important boost to the field of Persian studies worldwide. Meanwhile, the Shah’s Iran was presented as a significant regional and global power. This thesis will contribute, therefore, to our understanding of the Celebrations, and more broadly the material effects of the politicisation of culture in the late Pahlavi period.
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Tisdale, Tyron Earl Jr. "The United States and Iran, 1951-1953: The Cold War interaction of national security policy, alliance politics and popular nationalism." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184685.
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The years 1951 to 1953 are among the most important and controversial in Iranian history. The period is significant not only for the domestic dynamics of popular nationalism under Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh, but also for the role that United States policy played in an interaction with the conflict between a lingering British economic presence and the Iranian move to nationalize its oil industry. An examination of United States national security policy of that time reveals that policy toward Iran was consistent with the overall post-war policy of the United States, dominated as it was by the central theme of preventing the spread of communism. The task for the men who were charged with the application of U.S. policy in Iran during those years was to accommodate two factors which complicated the search for an order which would ensure post-war national security for the United States: Iranian nationalism as epitomized by Mossadegh; and the economic and diplomatic interests of Great Britain. The United States sought to resolve the conflict so that instability in Iran would not invite communist influence or takeover. United States policymakers were influenced by several factors which combined to eventually decide the outcome. The centrality of the perceived world communist expansion threat, McCarthyism in the United States, the role of several key figures with experience in U.S.-Soviet diplomacy, and the change from a Democratic to a Republican administration at the time Mossadegh was experiencing a deterioration of his own domestic political situation; all worked toward the still-controversial outcome of U.S. policy: the overthrow of Mossadegh. The primacy of containment of communism in United States policy did not preclude variations in its application, nor did this emphasis ignore the forces of Iranian nationalism and self-determination. Nonetheless, given the men involved in the policy decisions, the information available to them and the context of the post-World War II international order, the outcome was predictable and entirely consistent at the time with creating an international order conducive to the national security interests of the United States.
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Johnson, Henry. "Islamic Nationalism: Tracing Paradoxes in the Evolution of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/911.
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This paper presents a narrative history of Iranian revolutionary ideology and its evolving impact on foreign policy. It looks at this history primary through the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, an institution established after the revolution and designed to defend the Islamic political order in Iran as well as oppressed Muslims abroad. The Revolutionary Guard, or Guard for short, became a focal point in the efforts of Iranian revolutionaries to export their ideology and has evolved overtime into a politicized and unconventional military force, often associated in the media with supporting foreign terrorists and militants. This paper argues that the Guard has implemented revolutionary ideology in an arc from radical to pragmatic. Unlike past literature on the Guard, this paper situates the organization’s institutional history in Iran’s broader political context and concentrates on its relationships to and differences with other factions. A persistent aim is also to analyze terminology such as radical and pragmatic and provide theoretical foundations for the use of such terms.
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Tüyloğlu, D. Yavuz. "Eastern connections : uneven and combined origins of Iranian and Turkish nationalisms." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2018. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/79456/.
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Oskouie, Mana. "Etat, Religion et société en Iran au XXe siècle : origines et impacts des Révolutions constitutionnelle de 1906/07 et islamique de 1979." Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2040.
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L'histoire contemporaine de l'Iran est marquée par deux révolutions qui ont bouleversé les relations entre l’Etat, la religion et la société. L’objectif de cette recherche est d’analyser l’évolution de ces rapports sous l’impact de la Révolution constitutionnelle de 1906/1907 et de la Révolution islamique de 1979, en soulignant que tous ces changements ont été influencés ou ont influencé l’économie de l’Iran. La Révolution constitutionnelle de 1906/1907 a été l’aboutissement des évolutions qui étaient à l’origine des conflits entre les modernistes et les forces attachées à l’ordre ancien. Elle a fait basculer le rapport de force en faveur des courants et des acteurs œuvrant pour l’entrée de l’Iran dans la modernité. Entre la Révolution constitutionnelle et la Révolution islamique, les forces ont subi des modifications importantes qui ont, tour à tour, favorisé les trois pôles du pouvoir : la monarchie et sa cour, le clergé et les élites modernistes. La montée au pouvoir de Reza shah a rompu l’équilibre fondé sur la Constitution en faveur de la monarchie au détriment du pôle religieux en s’appuyant sur les élites modernistes. L’invasion de l’Iran par les alliés et l’exil forcé de Reza Shah ont contribué à la montée des sentiments nationalistes hostiles à l’Occident. La nationalisation des ressources pétrolières par le gouvernement Mossadegh fait suite à cette évolution portée par une société iranienne acquise à ce nationalisme. Plus tard, la société et la religion se sont rejointes pour contester l’Etat autoritaire et répressif des Pahlavi. Cette dynamique aboutira à la Révolution de 1979 et donnera au pays un nouveau régime politique reflétant les rapports de forces entre les acteurs de cette deuxième révolution que le pays a connue soixante-douze ans après la Révolution constitutionnelle. La Révolution islamique de 1979 a été la principale conséquence du passage d’un « nationalisme autoritaire » incarné par Reza Shah Pahlavi à un « nationalisme libéral » porté par le Dr Mossadegh, puis à un « nationalisme religieux » représenté par l’ayatollah KhomeiniThe exsisting history of Iran is noticeable regarding to two revolutions witch mystified the relation among the State, the religion and the society. The objective of this research is to analyze the evolution oh these reports under the impact of the constitutional Revolution of 1906/1907 and the islamic Revolution of 1979. It shoud be emphasized that all these changes effected the economyof Iran. The constitutional revolution of 1906/1907 was the result of the evolutions witch were at the origin of the conflicts between the modernistic ones and forces attached to the old order.It turnes over the strength in favour as of currents and of the actors working for the entry of Iran into modernity. Between the constitutional Revolution and the islamic Revolution, the forces underwent important modifications witch have, in turn, supported the three poles of the power : monarchy and its court, cleargy and elites modernistic. The Reza Shah’s rise to power broke the balance based on the Constitution in favour of monarchy to the detriment of the religious pole while being based on the modernistic elites. The invasion of Iran by the allies and the forced exile of Reza Shah contributed to the rise of the hostile nationalist feelings in the Occident. Nationalisation of the oil resources by Mossadegh government made this evolution won over this nationalism carried by an Iranian company. Later, the company and the religion met to dispute the authoritative and repressive State of Pahlavi.These dynamics lead to the Revolution of 1979 and give the country a new political regime, reflecting the struggle between the actors of this second revolution the country faced the constitutional Revolution after 72 years. The islamic Revolution of 1979 was the principal consequence of the passage of « authoritative nationalism »incarnated by Reza Shah Pahlavi with a « liberal nationalism » carried by Dr Mossadegh, and with the « religious nationalism » which is represented by Ayatollah khoneini
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Yesiltas, Ozum. "Rethinking the National Question: Anti-Statist Discourses within the Kurdish National Movement." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1325.
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Why and under what conditions have the Kurds become agents of change in the Middle East in terms of democratization? Why did the Kurds’ role as democratic agents become particularly visible in the 1990s? How does the Kurdish movement’s turn to democratic discourse affect the political systems of Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria? What are the implications of the Kurds’ adoption of “democratic discourse” for the transnational aspect of the Kurdish movement?
Since the early 1990s, Kurdish national movements in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria have undergone important political and ideological transformations. As a result of the Kurds’ growing role in shaping the debates on human rights and democratization in these four countries, the Kurdish national movement has acquired a dual character: an ethno-cultural struggle for the recognition of Kurdish identity, and a democratization movement that seeks to redefine the concepts of governance and citizenship in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. The process transformation has affected relations between the Kurdish movements and their respective central governments in significant ways.
On the basis of face-to-face interviews and archival research conducted in Turkey, Iraq and parts of Europe, the present work challenges the current narrative of Kurdish nationalism, which is predominantly drawn from a statist interpretation of Kurdish nationalist goals, and argues instead that the Kurdish question is no longer a problem of statelessness but a problem of democracy in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria.
The main contributions of this work are three fold. First, the research unfolds the reasons behind the growing emphasis of the Kurdish movement on the concepts of democracy, human rights, and political participation, which started in the early 1990s. Second, the findings challenge the existing scholarship that explains Kurdish nationalism as a problem of statelessness and shifts the focus to the transformative potentials of the Kurdish national movement in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria through a comparative lens. Third, this work explores the complex transnational coordination and negotiations between the Kurdish movements across borders and explains the regional repercussions of this process.
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Yazdani, Delfani Marzieh. "La construction du nationalisme iranien basée sur l'archéologie et la gloire passée." Thesis, Paris 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA030044.
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Pour que les projets de modernisation puissent se réaliser, le nouveau Shah avait littéralement besoin de changer profondément la mentalité des Iraniens qui s’était formée pendant des siècles par les principes religieux et la tradition régionale. Sans un changement de mentalité préalable, la création d’une nouvelle identité nationale aurait eu du mal à s’imposer et sans la création de cette nouvelle identité, l’ensemble des principes du nationalisme n’aurait pas pu être assimilé. Ainsi le gouvernement Pahlavi était conscient de l’importance et de la nécessité du nationalisme pour assurer la réussite de ces projets. En effet pour atteindre ses objectifs, la nouvelle dynastie Pahlavi avait besoin d’une base solide et surtout des éléments unificateurs et communs acceptés par toute la population iranienne. Reza Shah a mené deux politiques en parallèles pour mettre en place le nationalisme. Tout d’abord le gouvernement essaya de constituer une base s’appuyant sur des éléments unificateurs tels que l’histoire, le passé glorieux préislamique, le patriotisme et l’indépendance du pays. C’est ainsi qu’avec la mise en place de nouvelles institutions culturelles et éducatives, le gouvernement Pahlavi a tenté de créer une nouvelle identité nationale. En effet le chemin menant à cette nouvelle identité passait par l’archéologie. Et contrairement aux autres pays de la région qui étaient également à la recherche du nationalisme, le rôle de l’archéologie en Iran ne s’est pas limité à effectuer des fouilles archéologiques, mais également à faire naître des idées permettant de mettre en place le nationalisme et une nouvelle identité sociale basés sur un passé millénaireIn order to implement modern projects, Reza Shah had need literally to change the mentality of Iranians who had trained for centuries by religious principles and the tradition. Without a prior change of mentality, the creation of the new national identity would have been difficult to prevail. And without the creation of this new identity, all the principles of nationalism could not be assimilated. Thus the Pahlavi government was aware of the importance and necessity of nationalism to ensure the success of these projects. Indeed, to achieve its objectives, the Pahlavi dynasty needed a solid and mostly common and unifying elements accepted by the entire Iranian population. Reza Shah has conducted two parallel policies to build nationalism. First the government tried to establish a fundation based on unifying elements such as history, the glorious pre-Islamic past, patriotism and independence. Thus, with the introduction of new cultural and educational institutions, the Pahlavi government has tried to create a new national identity. Indeed the path to this new identity was through archeology. And unlike other countries in the region who were also in search of nationalism, the role of archeology in Iran was not limited to conduct archaeological excavations, but also to develop ideas on how to implement the nationalism and a new social identity based on the millennium history of Iran
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Wien, Peter. "Iraqi Arab nationalism : authoritarian, totalitarian and pro-fascist inclinations, 1932 - 1941 /." London ;New York : Routledge, 2008. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/ecip0518/2005025604.html.
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Univ., Diss. u.d.T. Wien, Peter: Discipline and Sacrifice: authoritarian, totalitarian and pro-fascist inclination in Iraqi Arab Nationalism, 1934-1941--Bonn, 2003.Includes bibliographical references and index. The historical framework -- Generational conflict -- The generational approach -- The sherifian generation -- The young effendiyya -- The debate of the Iraqi press -- The Iraqi press in its environment -- Direct references to Germany and fascism -- Fascist imagery? -- The debate on the youth.
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Lockwood-Drummond, V. O. (Violet Olga). "The role of religion in Iraqi nationalism, 1918-1932 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26693.
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This thesis proposes to deal with the Iraqi Nationalist movement from its emergence after the First World War to the establishment of an independent Iraq in 1932. During these years the British controlled Iraq under a mandate granted by the League of Nations. This, in spite of the simultaneous creation of an Iraqi monarchy. Neither the new monarch nor the people were content with the political arrangement, based as it was on foreign control, but the drive for independence emanated from a small group of political activists. Both major religious sects of Islam, Sunni and Shi'a, played a leading role in the nationalist movement; in fact, the movement cannot be understood without an appreciation of Islam, and its major variations, in Iraqi life.A historical background highlights the conditions which allowed Iraqism to take precedent over Arabism after the war and examines the reactions of Iraqis to the invasion by modern conquerors and their later occupation. Additionally, it provides a chronological account of the important events during the mandate period and the buildup of Iraqi resentment of foreign control which precipitated their demand for self-government.
This thesis is a broad study of the nascent nationalist movement in postwar Iraq which engaged in a desperate battle to transform a mandated territory into a sovereign state. Focus is on the role religion played in its beginnings and on the contribution of both Shi'is and Sunnis whose combined and independent efforts led to the formation of modern Iraq.
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Mayer, Charles C. "National Security to nationalist myth : why Iran wants nuclear weapons /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FMayer.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision-Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, Sept. 2004.Thesis Advisor(s): Peter R. Lavoy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-89). Also available online.
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Mustafa, Mohammad Salih. "Religious nationalism in the Kurdistan region of Iraq." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/30444.
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This thesis explores a new political phenomenon in the Middle East - the reconciliation of nationalism and Islamism by Islamic political parties in the context of nation states. Although the concept of religious nationalism has been discussed substantially before, as for example in Juergensmeyer (1993: 40) where the author defines religious nationalism as “the attempt to link religion and the nation-state”, this work highlights that a new brand of religious nationalism has emerged in the Middle East as the result of the intertwining of nationalism and Islamism. The focus of this study is, therefore, on the development of religious nationalism in the continuously tumultuous region of the Middle East. The aim of this researchis to investigate whether Islamism in Kurdistan is limited by the politics of nationalism, which is an accentuated example for the whole Middle East region. Furthermore, it should be noted that many of the religious nationalists themselves have not yet fully acknowledged the existence of the trend of merging between Islamism and nationalism. For instance, although the position of the Muslim Brotherhood of Kuwait, during the liberation of their state from the Iraqi regime, is a clear example of religious nationalism, all other affiliations of this organisation around the world at that time viewed the military operation as a foreign occupation. Highlighting this historical juncture in the political life of the Middle East by studying the Islamism in the Kurdistan region helped to elaborate on this new type of politics exceptionally well. This is essentially due to the absence of a politically recognised nation state which renders Kurds to be particularly susceptible to various manifestations of nationalism. The key finding of this project was, therefore, the notion that Islamism in Kurdistan has become significantly framed by the politics of nationalism.
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Haider, Hind A. "Nationalism, archaeology and ideology in Iraq from 1921 to the present." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32913.
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This thesis examines the use of archaeology in the development of national identity in Iraq from the period before the establishment of the Hashimite monarchy in 1921 to the present Ba'th regime and S&dotbelow;addam H&dotbelow;usayn. During King Faysal I's period (1921--1933), archaeology was used to highlight the 'Arabness' of the ancient Mesopotamians so as to keep the nation on a pan-Arabist course and steer away from developing a regional identity. Iraq's pre-Islamic heritage was approached with much reserve since the government feared alienating the majority Muslim population by glorifying the country's achievements before the advent of Islam. In contrast, 'Abd al-Karim Qasim's regime (1958--1963) focused unbridled attention to the Mesopotamian heritage in an effort to distance the newly established republic from the pan-Arabists' call to join with the United Arab Republic. Between the two poles of identifying the national identity with either the Arab or Mesopotamian character, the Ba'th regime embarked on a cultural campaign that used both identities in defining the modern Iraqi man and woman. While the campaign was relegated strictly to the cultural sphere of the nation, the intent was political in that the regime shifted to stressing the Muslim-Arab identity of Iraq when appealing to support from other Arab nations; and to the pre-Islamic Mesopotamian identity when dealing with the religious and ethnic cleavages in Iraqi society.
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Resool, Shorsh Mustafa. "Reactive nationalism in a homogenizing state : the Kurdish Nationalism Movement in Ba’thist Iraq, 1963-2003." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/9706.
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Reactive Nationalism in a Homogenizing State: The Kurdish Nationalism Movement in Ba’thist Iraq, 1963 - 2003. The thesis analyzes the Kurdish nationalism movement as a reaction to the homogenization process by successive Iraqi governments since the establishment of the current state of Iraq. The case study for the thesis is Kurdish reactive nationalism and the Ba’th party from 1963 - 2003. The Ba'th Party came to power in 1963 then again in 1968 through two co-de-ta until their fall in 2003. The Ba'th Party tried to homogenize the state of Iraq and impose a Sunni-Arab identity to Iraq through centralized education and administration system. The Sunni Arabs are a minority group within the boundary of Iraq but had been the dominant group since 1921 until 2003. The Kurds refused such identity and demanded for their national rights to be recognized. The Ba’th Party excluded the Kurds from holding senior or sensitive posts within education, administration and military posts. Having the control over the judicial system, the Ba’th Party labelled the Kurds as traitors, which legitimize their extermination. Subsequently, they were subjected to genocide under the hands of the Ba’th party. Despite all this, the Kurds continued in their struggle for their national rights. With every step by the Ba'th party to exterminate them the Kurds reacted by organizing themselves and adapted themselves to the new situation. They also seized every opportunity that had arisen to enhance their position. The Kurdish nationalism blossomed after the 1991 uprising following the second gulf war in March 1991. The Kurds managed to run a general election for Kurdistan Parliament; established the Kurdistan Regional Government; improved the education and administration system; improved schools, universities, art and economy. The fall of Saddam on 9th April 2003 was another golden opportunity that the Kurds seized pretty well. They contributed in writing Iraq’s constitution and managed to achieve most of their national demands within the federal state of Iraq. Hence, Kurdish nationalism has blossomed.
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Al-Ghanim, Khalifa. "TheImpact of Foreign Interventions on Iraqi Politics and Nationalism:." Thesis, Boston College, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108944.
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Thesis advisor: Ali BanuaziziThis thesis takes a historical approach in examining the effects of foreign intervention and interference in the development of Iraqi nationalism. The first portion of the thesis provides a background of Iraq’s history to provide the reader with knowledge of Iraq’s political development. The thesis will demonstrate that direct occupation, transnationalism, and a weak state have prevented Iraq from developing a coherent national identity that can be adopted by all ethnosectarian groups in the state. Tracing the development of Iraq as a state, as well as an analysis of the motivations of foreign actors and transnational entities will shed light on this dynamic
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2020
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Tristani, Philippe. "L’Iraq Petroleum Company de 1948 à 1975 : Stratégie et déclin d’un consortium pétrolier occidental pour le contrôle des ressources pétrolières en Irak et au Moyen-Orient." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040236/document.
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L’Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC) est un consortium britannique formé le 30 mai 1929 et qui prend la suite de la Turkish Petroleum Company qui opérait sur l’ensemble de l’Empire ottoman. Sa mission est de trouver, exploiter et transporter du pétrole brut provenant de ses vastes concessions au profit de ses actionnaires. C’est l’Irak qui se trouve au cœur de l’entreprise pétrolière que les Majors comptent mener au Moyen-Orient, tout au moins à ses débuts. L’IPC exploite à partir de 1925 une concession qui s’étend à l’est du Tigre. En juillet 1938 et en mai 1939, deux de ses filiales, la Basra Petroleum Company (BPC) et la Mosul Petroleum company (MPC), gèrent respectivement les territoires situés au sud et au nord du 33e parallèle. À la veille de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, c’est donc la presque totalité de l’Irak qui est aux mains du consortium britannique pour une durée de 75 ans. Entre 1948, date à laquelle les Majors américaines prennent le contrôle effectif du consortium, et la nationalisation de tous les avoirs de la compagnie en Irak en 1975, l’IPC doit faire face à de profondes mutations, tant en ce qui concerne l’industrie pétrolière que la situation géopolitique du Moyen-Orient. Tandis que le Moyen-Orient devient la première région exportatrice de pétrole au monde grâce aux efforts des Majors, l’affrontement entre le monde arabe et l’État d’Israël exacerbe le nationalisme des pays producteurs de pétrole. De simples pays hôtes percepteurs de redevances, ceux-ci réclament au nom de la souveraineté nationale et de la lutte contre l’impérialisme de contrôler l’action des Majors et de prendre activement part dans l’exploitation de leurs richesses nationales. Ainsi, l’IPC, avec d’autres consortium pétroliers internationaux opérant au Moyen-Orient, se trouve affectée, voire impliquée, dans les choix diplomatiques que les gouvernements occidentaux développent pour prévenir l’instabilité du Moyen-Orient, zone stratégique essentielle pour leur approvisionnement énergétique dans un contexte de guerre froideThe Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC) is a British company that, in July 1928, succeeded the Turkish Petroleum Company, which held a concession in Iraq. Since its creation, the IPC had been both an emanation of the major Western oil groups and the concrete expression of the oil policy pursued in the Middle East by the major Western powers, the United States, Great Britain and France. It was a petroleum production consortium whose activities were mainly in Iraq. From his creation in 1929 to his nationalization in 1975, IPC associated all of the Western Majors. In 1932 and in 1938, the Mosul Petroleum Company (MPC) and the Basrah Petroleum Company (BPC) rounded out this system in the southern part of Iraq. So, on the eve of World War II, the area of the concessions covered all Iraq.Until the 1970s, the concession system governed relationships between operating companies and producing countries. In those agreements, the producing countries did not control the amounts produced, the level of exports, or prices. But, as of the 1950s, the complex oil system implemented by the Majors was threatened by the de-colonization movement. The Soviet threat and the Israeli-Arab conflicts strengthened this increasing instability. So the battle for freeing the Arab nation incorporated the fight against IPC to return Arab oil to the Arabs. The revolution of 14 July 1958, which overthrew Nouri Saïd’s pro-Western government and brought General Abd el-Karim Kassem to power, intensified a constant political desire for re-appropriation of the Iraqi oil economy in the name of Iraq’s development and national sovereignty
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Ghahari, Keivandokht. "Nationalismus und Modernismus in Iran in der Periode zwischen dem Zerfall der Qāğāren-Dynastie und der Machtfestigung Reżā Schahs : eine Untersuchung über die intellektuellen Kreise um die Zeitschriften Kāweh, Īrānšahr und Āyandeh /." Berlin : K. Schwarz, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37657176m.
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Nasiri-Moghaddam, Nader. "L'archéologie française en Perse et les antiquités nationales, 1884-1914 /." Paris : Connaissances et savoirs, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39904732p.
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Franklin, Janet A. "United States Foreign Policies on Iran and Iraq, and the Negative Impact on the Kurdish Nationalist Movement: From the Nixon Era through the Reagan Years." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1558616250930554.
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Asadi, Abbas. "Les agences de presse régionales et nationales dans les pays en voie de développement : le cas de l'Iran." Paris 8, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA082978.
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Les médias dans le monde entier et dans les pays en voie de développement, ne sont pas alimentés par les agences de presse, qui connaissent des limites financières, professionnelles, ou techniques. Les nouvelles technologies de la communication ouvrent la porte au multimédia. Les journaux avant la propagation du Réseau ont plus prêté attention aux agences de presse. C'est-à-dire, les agences, avant la propagation du Réseau ont été l'une des plus importantes sources d'information pour les journaux. Mais, il semble qu'avec l'arrivée de l'Internet la presse s'alime de moins en moins auprès des agences de presse, parce qu'Internet est le plus important réseau d'information mondial. Donc, aujourd’hui, la technologie de la communication, particulièrement Internet, défie les agences de presse, notamment les agences nationales des pays en voie développement. Comment les agences de presse, considérées comme le "média mère" peuvent-elles s'adapter aux nouvelles situations ? Quelles sont les différences et les similitudes des agences de presse et des Sites d'Internet ? Est-ce que les agences de presse peuvent encore avoir le rôle de "média mère" ? Ces études ont été menées notamment par une analyse que nous avons faite sur deux périodes (2006 et 2007) avec 20 journaux nationaux iraniens, ainsi qu'avec cinq agences de presse présentes en Iran, dans le but de déterminer la nature des sources d'informations de ces médias. Notamment nous avons cherché à évaluer la part et le rôle des agences régionales et à mesurer l'impact des nouvelles technologies, particulièrement de l'Internet, sur la presse.
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Riaux, Gilles. "Construction identitaire, mobilisation et géopolitique : le nationalisme et les turcs d'Iran." Paris 8, 2008. http://octaviana.fr/document/171344979#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.
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La thèse entend saisir les relations que les Turcs d’Iran (communément appelés Azéris dans la littérature orientaliste) entretiennent avec le nationalisme. Ce groupe composite, soumis à des dynamiques transnationales, possède à la fois des caractéristiques qui l’identifient aussi bien au centre qu’à la périphérie de l’Iran : il permet donc une étude du nationalisme dans ses multiples facettes, qu’il soit une idéologie au service de la construction de l’Etat moderne ou un mouvement identitaire revendiquant pour un groupe la défense de ses intérêts propres et la maîtrise de son destin politique. Ce travail est construit à partir de trois dimensions d’analyse, conçues comme des ensembles cohérents : le nationalisme iranien et la reconfiguration des rapports intercommunautaires et territoriaux ; l’accumulation et le transfert de ressources symboliques dans un champ historique transnational, formé autour de l’Iran, de la République d’Azerbaïdjan et de la Turquie ; le nationalisme azerbaïdjanais et son évolution de la mobilisation identitaire à la politique contestataire en Iran. Pour ce faire, la thèse emprunte à diverses traditions de recherche : la sociologie de l’action collective, la sociologie historique du politique et la géopolitique. Elles obligent à avoir un regard comparatif au sein d’un ensemble cohérent, et d’un laps de temps où s’entrecroisent plusieurs logiques historiques. La thèse propose ainsi d’apporter une contribution à l’étude des contestations nationalitaires, qui les restitue dans leur temporalité et leur spatialité propres, et de s’insérer dans les débats nourrissant les sciences sociales, en désenclavant des sous-champs d’ordinaire cloisonnésThe PhD thesis intends to understand the relations which the Turks of Iran (commonly called Azeris in Orientalist literature) maintain with nationalism. This composite group, subjected to transnational dynamics, has at the same time characteristics which identify it with the centre and the periphery of Iran: it allows a study of nationalism in its numerous facets, that it is an ideology supporting state-building or an identity movement demanding for a group the defence of its own interests and the workmanship of its political destiny. This research is based on three dimensions of analysis, conceived as consistent unities: Iranian nationalism and reconfiguration of intercommunity and territorial relations; accumulation and transfer of symbolic resources in a transnational historical field, consisting in Iran, the Republic of Azerbaijan and Turkey; Azerbaijani nationalism and its evolution from identity mobilisation to contentious politics in Iran. In order to do that, this work borrows from various research traditions: the sociology of collective action, historical sociology of politics and the geopolitics. They help to have a comparative look within a coherent space, a period of time in which several historical logics intertwine. In the end, this research is a contribution to the study of nationalist movements, replacing them in their own temporality and spatiality, which aims to enrich debates in social sciences, by opening up ordinarily specialized disciplinary fields
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Rahimabadi, Neda. "Le conflit Baloutche : des dynamiques nationales et régionales à l'engagement international." Thesis, Paris 5, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA05D011.
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Les Baloutches sont un groupe ethnique résidant en Asie du Sud-central. Baloutchistan ou, à défaut, le Baloutchistan (qui signifie terre des Baloutches), est un territoire historique qui s'étend du sud-est de l‘Iran et sud de l'Afghanistan au sud-ouest du Pakistan. Le Baloutchistan historique est connu comme le Grand Baloutchistan. Le Grand Baloutchistan est aujourd'hui réparti entre trois pays: l'ouest du Pakistan, sud de l'Iran et le sud-ouest d‘Afghanistan. Les Baloutches sont donc principalement concentrés dans ces territoires. Cependant, il existe une population baloutche importante dispersée dans les Eats arabes du golfe Persique (comme l‘Oman, l‘Émirats arabes unis, etc), en Afrique comme ailleurs en Asie, ainsi qu’une petite diaspora en Europe, en Australie et aux Etats unis. Le nombre total des Baloutches dans les régions mentionnés est estimée entre 10 et 15 millions. Les frontières du Grand Baloutchistan d‘aujourd'hui sont le résultat d'une répartition territoriale officielle entre l'Afghanistan, l'Iran et l'Inde (Pakistan d‘aujourd‘hui) qui a eu lieu vers l‘année 1870. "Bien qu‘apparemment insignifiante dans le contexte de toutes les crises régionales et internationales qui affectent notre monde, le Baloutchistan est, en fait, un espace de liaison: le point à partir duquel les intérêts stratégiques diamétralement opposés convergent" (Draitser, 2012). En ce qui concerne la terminologie, l'utilisation du nom du Baloutchistan, il est utile de prendre en compte le fait que le Baloutche en persan signifie la crête de coq, et puisque les troupes baloutches qui ont combattu pour Astyages de Kai Khosrow en 585-550 BC portaient des casques avec une crête de coq, c'est pourquoi on a leur donnée le nom de « Baloutche ». Dans la liste des guerriers de Kai Khosrow de l'empire d‘achéménide, Ferdowsi a mentionné le baloutche dans le Shâh Nâmeh (Le Livre des Rois) sous l'autorité du général Ashkash (Dashti, 2012). Toutefois, la période pendant laquelle le nom du Baloutchistan ou Baloutchistan est entré dans l‘usage général n'est pas claire, mais elle peut être attribuée à la 12ème/18ème siècle qui a vu Nasir Khan I de Kalat devenir "le premier dirigeant indigène d'établir une autorité autonome sur une grande partie de la région" (Encyclopédie Iranica, 2014). Malgré qu'il n'y ait pas de consensus parmi les scientistes, l'histoire Baloutches et l'origine des Baloutches peuvent probablement être attribués à de pastorales nomades, des tribus indo -Iraniennes qui se sont installés dans le nord-ouest de la région iranienne Balashakan, étant eux- mêmes, les descendants des Aryens descendus au sud de l'Asie centrale il y a environ trois mille ans. Ces tribus indo-Iraniennes sont aujourd’hui connues sous le nom de Balashchik. Le Balashchik deviendrait connu sous le nom des baloutches, des siècles plus tard, quand ils ont migré du nord-ouest de l‘Iran au sud et de la périphérie orientale du plateau iranien, une région qui allait devenir Baloutchistan. Dans cette région du Baloutchistan, les Baloutches ont établi un nation-état indépendant ou semi-indépendant qui durerait environ trois cent ans (Dashti, 2012). Le Balûchistân attirerait les Britanniques dans la première moitié du 19ème siècle comme une voie stratégique pour sécuriser les routes commerciales vers l'Orient, et comme un tremplin vers l'Afghanistan contre les Russes pendant la Première Guerre afghane (1839-1842). Le Raj britannique continuait à statuer et d'administrer la région du Baloutchistan par les traités de 1841 et 1854 avec le Khan (souverain) de Kalat (la capitale du khanat de Kalat, qui était un état princier dominant une grande partie du Grand Baloutchistan). Le traité de 1876 assurerait l'indépendance et la souveraineté de Kalat, dès le départ des Britanniques de la région. Vers la fin du 19ème siècle, un certain nombre de processus de démarcation du Baloutchistan a eu lieu, la plupart du temps pour apaiser l'Iran. (...)The Baluch are an ethnic group residing in south-central Asia. Baluchistan or, alternatively, Balochistan (meaning land of the Baluch), is a historic territory that stretched from southeastern Iran and southern Afghanistan to southwestern Pakistan. Historic Baluchistan is known as Greater Baluchistan. Greater Baluchistan is today divided into the boundaries of three countries: western Pakistan, southern Iran, and southwestern Afghanistan. The Baluch are therefore concentrated within these territories. However, there is a large Baluch population dispersed in the Persian Gulf States, and a small diaspora in Europe. Although there is no consensus among scholars, Baluch history and the origin of the Baluch can most likely be traced to pastoralist-nomadic, Indo-Iranic tribes that settled in northwestern Iranian region of Balashakan, having, themselves, descended from the Aryans who had moved south from Central Asia around three thousand years ago. These Indo-Iranic tribes became known as the Balashchik. The Balashchik would become known as the Baloch centuries later when they migrated from northwestern Iran to the south and eastern fringes of the Iranian plateau, a region that would become known as Balochistan or Baluchistan. Within this region of Baluchistan the Baluch established an independent or semi-independent nation-state that would last for approximately three hundred years (Naseer Dashti, 2012). Baluchistan would attract the British in the first half of the 19th century as a strategic pathway to secure trade routes to the East, and as a launching pad into Afghanistan against the Russians during the First Afghan War (1839-1842), The British Raj would go on to rule and administer the region of Baluchistan through the treaties of 1841 and 1854 with the Khan (ruler) of Kalat (the capital of the Khanate of Kalat, which was then a princely state controlling much of Greater Baluchistan). The Treaty of 1876 would assure independence and sovereignty for Kalat. Upon the departure of the British from the region. Late in the 19th century a number of demarcation processes of Baluchistan took place, mostly to appease Iran, then Persia. A dispute over claims to Sistan by both Iran and Afghanistan finally saw the division of the territory of Baluchistan in two, between Iran and Afghanistan, in 1904 by the British Commissioner, Sir McMahon. The Khan of Kalat would declare independence on 15 August 1947. The Khan also established an interim constitution that provided for a bicameral parliament. This period of independence lasted from 15 August 1947 to 27 March 1948. After a brief rebellion by the Baluch in Western Baluchistan against Persian rule, Western Baluchistan, or Iranian Baluchistan would finally be incorporated into Iran in 1928. The assimilation of Baluchistan into Pakistan following the 1947 partition of India, and subsequently the creation of Pakistan, was forceful, since the then Khan of Kalate, Mir Ahmed Yar Khan, refused to join Pakistan, and military force had to be used to placate the resistant Baluch, under the leadership of Mir Ahmed Yar Khan. The Baluch of Pakistan, therefore, consider Baluchistan occupied territory. The Khanate of Kalat ceased to exist on 14 October 1955 when the province of West Pakistan was formed. Since their forced accession into Pakistan up to the present, the Baluch have been subjugated to discriminatory policies that have assured their impoverished status. (...)
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Moreno, Raul Benjamin. ""He was more than just one soldier" narrating national identity in small-town America /." Online access for everyone, 2005. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Thesis/Summer2005/r%5Fmoreno%5F062005.pdf.
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Merritt, Douglas W. "Is federalism based on ethnic partition a viable solution in Iraq? /." Fort Leavenworth, Kan. : [U.S. Army Command and General Staff College], 2007. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA475503.
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Almasaedi, Waleed K. "Iraqi Shi'ites and Identity Conflict: A Study in the Developments of their Religious-Political Identities From 1920-2003." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/102108.
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The Iraqi Shi'ites' revival post-2003 and the rise of communal identity make an increasing need to study the roots of their political identities. This study surveys literature written about the political behavior of Shi'ites at different historical eras in the 20th century (to be specific, from the 1920s to 2003). In this study, my aim is to evaluate, based on the collected evidence, the Shi'ites' sense of identity during these historical eras, how they viewed themselves, and with whom they affiliated? Particularly, I delve into these research questions: Did the Shi'ites behave as a homogenous group? Did they have a single dominant identity that defines them as Shi'ite political identity? Did the political behavior of different Shi'ite Islamic groups originate from their religious and communal identities, or did it come from their national aspiration as Iraqis? I apply a history of political thought/ ideology approach, implementing critical historical hermeneutics. The analysis of the evidence indicates that Shi'ites show different senses of belonging at different historical eras and political events. The findings suggest that the communal and political identity was developed at a later stage of Iraq's 20th-century history. It also shows the diverse identities Shi'ites have and how their political behavior differs according to these diverse identities.Master of Arts
This thesis discusses the development of the Iraqi Shi'ites' political and religious identities since the founding of the modern state in Iraq in 1921. It tackles three overlapping historical periods in which the Iraqi Shi'ites' political identity crystallized and formed during these periods. The findings reveal that the Iraqi Shi'ites did not have a unified sectarian political identity, but they affiliated with multiple political entities and ideologies. The research suggests the absence of a unifying term to embrace Shi'ites' political behavior, and the terminology "Shi'ite" or "Shi'ites" should not be generalized to encompass all Iraqi Shi'ites' political behavior. Therefore, the sectarian Shi'ite political parties and groups that claim to represent the Shi'ites after 2003 still do not represent a broad spectrum of the Shi'ite society.
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Hughes, Erin Elizabeth. "An American atra? : boundaries of diasporic nation-building amongst Assyrians and Chaldeans in the United States." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/30987.
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Voluntary and forced migrations over the past century have given rise to the number of displaced peoples and nations who consider themselves diasporas. The resiliency of these extra-territorial nations after displacement is something of a paradox in nationalism studies. For diaspora, the nation is simultaneously local and transnational, divided and caged by the confines of state borders, often intermixed with other ethnic groups, nations, and cultures, and yet, undeniably, a singular community. Through a comparative examination of the Assyrian and Chaldean diaspora in the United States, this dissertation uses boundary theory to explore the role of diasporic elites in making and sustaining a diasporic nation, and the events, identities, and ideologies that shape diasporic action. It draws from twenty-nine interviews held with Assyrian and Chaldean leaders in Michigan, Illinois, and California, and with policy-makers, as well as research into congressional documents, policy papers, and press reports. The multi-ethnic fabric of American society is formative to boundary-creation, and yet challenges its retention, providing an open society for ethnic expression and civic and political engagement, whilst at the same time facilitating assimilation and loss of diasporic culture and identity. Diasporic elites pursue institutional completeness to sustain diasporic presence in local societies, and cultivate national ideologies that in turn engender activism on behalf of the greater diasporic nation. The Iraq War served as a catalyst to nation-building, providing the first political opening in decades for diasporic actors to mobilize on behalf of Assyrians and Chaldeans in the homeland, seeking constitutional recognition as equal members of the Iraq state. However, the impermeable, exclusionary Iraqi national boundary wrought in conflict instead posed an existential crisis, forcing Assyrians and Chaldeans from Iraq and forcing diasporic leaders to confront questions of what will become of their nation if the homeland is lost. Revealed in the resulting political demands are two distinct strains of nationalism: that for resettlement into diaspora and continued integration into Iraq; and that for territorial autonomy within Iraq’s Nineveh Plain. This dissertation argues diaspora is a continuous, evolving product of boundary-making, often the result of diasporic elite mobilization. Diaspora is a nation not simply born of displacement, but formed through social boundaries encountered and made upon resettlement outside the homeland. Nationalism is a significant component of diasporic nation-building, offering insight into political goals, ideologies, and the dedication of diasporic elites to sustaining an Assyrian and Chaldean homeland, an atra, in diaspora.
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Grundstrom, Kiley. "Kurdish Insurgency in Iran : The Effects of Historical Mobilization on Subsequent Militant Recruitment." Thesis, Boston College, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:109150.
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Thesis advisor: Ali KadivarDetermining the empirical causes of recruitment to nationalist militant organizations is a pertinent topic, given the global rise in neo-nationalist attitudes. In this article, I seek to explore one prospective cause through a case study of the Kurds in Iran. The Kurdish population within Iran has witnessed rising levels of insurgency into militant nationalist organizations. These organizations routinely conduct armed operations against Iranian forces in historically Kurdish regions within Iran, with the goal of reclaiming territory and halting perceived inequitable treatment of the Kurdish minority by the Iranian government. My research intends to explore the root causes of this rise in violence and whether historical political mobilization within Kurdish-dominated regions of Iran has resulted in the increased Kurdish insurgency efforts. I employ an original database and three models to test the relationship between an area's mobilization history and its subsequent insurgency recruitment levels. Ultimately, my results point to contextual variables as the driving factor behind insurgency recruitment compared to the aforementioned historical variables. My research provides a foundation for future exploration into the historical causes of Kurdish insurgency in Iran. A more sophisticated approach to data collection may generate a wider pool of data from which further analysis may be conducted
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2021
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Departmental Honors
Discipline: Sociology
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Heidari, Mitra. "Les défis culturels et leur impact sur la GRC : l'exemple de l'Iran." Bordeaux 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009BOR40070.
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Cette thèse se penche sur l'impact des questions culturelles sur le choix du client au moment d'acheter des étrangers, et sur la GRC (Gestion de la Relation Client) en Iran. L'objectif premier est d'examiner l'impact de l'ouverture culturelle et du nationalisme sur la volonté ou la réticence de la clientèle à acheter des produits étrangers et sur sa satisfaction globale. L'objectif second est d'étudier l'impact des questions culturelles sur la GRC. Les questions posées par cette recherche se focalisent sur les points suivants : 1) quels sont les impacts réels des questions culturelles sur la GRC ? 2 ) Les questions culturelles peuvent-elles avoir un impact sur le jugement du produit par la clientèle ? 3) Quels sont les impacts des questions culturelles (nationalisme et ouverture culturelle) sur la volonté de la clientèle iranienne à acheter des produits étrangers ou sur sa réticence à en acheter ? 4) La prise de conscience de l'impact des questions culturelles peut-elle conduire à une meilleure Gestion de la relation Client ? Une partie de la revue de la littérature inclut : Payne & Frow's CRM Conceptual Framework (2004), Models of national culture par Modern (1999), Culture's consequences, (1980) par Hofstede, Cultures and organizations par Hofstede (1991)This dissertation focuses on the impact of cultural issues on the Customer's choice to buy foreign products and CRM (Customer Relationship Management) in Iran. The primary goal is to examine the impact of cultural openness and nationalism on the customers' willingness and reluctance to buy foreign products on their overall satisfaction. The secondary goal is to study the impact of cultural issues on CRM. The research question focus on : 1) what are the real impacts of cultural issues on CRM ? 2) Can cultural issues have an impact on the customers' product judgement ? 3) What are the impacts of the cultural issues (nationalism and cultural openness) on the Iranian customers' willingness to buy foreign products and reluctance to buy foreign products ? 4) Can the awareness of the impact of cultural issues lead to a better Customer relationship Management ? Some of the literature reviews include : Payne & Frow's CRM Conceptual framework (2004), Models of national culture by Modern (1999), Culture's consequences, (1980) by Hofstede, Cultures and organizations by Hofstede (1991)
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Akin, Piril. "The Formation Of Iraqi Nationalism Under The British Mandate (1920- 1932)." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611380/index.pdf.
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This thesis examines the development of a national identity and the ideology of nationalism, and the formation of nation-state in Iraq under the British Mandate from 1920 to 1932. The study focuses on the influences of the early Arab nationalist movements during the last decades of the Ottoman Empire and under the British Mandate over Iraqi nationalism and nation-state process. The study specifically examines the Mosul question and its effects on the formation of the territorial unity of the state in Iraq. The study also explores the successive civil administration during Mandate period while making Iraq a &ldquonation-state&rdquo
by taking actions concerning the politics, social structure, the government, army and economy. The British Mandate period in Iraq witnessed many important developments such as the drawing of Iraq&rsquo
s boundaries and the shaping of the foundations of the state structure. These developments continue to affect the country in a variety of ways even today. In the final part of the thesis, it is pointed out that understanding some of the policies and strategies implemented in Iraq by the British can help to make meaningful interpretations of current affairs in this country.
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O'Mahoney, Sarah. "Mothers of the nation: the effect of nationalist ideology on women's reproductive rights in Ireland and Iran." Thesis, McGill University, 2009. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32560.
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Traditionally, studies of nationalism have largely ignored the issue of gender but, more recently, there is a growing body of feminist scholarship asserting that all nationalisms are gendered and exploring the effects of this gendering on women. In this thesis, I will examine how the focus on devout mothers as symbols of the nation in nationalist ideology can, when codified into law, engender negative effects on women's reproductive autonomy. Two countries that show surprising parallels in this regard are the Republic of Ireland and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Through comparing these two countries, one Catholic and one Muslim, I hope to highlight the ways in which diverse nationalisms use religion to justify what are politically motivated actions taken to control and subjugate women.Les études portant sur le nationalisme ont traditionnellement ignoré la question des genres, du moins dans une large mesure. Or, une mouvance intellectuelle et féministe récente affirme de plus en plus que tous les nationalismes impliquent clairement cette distinction entre les genres, et explore l'impact de ce phénomène auprès des femmes. Dans la présente thèse, j'analyserai comment l'emphase placée sur les mères dévouées en tant que symboles de la nation dans le cadre d'idéologies nationalistes peut, lorsque codifiée en droit, engendrer des effets néfastes pour ce qui concerne l'autonomie reproductive des femmes. À cet égard, les cas de la République d'Irlande et de la République islamique d'Iran suscitent de surprenants parallèles. En comparant ces deux États, l'un catholique et l'autre musulman, j'espère souligner les façons dont les nationalismes variés emploient la religion afin de justifier des mesures politiques visant à contrôler et à subjuguer les femmes.
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Gandy, Maegen Lorraine. "A Case Study of Identity Politics in America: President George W. Bush and Nationalist Victimization Strategies towards Iraq." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/9622.
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This thesis engages literature in the field of nationalism in order to explore the discursive construction of a Self-Other relationship in American foreign policy as it has been projected by President George W. Bush between September 11, 2001 and March 19, 2003. Political theorists advance numerous definitions of both the nation and nationalism that offer insight into the Self-Other dichotomy. Despite substantive differences, there is consensus among them that the 'national Self' must be accompanied by the presence and identification of Others who fall beyond political, cultural, and territorial boundaries. Without their presence, there would exist either one nation or none at all.Master of Arts
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Butler, Perks Lawrence. "Understanding the content, form and purpose of hero myths as symbolic resources of nation and insurgency : the case of the Provisional IRA in the Northern Ireland conflict, 1969-1998." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2017. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=232409.
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Many scholars who have studied nations and nationalism have observed that nationalist movements draw upon mythologised narratives of figures from their nations' pasts to build a sense of national identity and to articulate their vision. Drawing upon the ethno-symbolic approach to nations and nationalism, this thesis seeks to identify the major hero myths, as one form of mythologised narrative, drawn upon by the Provisional IRA during the period of conflict in Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1998. In so doing it examines the origins and development of those myths across the history of Ireland, and of the republican strand of Irish nationalism since the turn of the twentieth century. It identifies the pivotal role of the early twentieth century republican, Patrick Pearse, as republicanism's political archaeologist par excellence, and examines the enduring influence of three factors on the form that such myths took: Celtic culture, Roman Catholicism, and socialism. The thesis further situates the narrative chain of the hero myths within the broader context of the Provisional IRA's wider mythological system, and interrogates the purposes that these myths fulfilled for the movement. In so doing, it reveals that not only did the hero myths, as symbolic resources of the Irish nation, fulfil purposes related to the nation itself, but that the strategy employed in pursuit of the national objectives, insurgency, also imposed its own requirements on those purposes. This has profound implications for orthodox understandings of the role of “blood sacrifice” within the ideology and world-view of the Provisional Republican Movement, as this thesis argues that the role of that concept has been misinterpreted to this point. On the theoretical level, this thesis amends and refines the conception of myth within the ethno-symbolic approach to nations and nationalism, bringing it into line with the work of scholars who have studied the theory of myth. Furthermore, it has considered how the means of pursuing the national objective helped to shape the concept of the nation and ideas of national identity.
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Richard, Yann. "Identite et modernite dans la culture iranienne contemporaine." Paris 3, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA030114.
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L'iran a connu, depuis le xixeme siecle, des transformations profondes, consequence de l'ingerence occidentale. La modernite est definie comme l'aptitude, conquise au prix de transformations radicales, a repondre a ces nouveaux defis mondiaux. Les agents de la modernite ont ete les elites politiques, economiques ou religieuses. En cherchant a comprendre le langage de ces elites, l'orientaliste entre malgre lui dans un terrain conflictuel et devient en partie complice. Il est pris a partie par ceux qui, aujourd'hui, definissent leur identite face a ce regard exterieur. On percoit au terme de la confrontation combien l'ideal d'une civilisation unique, qui fut celui des grands penseurs de la modernite, est aujourd'hui battu en breche, et que l'experience iranienne y est pour quelque chose. Le nationalisme a laisse la place a une forte valorisation du sentiment d'appartenance a une communaute religieuse, mais il n'est pas dit que l'oopposition a l'occident ne soit pas encore une donnee essentielle de cette nouvelle moderniteSince the nineteenth century, iran has experienced deep transformations entailed by western encroachment. Modernity is defined as the ability - acquired through radical change - to cope with these new global challenges. The agents of modernization have been political, industrial or religious elites. By trying to understand the discourse of these elites, orientalists may become involved, against their will, in conflicts on the side of the elites. They are summonned to justify their position by those who define their identity against this external viewpoint. At the end of this confrontation one realizes that the ideal of a unique civilization - the ideal of the great thinkers of modernity - is now disqualified and that the iranian experience has had a role in this process. Nationalism has been replaced with strong insistance on the feeling of belonging to a religious community. Opposition to the west might still be the main factor in this new modernity
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Poggioli, Pierre. "IRA (Irlande) ETA ( Pays Basque) FLNC (Corse) : analyse comparative." Thesis, Aix-Marseille 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX32024.
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Irlande (IRA) Pays basque (ETA) Corse (FLNC) : Analyse comparativeTrois luttes de libération au cœur de l’Europe contemporaineEn ce début de XXIème siècle, trois Etats membres de la CEE, la Grande-Bretagne, l’Espagne et la France, sont confrontés depuis des décennies à une forte contestation de leurs prérogatives de souveraineté, en Irlande du Nord, au Pays basque et en Corse. Cette contestation, se situant dans une perspective de libération nationale, s’exprime par une action politique publique, mais aussi par une action armée dans le cadre d’une lutte clandestine. Nous nous proposons de procéder à l’histoire comparée des trois organisations utilisant la violence armée comme moyen d’expression et d’action politique : l’IRA, l’ETA et le FLNC. Pour comprendre leurs similitudes et leurs différences, nous contextualiserons chacune d’elles au sein de l’ensemble de la lutte contestataire nationaliste menée en Irlande du Nord, au pays basque et en Corse, nées toutes trois d’une histoire au profil très dissemblable. Parallèlement à l’évolution du discours et de l’action de ces mouvements armés, nous analyserons les répercussions sur la situation politique dans les trois territoires concernés, entre répression menée par les Etats-nations et recherche d’une « solution négociée » pour régler ces conflits. Dans une 1ère partie, nous présenterons brièvement la genèse de ces « trois nations sans Etat », l’Irlande du Nord, le Pays basque et la Corse, et leur histoire respective conduisant à la création de ces mouvements armés au profil politique très différent, comme sont également très différents les modèles étatiques britannique, espagnol et français. Dans un 2ème temps, nous tâcherons de mettre en exergue, la place particulière de ces organisations armées au sein de chacune des trois contestations nationalistes ancrées dans ces territoires. Enfin, nous soulignerons leur rôle central dans les évolutions politiques de ces territoires et les conséquences induites par les solutions envisagées ou mises en œuvre, pour ces mouvements même, mais aussi pour les Etats-nations concernés qu’ils remettent en causeIreland (IRA) Basque country (ETA) Corsica (FLNC): Comparative analysisThree liberation struggles in today’s heart of Europe.In this early 21st century, three member states of the European community:Great Britain, Spain and France have been facing for decades a strong protest against their sovereignty’s prerogatives, in Northern Ireland, Basque Country and Corsica. These protests aiming towards a national liberation perspective, express themselves through public political action but also through undercover military action. We will compare the history of these three undercover organisations, using military actions as a mean of expression and political action: IRA/ETA / FLNC. To understand their likenesses and their differencies, we will contextualise each of them within the dissent nationalist struggle as a whole in Northern Ireland, Basque country and Corsica, all three of them issued from a very different History. Concurrently to the speech evolution and armed actions of these movements, we will analyse the consequences on the political situation in the three concerned territories, between state repression and search of a negociated solution to settle these conflicts. In the first part we shall briefly present the genesis of these three “nations without State”, Ireland, Basque country and Corsica, and their respective history leading to the birth of these armed movments very different in their profiles, like very different are the political state systems in Great Britain Spain and France. In the second part we shall try to highlight the specific position of these military organisations within the three nationalist dissents established in these territories. At last we shall underlign their essential role in the political evolution of these territories and the consequences induced by the proposed or acted solutions for these but also for the states they are fighting against
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ANSARIAN, RACHID. "Les aspects internationaux de la question nationale en iran." Paris 8, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA080364.
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En placant la question des minorites en iran dans son contexte international, le these s'efforce, en s'appuyant sur la realite concrete iranienne, de degager les elements du mecanisme de la protection internationale ainsi qu'une solution interne au probleme de la cohabitation de plusieurs peuples et minorites nationales qui forment la population iranienne. Ainsi, une premiere partie est consacree a la theorisation de la question nationale, l'etude du systeme onusien de protection des minorites, des instruments juridiques internationaux dans ce domaine et a une etude comparee du droit sovietique et yougoslave en matiere des nationalites. Une deuxieme partie examine de pres l'evolution des mouvements nationaux (azerbaidjanais, kurde, arabe, baloutche et turkmene) et leur element international. Les institutions de la republique islamique d'iran en relation avec les nationalites non persanes et les organismes des nations unies, les propositions des forces politiques iraniennes et l'impact de la guerre iran-irak sont etudies et donnent lieu, a la fin du travail, a une synthese tendant a creer cinq regions autonomes et a garantir la protection des minorites eparpillees sur l'ensemble du territoire iranienUsing the iranian reality and setting the problem of the minorities in iran in its international context, the thesis tries to find elements of the mechanism of the international protection of the minorities in iran. It suggests an internal solution to issue raised by cohabitation of several peoples and national minorities constituting the iranian population. Thus, a first part deals with the theory of the national question and studies the united nations' system of protection of the minorities, the international juridical instruments and the comparative law of u. S. S. R. And yugoslavia in this matter. A second part presents the evolution of national movements (azerbaijanian, kurdish, arab, baluchi and turkmen) and their international element. It examines from the institutions of the islamic republic of iran the non-persian nationalities, the action of the organisms of the united nations, the propositions of the iranian political forces and the impact of the iran-iraq war. A final synthesis attempts to create five autonomous regions and to guarantee the protection of the minorities spread out on the entire iranian territory
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Direnberger, Lucia. "Le genre de la nation en Iran et au Tadjikistan : (Re)constructions et contestations des hétéronationalismes." Paris 7, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA070051.
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Cette thèse a pour objet d'étude les (re)constructions des hétéronationalismes en Iran et au Tadjikistan depuis l'émergence des idéologies nationales (fin XIXème siècle en Iran et début XXème siècle au Turkestan) jusqu'à l'époque contemporaine (2012). A partir d'archives, elle analyse la fabrique de la nation comme outil de production des hiérarchies de genre, de races et de sexualités. Elle révèle aussi les constructions des masculinités, des féminités et des sexualités, imbriquées avec celles de la race, comme mode de légitimation de la nation. Si les idéologies nationales en Iran et au Tadjikistan connaissent de profonds changements au cours des périodes étudiées, des lignes d'appartenance au sein de la communauté nationale et entre les nations sont toujours tracées pour naturaliser et hiérarchiser les sexes et les races. Les constructions des identités nationales, loin d'être immuables et monolithiques, font l'objet de conflits politiques importants. Les masculinités et les féminités apparaissent comme un outil majeur de clivages politiques dans la définition de la nation en Iran et au Tadjikistan. Cette thèse développe aussi une approche sociologique de la nation à partir d'entretiens et d'observations participantes. Elle analyse les stratégies d'appropriations, de négociations et de contestations des idéologies nationales par les mouvements féministes en Iran depuis 1979 et par le mouvement associatif de femmes au Tadjikistan depuis 1991. Ces mouvements mettent en oeuvre différentes stratégies pour légitimer un ancrage local de la cause des femmes tout en défiant, dans des modalités spécifiques aux contextes politiques et nationaux, les régimes nationaux des sexesThis research deals with (re)constructions of heteronationalisms in Iran and Tajikistan since the emergence of national ideologies (at the end of XIXth century in Iran and at the beginning of XXth in Turkestan) until the contemporary period (2012). In one hand, national ideology is analysed as social and political project caracterised by hierarchies of gender, races and sexualities. Promotion of national identities are structured by male domination, racial discrimination and heteronormativity. In other hand, these racial and gendered hierarchies produce legitimacy for the nation. National ideologies in Iran and in Tajikistan has undergone important changes but hierarchisations and naturalization of gender and races define always borders of the national community and borders inside the national community. National identities are not permanent and monolithic constructions and they represent a major subject of political conflicts. This research, based on interviews and participant observations, develops a sociological approach of the nation. It analyses negotiations and contests of national ideologies by feminist movements in Iran since 1979 and by women NGO movement in Tajikistan since 1991. These movements diversify their strategies in order to legitimate gender or/and women as local issue and to challenge the national gendered order