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Journal articles on the topic 'Nationalism – Iran'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 January 2023

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1

Marashi, Afshin. "Imagining Hāfez: Rabindranath Tagore in Iran, 1932." Journal of Persianate Studies 3, no. 1 (2010): 46–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187471610x505951.

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AbstractIn April and May of 1932, Rabindranath Tagore traveled to Iran on an official visit. He had been invited to Iran as the official guest of Rezā Shah Pahlavi. Using an array of primary source material, this article examines the cultural, political, and ideological implications of this trip for the emerging discourse of nationalism in interwar Iran. The article argues that Tagore’s visit played an important part in promoting the new official nationalism of the Pahlavi state. The emerging interwar ideology of “Pahlavi nationalism” sought to dissociate Iran from the Abrahamic-Islamicate “civilizational ethos” that was now understood to have long dominated Iranian culture, and instead sought to associate Iranian nationalism’s claim of cultural authenticity to a newly emerging notion of “Indo-Iranian civilization” rooted in the pre-Islamic culture of Zoroastrianism and Aryanism. Tagore’s visit to Iran was seen as an opportunity for his Iranian hosts to present him to the Iranian public as a living personification of this newly conceived idea of national authenticity. The public ceremonies and pronouncements that accompanied Tagore during the four-week trip all reinforced this basic message. The paper therefore argues that the Tagore visit to Iran was closely tied to the Pahlavi state’s policy of cultural nationalism.

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VALI, Abbas. "Kurdish Nationalism in Iran." Journal of Kurdish Studies 2 (January 1, 1997): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/jks.2.0.519231.

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3

VALI, Abbas. "Kurdish Nationalism in Iran." Journal of Kurdish Studies 2, no. 1 (April 14, 2005): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/jks.2.1.519231.

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4

ALBAYRAK, Hakan. "AN INVESTİGATİON ON OZANTÜRK'S EPİC OF “TURNALAR” IN TERMS OF NATİONALİSM THEORİES." Zeitschrift für die Welt der Türken / Journal of World of Turks 14, no. 2 (August 15, 2022): 327–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/zfwt/140218.

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There are different researches and studies that have appeared regarding nationalism. There are 3 major theories of these studies, these studies are: primary, modernist, and ethno-symbolic hypotheses. Primary hypothesis claims that all nations came from the same race, and they share the same religion, language, culture and history. The modernist hypothesis claims that nationalism is a communal necessity. In this theory, nationalism explains the modernist process that was affected by social, political, and economic parameters. Finally, the ethno-symbolism theory posits that nationalism is mainly based on ethnic origin and culture. The Epic of “Turnalar” by Ozanturk has pushed the Turkish culture forward. There are three sections connected to each other that talk about the Turkish communities in the “Turnalar” Epic. The first section talks about the Turkish people in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, North Cyprus, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Turkey.Second section talks about Turkish tribes who live in Iraq, Iran, East Turkistan, Kirim, Tataristan, Main Kurdistan, Yakutsk, Chuvashia, The Republic of Altai, The Republic of Tuva, etc…The third section details the Turkish people who are struggling to live in eastern European countries such as Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Moldova, Serbia, Bosnia, Kosovo, Albania, Hungary and Macedonia. “Turnalar” is the first work of Bayram Durbilmez who used Ozanturk as a nickname. Bayram Durbilmez used Ozanturk as a nickname for the first time in “Turnalar”. Durbilmez is known by literature studies about love, religious literature, and Turkish national folklore. This scholar defended Turkish nationalism in non-governmental organizations, some foundations, and associations. He used the Ozanturk nickname in his work which shows us how much of a nationalist he is in the literature world. This thesis aims to study “Turnalar” by Ozanturk from the nationalist aspect. By doing this, this thesis will reference his nationalist academic studies. Keywords: Nationalism, Nationalist Theories, Turkish Communities, Ozanturk, Turnalar, Saga, Love Literature

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Ansari, Ali M. "Iran without the Iranians: The Troubled History of Iranian Nationalism." Bustan: The Middle East Book Review 6, no. 1-2 (December 1, 2015): 70–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bustan.6.1-2.0070.

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Abstract Iranian nationalism and its implications for historiography remains one of the more contested areas of study among scholars of Iran and most studies will make reference to it consciously or unconsciously in their discussion of continuity and change. Two broad schools of thought have emerged; one that is radically modernist in its approach, drawing on the ideas of Edward Said, while the other derives its inspiration from the Cambridge school and the field of hermeneutics. This impressive collection of essays suggests the former and excels at the latter, with diverse studies analyzing the origins of nationalist ideology and its successes and failures over the last century. Imbued with Enlightenment ideas, Iranian nationalism has yet to succeed in transforming itself from an ideology of state control to one of social emancipation as its founding fathers had hoped.

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Ansari, Ali M. "Iran without the Iranians: The Troubled History of Iranian Nationalism." Bustan: The Middle East Book Review 6, no. 1-2 (December 1, 2015): 70–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bustan.6.1-2.70.

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Abstract Iranian nationalism and its implications for historiography remains one of the more contested areas of study among scholars of Iran and most studies will make reference to it consciously or unconsciously in their discussion of continuity and change. Two broad schools of thought have emerged; one that is radically modernist in its approach, drawing on the ideas of Edward Said, while the other derives its inspiration from the Cambridge school and the field of hermeneutics. This impressive collection of essays suggests the former and excels at the latter, with diverse studies analyzing the origins of nationalist ideology and its successes and failures over the last century. Imbued with Enlightenment ideas, Iranian nationalism has yet to succeed in transforming itself from an ideology of state control to one of social emancipation as its founding fathers had hoped.

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7

Khosravi, Jamal, Hossein Aghapouri, and Loghman Hamehmorad. "The Islamist Maktab-Quran in Iran and Its Challenges for Kurdish Nationalism." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 3, no. 1 (June 28, 2016): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/52.

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Maktab Quran (MQ), or School of Quran, is the oldest Sunni Islamic political ideology in Iranian Kurdistan. Throughout the forty years of its existence it has gone through many semantic changes. These changes ranged from its cooperation with the Iranian Islamic movements in the 1960s, which represented a departure from Kurdish nationalism, to a divergent approach in more recent years as a result of the compromise with Kurdish nationalism on the part of the Iranian central government.This paper analyzes the discourse formation of the MQ under development within the broader domain of the Kurdish nationalist movement. Moreover, these discursive changes were mostly in response to certain developments in regard to mainstream Iranian Islamist ideology, and also the Iranian central government’s changing approach to Kurdistan. The paper provides a conceptual explanation of the MQ’s discourse. It discusses the way the discourse has changed over the years and relates the changes to various external factors, specifically, the social and political macro-changes in Kurdistan and in Iran.Studying the social acts of the MQ’s discourse from the perspective of the dominant discourse of Kurdish nationalism reveals the dialectic relationship between these two phenomena. In fact, as a result of the presence and expansion of Kurdish nationalism, which diverged from the approach of the central government, a broader social action emerged which has provided a ground for the discourse analysis of the MQ’s practices.

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8

Abdelrehim, Neveen. "Rethinking “Oil Nationalism”." International Journal of Signs and Semiotic Systems 4, no. 2 (July 2015): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsss.2015070103.

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In the early twentieth century, Great Britain began a new wave of imperialism, focusing on areas in the Middle East strategic to enhance their trade. Iran was one of the countries in which Britain gained enormous power and influence. This power was derived from its control of Iranian oil resources, through the Anglo Iranian Oil Company (AIOC). After many years of AIOC producing oil in Iran with Iranian Government support, a wave of economic nationalism led to the nationalization of AIOC in 1951 by the Iranian Prime Minister Musaddiq. The nationalization of the AIOC angered the British and seemed part of a growing pattern of pressure on their interests culminating in wresting Musaddiq from the control of the oil industry. As a result, in considering the above effects, by using AIOC as a case study, a textual analysis of the Chairman's Statement to Shareholders is conducted and the validity of the Statements is reappraised with reference to historical evidence.

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9

Monirinejad, Mahdi, Arman Heidari, and Keshvad Siahpour. "ROLE OF INTELLECTUALS IN TRIBAL POLICIES OF REZA SHAH REGIME: A STUDY FOCUSING ON THE BAKHTIARI AND QASHQAEI TRIBE." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 8, no. 4 (September 2, 2020): 801–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2020.8480.

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Purpose of the study: Following the entrance of Reza Shah into Iran’s political scene, the Persian archaist and nationalist intellectuals started to support him. These intellectuals believed that only through a central government with a Persian Nationalism could establish a united national nation-state in Iran. They played a key role in paving the path for the formation of a united nation-state and tackling the existing barriers before its path, e.g. the semi-autonomous traditional tribal governments, through establishing parties, societies, and newspapers and various activities in the administrative and bureaucratic domains. This is an issue which has not been discussed almost by no one of the scholars who have conducted studies on Iran. Methodology: The present study has been undertaken based on the method of historical sociology and through the use of the library sources. Results: In this way, the intellectuals who were supporters of the ancient Persian nationalism persuaded Reza Shah to adopt a radical military approach against the tribes. They consecrated Reza Shah and did not miss any opportunity to humiliate the tribes in every possible form. In fact, the pro-ancient Persian nationalism intellectuals had their own personal strategies for the destruction of the semi-independent governments. Applications of this study: This article plays a prefund role in studying the history of recent Iran. Novelty of the study: The Novelty of the study is in investigating the historical sociology and using various sources.

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Ahmedov, Vladimir M. "The Role of Nationalism in Arab-Iranian Relations: Historical and Ideological Dimensions." Oriental Courier, no. 4 (2022): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310023831-2.

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For the last decades Iran has been playing significant role in Middle Eastern politics. Tehran’s rooted involvement in Arab’s political environments provokes tensions and hostilities in Arab-Iranian relations. The author believes that historical legacy of Arab-Iranian interactions has been still determined some important characteristics of Arab-Iranian relations. In this article the author investigates the role of nationalism and national building process in Arab countries and Iran. He shows that the rise of national movement and emergence of new nation-states based on different ideological principals and theoretical models politicized historical Arab-Iranian ethnic and sectarian differences and cultural rivalries. The author studies how developments of various forms of nationalism in Arab countries and Iran, their approaches to national state building affected their relations. The author considers that both Arabs and Iran have been challenged the internal political dynamics and regional transformations were forced to instrumentalized nationalism as a protective tool to secure and legitimize their state suzerainty, establish their presence and provide their interests in the region. In practice, regards their historical territorial, ethnic, religious disputes, both Arabs and Iran frequently exaggerated Iranian threats to Arabism and overestimated Arab nationalism, pan-Arabism as Arab’s ambitions for regional leadership. These fears converted into real politic have spoiled Arab Iranian relations. The author stresses that emphasizing on Islamic feelings at the expense of particular nationalism in Iran after Islamic revolution in 1979 and giving up secular ideas in favor of Islamism in Arab countries after the “Arab Spring” brought neither reconciliation, nor normalization in the Arab-Iranian relations. The author pays special attention to the dynamic of Iranian nationalism in view of the developments in power mechanism of Tehran’s politics in the Middle East.

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11

Sariolghalam, Mahmood. "Iran in Search of Itself." Current History 107, no. 713 (December 1, 2008): 425–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2008.107.713.425.

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12

Litvak, Meir. "“God’s Favored Nation”: The New Religious Nationalism in Iran." Religions 11, no. 10 (October 21, 2020): 541. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11100541.

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A new religious nationalism has evolved in the Islamic Republic of Iran as a means to reconcile the contestation between the Persian ethnic (Iraniyat) and the Islamic (Islamiyat) elements, which has marked Iranian nationalism since its inception. The new synthesis identifies Shiʿism with Iran and associates Sunni Islam with Arab tribalism. It commends Iran’s pre-Islamic cultural attributes and highlights its contribution to Islam. Concurrently, it presents Shiʿism as key factor in the endurance of Iranian nationalism and the preservation of Iran’s independence. It culminates with the claim that the Iranians are “God’s favorite nation,” destined to lead the Muslim world.

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13

Кирчанов, М. В. "Historical Politics of Memory in Iran, 1925–1979 ("Imagination" of the Past and "Invention" of History as a Form of "Invention of Traditions")." Диалог со временем, no. 78(78) (April 24, 2022): 229–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2022.78.78.015.

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Автор анализирует формы политически мотивированных манипуляций историей как часть национализма и политики памяти в Иране периода Пехлеви. Предполагается, что политика памяти зависела от динамики модернизации. Элиты использовали историю и прошлое как символические ресурсы для легитимации режима, а политика памяти стала формой иранского националистического воображения. Элиты были также активны в попытках актуализировать и визуализировать зороастрийское и доисламское наследие, интегрируя его в культурные пространства и контексты Ирана. Автор анализирует коммеморативные мероприятия, включая празднование 2500-летия персидской монархии. Предполагается, что политика памяти в Иране имитировала культурные практики западного национализма. The author analyzes the forms of politically motivated historical manipulations as part of nationalism and memory politics in Iran during the Pahlavi period. It is assumed that the politics of memory depended on the dynamics of modernization. The author believes that the elites used history and the past as symbolic resources in their attempts to legitimize the regime, and the politics of memory became a form of Iranian nationalist imagination. The author believes that the elites actualized and visualized the Zoroastrian and pre-Islamic heritage, integrating it into the cultural spaces and contexts of Iran. The author analyzes the commemorative events, including the celebration of the 2500th anniversary of the Persian monarchy. It is assumed that the politics of memory in Iran imitated the cultural practices of Western nationalism.

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Orishev, Alexander. "Iranian Intellectuals, Nationalism and Nazi Germany." INTELLIGENTSIA AND THE WORLD, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.46725/iw.2020.4.1.

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The article analyzes the situation in Iran before and during the Second World War, when the warring parties represented by England, Germany and the USSR tried to bring the Iranian intelligentsia to their side. The author shows that on the eve of the war, German propagandists achieved the greatest success in this field. The main issues that could become the basis for the rapprochement of Nazi Germany and the Shah’s Iran are shown: the propaganda of the «Aryan brotherhood» and the positioning of the Third Reich as a defender of Muslims. The channels of influence of Nazism on the Iranian intelligentsia are revealed. The main scientific result: the evolution of the national consciousness of the Iranian intelligentsia is shown, and the main reasons for the final collapse of the German ideological expansion into Iran are determined.

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15

Kyrchanoff, M. W. "POLITICS OF MEMORY IN THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN AS A NON-WESTERN FORM OF HISTORICAL POLITICS (BETWEEN THE VALUES OF THE UMMAH AND THE PRINCIPLES OF NATIONALISM)." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 4(55) (2021): 46–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-4-46-55.

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The author analyzes the main features and directions of the policy of historical memory in the Islamic Republic of Iran, proclaimed in the 1979. Analyzing the politics of memory in Iran, the author transplants those models of explanation and interpretation to Iranian contexts, which were originally proposed for the study of ideologically mo-tivated manipulations of history in Europe. It is assumed that the politics of memory depends on the dynamics of political and socio-economic modernization in its Islamic version. Elites actively use history and the past as symbolic resources in their attempts to legitimize regime, and the politics of memory has become one of the dimensions of Iranian political imagination, integrated into the Shia political discourse. The main forms of politically and ideologi-cally motivated manipulations with history in the Islamization contexts are presented. The author states that the Irani-an elites are active in their attempts to marginalize the Zoroastrian and pre-Islamic heritage, imagined as alien cultur-ally and anti-Islamic traditions. Therefore, the early policy of memory in Iran was radical and repressive in its nature. The author analyzes the radical forms of the politics of memory, including the destruction of historical and cultural monuments. It is assumed that political Islam and the values of the Ummah in the historical imagination of Iran be-came more important factors than Iranian ethnic nationalism. In general, the article shows the interdependence of the memorial politics of the non-secular Shia regime and Iranian nationalism, despite its marginalization. The author presumes that the politics of memory belongs to the few spheres of social and cultural life of Islamic Republic of Iran, where Iranian secular intellectuals can visualize their identity and nationalist preferences. The historical politics in Iran actualizes the peculiarities of ideological struggle of the Shia regime against the Iranian political emigration, which criticizes Islamization. The results of the politics of memory also demonstrate the significant potential of the historical experience (Iranian-Iraqi war) as a stimulus for consolidation and promotion of loyalty. Therefore, the au-thor analyzes the politics of memory as a constantly revising project, declaring the need for its further interdiscipli-nary analysis.

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Wytenbroek, Lydia. "Nursing (Inter)nationalism in Iran, 1916–1947." Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 18, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 36–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15525864-9494136.

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Abstract In the first half of the twentieth century, American missionary nurses, working under the auspices of the Presbyterian Mission to Iran, established areas of educational innovation within mission medicine and Iranian health care. Drawing on Presbyterian mission records, this article considers missionary nurses’ efforts to cultivate international nursing standards in Iran between 1916, when they opened their first nursing school, and 1947, when they launched an institute of higher education for nurses. From the outset their mission was to develop the nursing profession and “produce fine nurses for Iran.” In effect, they proselytized for the nursing profession. For twenty years they operated the only nursing schools in the country. This article argues that missionary nurses’ commitment to nursing professionalism facilitated Iranian nursing nationalism. It also reveals that some Iranian women took advantage of mission nursing schools to advance their education and cultivate prominent nursing careers.

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Bendebka, Ramzi. "Pitfalls of Nationalism in the Middle East and North Africa Region." Current Research Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 3, no. 1 (February 24, 2020): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.12944/crjssh.3.1.07.

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Nationalism in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region is a fundamental issue. As long as this fundamental issue is not well discussed, any reforms in the regional system, including integration and state building, would be insufficient in alleviating the challenges faced by Arab nations as they attempt unity in the region. Any understanding of how and why MENA states make political choices towards stability and unity, necessitates the understanding of how they view themselves in terms of representing identity. The objective of this study is to investigate the transformation and the changing nationalism in the modern MENA region. For instance, Arab society has courted several ideologies from Arabism or Arab nationalism and Arab Islamic nationalism, among others. Ideologies do not exist in a vacuum. Therefore, it is necessary to investigate the context in which several ideologies interact with each other and affect nationalism in the MENA region. Although Arab nationalism continues to play an ideological role, what is its relation with Islam? Why Arab Islamic nationalism in the MENA region does not unite states or non-state groups like the cases of Iran and the Kurds? It is therefore useful for this article to illustrate firstly, the relation between Arab nationalism and Arab Islamic nationalism, secondly, the case of Iran nationalism and finally, the Kurds and their strive for a separate nationalism.

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Fakheri, Mehdi. "Iran nuclear deal: from nationalism to diplomacy." Asian Education and Development Studies 6, no. 1 (January 3, 2017): 2–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-06-2016-0049.

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Purpose Selected countries in the world have the technical capability of creating nuclear energy. Iran has striven to acquire the know-how to harness nuclear power and has been scientifically successful. However, it was sanctioned by the foremost world powers for doing so. The purpose of this paper is to analyze how the Iranian nuclear dossier came about and how it became a global issue, how it was resolved and who will benefit from its resolution. Design/methodology/approach The paper is designed to review the antecedents, to study the international community’s position, to analyze the outcomes and to make some recommendations. The study’s methodology is therefore analytical. Findings Access to nuclear technology is a political matter and those who are allowed to use it might be subject to the ideological preferences of those that have long had it. The holders of nuclear technology normally interact with allies to provide them with help to fulfill a nuclear power program under certain circumstances. If an individual country decides to go its own way and develop an indigenous technical capability, it will come under scrutiny and measures will be taken to control it. If those measures fail, sanctions and pressures will be employed to hamper the achievement of nuclear independence. In the absence of tangible results, negotiations will start and agreement may be reached based on the expertise of the two sides’ negotiators. A peaceful agreement could be a win-win solution if it respects the rights and responsibilities of the parties involved. Iran’s nuclear deal, if implemented properly, would be a success story and will shape future policies in the Middle East. Research limitations/implications The first prerequisite for research is to have access to credible literature. When dealing with a new phenomenon, researchers face the challenge of not having sufficient material to develop a hypothesis or respond to all the questions that they have to pose. For Iran’s nuclear deal hundreds of articles have been written, but few books. Furthermore, because of the delicacy and confidentiality of the negotiations undertaken, one cannot interview the authorities involved either. Practical implications There are some Asian, Latin American and African countries with similar plans concerning nuclear energy. The paper will provide food for thought to evaluate the cost of their decisions and make suggestions for how they should proceed so that they can be perceived to be acting properly. Social implications Although nuclear themes are largely political and a part of the security arena internationally, access to nuclear technology as a power source could have a significant impact on the social development of the countries pursuing nuclear energy programs. The paper studies the effect of the Iranian deal on health, education, social networks and civil society. Originality/value The author has been involved in part of the negotiating process and has, thus, been in a position to verify different information discussed in the global mass media. The subject is also a brand-new issue in international relations, since a peaceful solution was found for a scenario that had previously been solved by military intervention, without exception. Finally, it is interdisciplinary research with an innovative analysis approach.

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Baghoolizadeh, Beeta. "From Religious Eulogy to War Anthem." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 441–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9407988.

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Abstract This article looks to two songs, “Layla Said” and “Mammad, You Weren't There to See,” to examine the politics of representation, race, religion, and nationalism in late twentieth-century Iran. “Layla Said,” a religious eulogy sung by Jahanbakhsh Kurdizadeh, would serve as inspiration for the most popular song of the Iran-Iraq War (1980–88) in terms of melody, rhythm, and lyrics. Kurdizadeh, a visibly Black Iranian, is not popularly remembered as the source of the eulogy, an omission that compounds many of the politics of Black representation in Iran. Through an investigation of film, aural recordings, photographs, and more, this article follows the many mutations of the eulogy-turned-anthem to identify the various ways ethnography and documentary works frame blackness in Iran. Kurdizadeh's life and marginalized legacy highlights the tacit erasure of blackness on the national stage in Iran.

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Van Bruinessen, Martin. "The Forgotten Years of Kurdish Nationalism in Iran." Kurdish Studies 9, no. 2 (October 31, 2021): 247–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v9i2.656.

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Farzaneh, Mateo Mohammad. "Iran: Oil Crisis in Iran: From Nationalism to Coup d'État, by Ervand Abrahamian (book review)." Middle East Journal 75, no. 4 (February 1, 2021): 602–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/75.4.302.

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Zenoozian, Mostafa Samiee, Davood Esfehanian, Hosein Aliyari, and Assadallah Salehi Panahi. "Archaism and Nationalism of the Principles of Political Identity of Pahlavi I." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 6 (July 31, 2016): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n6p81.

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<p>Nationalism was the main axes of the first Pahlavi era that was followed by using the Persian language and ethnicity, paying attention to the historical past and relying on the antiquity were of its manifestations the result of which was crystallized in the homeland patriotism. In this age of homeland, close bond component was king worship and archaism. Reza Shah's government, by leading the intellectuals sought to replace Imperial ideology of nationalism with the Iranian and Islamic culture and rests the legitimacy of his regime on it. One of the features and characteristics of the Pahlavi regime was the emphasis on the idea of nationalist glory and honor of the Zoroastrian religion of pre-Islamic Iran and the Persian language worshiped by that time.This article aims at the crystallization phenomenon of nationalism and ancient Persian language and ethnicity importance of convergence in the approach of the Iranian (Aryan era) in the first Pahlavi era and investigated the implications and intentions of the founders approach.</p>

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Farzaneh, Mateo Mohammad. "Shi'i Ideology, Iranian Secular Nationalism and the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988)." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 7, no. 1 (March 2007): 86–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-9469.2007.tb00109.x.

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Ghiabi, Maziyar. "Minorities in Iran: Nationalism and Ethnicity after Khomeini." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 42, no. 2 (December 22, 2014): 255–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2014.990298.

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Blout, E. L. "Soft war: Myth, nationalism, and media in Iran." Communication Review 20, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 212–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714421.2017.1346976.

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Moghissi, Haideh. "Islamic Cultural Nationalism and Gender Politics in Iran." Third World Quarterly 29, no. 3 (April 2008): 541–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436590801931504.

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Farzaneh, Mateo Mohammad. "Interregional rivalry cloaked in Iraqi Arab nationalism and Iran secular nationalism, and Shiite ideology." International Journal of Contemporary Iraqi Studies 2, no. 3 (February 2009): 391–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijcis.2.3.391_1.

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Abdolmohammadi, Pejman. "Remarks on the Origins of Secularism and Nationalism in Iran." Eurasian Studies 13, no. 1-2 (October 17, 2015): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685623-12340008.

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Mirzā Fatḥʿalī Āḫūndzāde (1812-1878) is one of the most important thinkers and intellectuals of the 19th century in Iran. He started to develop a critical perception of political Islam, giving rise to a new current of thought based on Persian nationalism, secularism and constitutionalism. This article, after a brief introduction of the political and historical context of the 19th century, will analyse the political thought of Āḫūndzāde, highlighting some fundamental elements of his ideas and reflections such as enlightenment, nationalism, constitutionalism, the relationship between religion and politics, and the importance of individual liberties and civil rights. Āḫūndzāde was able to combine the Western enlightenment with the Persian pre-Islamic history and identity, creating, for the first time in the Iranian modern history, a new current of thought based on secularism and nationalism. This article will also show how Āḫūndzāde’s thought influenced the political evolution of Persia from the mid of nineteenth century until today, highlighting some important historical events of Persia such as the Constitutional Revolution, Riḍā Šāh’s reign, Muṣaddiq’s government and the political movements of today’s Iranian civil society.

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Abdi, Kamyar. "Nationalism, Politics, and the Development of Archaeology in Iran." American Journal of Archaeology 105, no. 1 (January 2001): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/507326.

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Kashani-Sabet, Firoozeh. "Ethnicity, Identity, and the Development of Nationalism in Iran." Bustan: The Middle East Book Review 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 169–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bustan.7.2.169.

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31

Campbell, John C., and Sussan Siavoshi. "Liberal Nationalism in Iran: The Failure of a Movement." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 4 (1990): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044579.

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32

Sheherazade Jafari. "Gender, the State, and Nationalism in Egypt and Iran." Feminist Formations 22, no. 3 (2010): 254–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ff.2010.0020.

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Kazemi, Sona. "Whose Disability (Studies)?" Canadian Journal of Disability Studies 8, no. 4 (July 1, 2019): 195–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/cjds.v8i4.530.

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This article is part of a larger inquiry into the production of disabled bodies due to violence. I examine processes of disablement in the global south, namely Iran and Iraqi Kurdistan, by wars launched and nurtured by both the local nation-states in the Middle East as well as the global north - the United States, Russia, and Western Europe. Utilizing a dialectical and historical materialist approach, I studied the Iran-Iraq war, the longest war of the 20th century. I explore how the disablement of global southern bodies in imperialist and nationalist wars is persistently naturalized – that is, attributed to the natural state of affairs in those regions, with the inevitable consequence that they cannot be connected to the violence of ongoing global and regional imperialism. This paper briefly touches upon the theoretical framework and methodology utilized to conduct this research, as well as the “problem” of disability in Iran. Subsequently, it goes on to extensively discuss the living conditions of the surviving Iranian veterans and surviving civilians of the Iran-Iraq war told through their own resilient voices. The veterans’ narratives expose their post-war experiences, including poverty, unemployment, inadequate medical-care, lack of medication due to the U.S.-imposed economic sanctions, and the presence of a dysfunctional disability-measurement system employed by the Iranian state. As a survivor of this war myself, I invite the reader to bear witness to how the violence of imperialism and nationalism not only renders people disabled, but also fetishizes their disablement by masking/mystifying the socio-political and economic relations that mediate the violent processes that render people disabled. By focusing on the veterans’ actual living conditions, this paper seeks to defetishize disablement, shifting the narrative of disabled veterans and civilians from tales of terrorism, heroism, living martyrdom, and patriotism, towards recognition of disability of/in human beings in need of care and support.

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Arjomand, Kamran. "TIM EPKENHANS, Die iranische Moderne im Exil: Bibliographie der Zeitschrift Kave, Berlin 1916–1922, Islamwissenschaftliche Quellen und Texte aus deutschen Bibliotheken (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz, 2000). Pp. 216." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2002): 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802301065.

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Intellectual history of modernism in Iran has proved to be a subject of lively academic interest. The role of Iranian exiles in late 19th and early 20th century, in particular, has drawn considerable scholarly attention. In recent years, the Iranian press in exile has also become a focus of academic scrutiny. In Germany, Anja Pistor-Hatam has studied the Iranian intellectual community in Istanbul around the newspaper Akhtar (Nachrichtenblatt, Informationsbörse und Diskussionsforum: Ahtar-e Estānbūl (1876–1896)—Anstöße zur frühen persischen Moderne [Münster, 1999]) and Keivandokht Ghahari's doctoral dissertation is concerned with ideas of nationalism and modernism among Iranian intellectuals in Berlin as reflected in the journals Kâveh, Iranshahr, and Ayandeh (Nationalismus und Modernismus in Iran in der Periode zwischen dem Zerfall der Qāğāren-Dynastie und der Machtfestigung Reżā Schah [Berlin, 2001]). In this context, the bibliography of Kâveh is thus a welcomed contribution.

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Gresh, Geoffrey. "Iranian Kurds in an Age of Globalisation." Iran and the Caucasus 13, no. 1 (2009): 187–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/160984909x12476379008241.

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AbstractSince 2003 and the establishment of Iraq's Kurdish Regional Government, Iran has witnessed a rise in ethnonationalist activity among its Kurdish population. Much of the motivation for this activity stems from the political success of the Kurds in Iraq. The spread of Iranian Kurdish nationalism has also been influenced by globalisation forces, such as global communications technologies, transnational networks, and increased mobility across borders. In this age of globalisation, the Iranian government's ability to rule over the Kurds will continue to erode, unless it caters toward Kurdish demands of minority rights.

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36

Yeganeh, Nahid. "Women, Nationalism and Islam in Contemporary Political Discourse in Iran." Feminist Review, no. 44 (1993): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1395192.

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37

Riaux, Gilles. "The formative years of Azerbaijani nationalism in post-revolutionary Iran." Central Asian Survey 27, no. 1 (March 2008): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634930802214039.

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Yeganeh, Nahid. "Women, Nationalism and Islam in Contemporary Political Discourse in Iran." Feminist Review 44, no. 1 (July 1993): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1993.17.

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Khazeni, A. "The Political Development of the Kurds in Iran: Pastoral Nationalism." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 28, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 219–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-2007-071.

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Yaghoubian, David N. "Farzin Vejdani.Making History in Iran: Education, Nationalism, and Print Culture." American Historical Review 121, no. 2 (April 2016): 685–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.2.685.

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Burton, Elise K. "Narrating ethnicity and diversity in Middle Eastern national genome projects." Social Studies of Science 48, no. 5 (October 2018): 762–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312718804888.

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Most Middle Eastern populations outside Israel have not been represented in Western-based international human genome sequencing efforts. In response, national-level projects have emerged throughout the Middle East to decode the Arab, Turkish and Iranian genomes. The discourses surrounding the ‘national genome’ that shape scientists’ representation of their work to local and international audiences evoke three intersecting analytics of nationalism: methodological, postcolonial and diasporic. Methodologically, ongoing human genome projects in Turkey and Iran follow the population logics of other national and international genome projects, for example justifying research with reference to projected health benefits to their fellow citizens. Meanwhile, assumptions about and representations of ethnicity and diversity are deeply inflected by local histories of scientific development and nationalist politics. While Iranian geneticists have transformed this paradigm to catalog national genetic diversity through a discourse of ‘Iranian ethnicities’, Turkish geneticists remain politically constrained from acknowledging ethnic diversity and struggle to distance their work from racialized narratives of Turkish national identity. Such nationally-framed narratives of genomic diversity are not confined to their original contexts, but travel abroad, as demonstrated by a US-based genome project that articulates a form of Iranian-American diasporic nationalism.

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Elhan, Nail. "Banal Nationalism as a Defensive State Apparatus: Daily Re-Production of Nationality and Religion in Iran." İnsan & Toplum Dergisi (The Journal of Human & Society) 6, no. 1 (June 3, 2016): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.12658/human.society.6.11.m0154.

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Patnaik, Prabhat. "Imperialism and Third World nationalism: Reflections on the coup against Mossadegh’s regime in Iran, 1953." Studies in People's History 5, no. 2 (October 10, 2018): 219–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448918795778.

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The US’s planned and financed overthrow of the Mossadegh’s regime in Iran in 1953 was a classical case of imperialist intervention. Many explanations for this can be offered: US’s racial fellow feeling for British, the main possible loser at the hands of Mossadegh’s nationalism; expectation of economic gains for US oil interests or fear of threat from the Soviet Union. None of these, however, can stand detailed analysis. What can offer a more straightforward explanation is that anti-colonial Third World nationalism could not just be fitted into the world-view of the major capitalist powers, chiefly the USA. It has to be suppressed or thwarted wherever such possibility existed.

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Kalirad, Ali. "From Iranism to Pan-Turkism: A Less-known Page of Ahmet Ağaoğlu’s Biography." Iran and the Caucasus 22, no. 1 (May 15, 2018): 80–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20180107.

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Ahmed Agayev, better known as Ahmet Ağaoğlu (1869-1939), has been a prominent preacher of Turkism and one of the founding fathers of the so-called Azerbaijani identity, having played also a significant role in the formation of Pan-Turkism. Ağaoğlu’s involvement in Pan-Turkist circles in the Ottoman Empire and then in the nationalist movement in Kemalist Turkey partly overshadowed some details of his earlier life. This paper examines one of the lesser-known episodes in his biography—his participation in the activities of the Iranian revolutionaries in Istanbul and his collaboration with their Persian organ, Sorush (Sorūš) in 1909-1910 in Istanbul. Ironically, positioning himself in his Persian writings in Sorush as an avid follower of Iranian nationalism, Ağaoğlu began soon to propound in the Ottoman press the idea of “the Turks of Iran”, actively promoting Turkism and Pan-Turkist views on the ethnic background of the South Caucasian Muslims and the population of the northwestern areas of Iran. Ahmet Ağaoğlu’s writings in Istanbul in 1909 and 1910 shed some light on the genesis of a modern ethnic identity, which was later labelled as “Azerbaijani”.

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WAN, ZHAOYUAN, and DAVID A. PALMER. "The Cosmopolitan Moment in Colonial Modernity: The Bahá’í faith, spiritual networks, and universalist movements in early twentieth-century China." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 6 (December 17, 2019): 1787–827. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x19000210.

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AbstractThis article outlines the spread of the Bahá’í religion—known in Chinese as Datong jiao 大同教)— as a form of religious cosmopolitanism in Republican China (1912–1949). Originating in Iran, its spread to China can be traced to links with the Ottoman empire, British Palestine, the United States, and Japan. By tracking the individuals, connections, and events through which knowledge of the Bahá’í movement spread in China, our study reveals an overlapping nexus of networks—intellectual reformers, liberal Christians, Esperantists, Confucian modernizers, redemptive society activists, and socialists—that shared cosmopolitan ideals. The Bahá’í connections thus serve as a thread that reveals the influence of a unique ‘cosmopolitan moment’ in Republican China, hitherto largely ignored in the scholarly literature on this period, which has focused primarily on the growth of modern Chinese nationalism. Leading nationalist figures endorsed these movements at a specific juncture of Asian colonial modernity, showing that nationalism and cosmopolitanism were seen as expressions of the same ideal of a world community. We argue that the sociology of cosmopolitanism should attend to non-secular and non-state movements that advocated utopian visions of cosmopolitanism, map the circulations that form the nexus of such groups, and identify the contextual dynamics that produce ‘cosmopolitan moments’ at specific historical junctures and locations.

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Abrahamian, Ervand. "Iran Between Islamic Nationalism and Secularism: The Constitutional Revolution of 1906." Iranian Studies 50, no. 3 (March 6, 2017): 474–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2017.1285597.

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Aburaiya, Issam. "Islamism, Nationalism, and Western Modernity: The Case of Iran and Palestine." International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 22, no. 1 (March 2009): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10767-009-9046-z.

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48

Salzman, Philip Carl. "Minorities in Iran: Nationalism and Ethnicity after Khomeiniby Rasmus Christian Elling." Journal of the Middle East and Africa 6, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 215–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2015.1050625.

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Tezcür, Güneş Murat, and Peyman Asadzade. "Ethnic nationalism versus religious loyalty: The case of Kurds in Iran." Nations and Nationalism 25, no. 2 (May 6, 2018): 652–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nana.12424.

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Yousefi, Mohammadtaghi. "Third-world Oriented Policies of Ahmadi Nejad Government in South Caucasus." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 5 (June 29, 2016): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n5p95.

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The collapse of USSR and the independence of the remaining republics from it lead to special geo-politic and geo-strategic changes across the northern borders of Iran. The presence of the influence of regional and trans-regional players in Caucasus that first try to omit Iran or limit the role and presence of Iran in the region and second, have created new sources of threat for Iran in this region has affected the foreign policy of Iran to a significant extent. Given the fact that Caucasus can be the origin of various crises and events such as the separatism, nationalism, and ethnic tension that given the presence of powers such as America and Israel in this region and because of ethnic nexuses can endanger the national security of Iran and Iran needs to have control over the regional entrance gateways to preserve and provide national security and interaction with future challenges. One of the practical approaches in this respect is the fulfillment of the presence and influence of Iran in security issues located among these countries which can reduce the possibility of leaving negative influences of such crises on the national security of our country.

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