Journal articles: 'Nationalism Ireland'

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REID, COLIN. "STEPHEN GWYNN AND THE FAILURE OF CONSTITUTIONAL NATIONALISM IN IRELAND, 1919–1921." Historical Journal 53, no. 3 (August 17, 2010): 723–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000269.

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ABSTRACTThe Irish Party, the organization which represented the constitutional nationalist demand for home rule for almost fifty years in Westminster, was the most notable victim of the revolution in Ireland, c. 1916–23. Most of the last generation of Westminster-centred home rule MPs played little part in public life following the party's electoral destruction in 1918. This article probes the political thought and actions of one of the most prominent constitutional nationalists who did seek to alter Ireland's direction during the critical years of the war of independence. Stephen Gwynn was a guiding figure behind a number of initiatives to ‘save’ Ireland from the excesses of revolution. Gwynn established the Irish Centre Party in 1919, which later merged with the Irish Dominion League. From the end of 1919, Gwynn became a leading advocate of the Government of Ireland Bill, the legislation that partitioned the island. Revolutionary idealism – and, more concretely, violence – did much to render his reconciliatory efforts impotent. Gwynn's experiences between 1919 and 1921 also, however, reveal the paralysing divisions within constitutional nationalism, which did much to demoralize moderate sentiment further.

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Suodenjoki, Sami. "Mobilising for land, nation and class interests: agrarian agitation in Finland and Ireland, 1879–1918." Irish Historical Studies 41, no. 160 (November 2017): 200–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2017.32.

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AbstractThis article explores the comparative history of land agitation and how it evolved and intersected with nationalism and socialism in Finland and Ireland between the Irish Land War and the Finnish Civil War of 1918. Drawing on current scholarship as well as contemporary newspapers and official records, the article shows that an organised land movement developed later and was markedly less violent in Finland than in Ireland. Moreover, while in Ireland the association of landlordism with British rule helped to fuse the land movement with nationalist mobilisation during the Land War, in Finland the tie between the land movement and nationalism remained weak. This was a consequence of Finnish nationalists’ strong affiliation with landowning farmers, which hindered their success in mobilising tenant farmers and agricultural workers. Consequently, the Finnish countryside witnessed a remarkable rise in the socialist movement in the early 1900s. The socialist leanings of the Finnish land movement were greatly influenced by the Russian revolutions, whereas in Ireland militant Fenianism, often emanating from Irish America, affected land agitation more than socialism. As to transnational exchanges, the article also indicates the influence of Irish rural unrest and the related land acts on Finnish public debates and legislation.

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Love, Timothy M. "Irish Nationalism, Print Culture and the Spirit of the Nation." Nineteenth-Century Music Review 15, no. 2 (February 7, 2017): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479409817000015.

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Recent investigations into the survival and dissemination of traditional songs have elucidated the intertwining relationship between print and oral song traditions. Musical repertories once considered distinct, namely broadside ballads and traditional songs, now appear to have inhabited a shared space. Much scholarly attention has been focused on the print and oral interface that occurred in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Britain.Less attention has been paid, however, to music in Ireland where similar economic, cultural and musical forces prevailed. Yet, Ireland’s engagement in various nationalist activities throughout the nineteenth century added a distinctly political twist to Ireland’s print–oral relationship. Songbooks, a tool for many nineteenth-century nationalist movements, often embodied the confluence of print and oral song traditions. Lacking musical notation, many songbooks were dependent on oral traditions such as communal singing to transmit their contents; success also depended on the large-scale distribution networks of booksellers and ballad hawkers. This article seeks to explore further the print–oral interface within the context of Irish nationalism. Specifically, I will examine how one particular movement, Young Ireland, manifested this interface within their songbook, Spirit of the Nation. By examining the production, contents, and ideology of this songbook, the complex connections between literature, orality and nationalism emerge.

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Johnson, Nuala. "Nationalism in Ireland." Political Geography 16, no. 6 (August 1997): 533–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0962-6298(97)88458-2.

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REGAN, JOHN M. "SOUTHERN IRISH NATIONALISM AS A HISTORICAL PROBLEM." Historical Journal 50, no. 1 (February 13, 2007): 197–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005978.

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To what extent has the recent war in Northern Ireland influenced Irish historiography? Examining the nomenclature, periodization, and the use of democracy and state legitimization as interpretative tools in the historicization of the Irish Civil War (1922–3), the influence of a southern nationalist ideology is apparent. A dominating southern nationalist interest represented the revolutionary political elite's realpolitik after 1920, though its pan-nationalist rhetoric obscured this. Ignoring southern nationalism as a cogent influence has led to the misrepresentation of nationalism as ethnically homogeneous in twentieth-century Ireland. Once this is identified, historiographical and methodological problems are illuminated, which may be demonstrated in historians' work on the revolutionary period (c. 1912–23). Following the northern crisis's emergence in the late 1960s, the Republic's Irish governments required a revised public history that could reconcile the state's violent and revolutionary origins with its counterinsurgency against militarist-republicanism. At the same time many historians adopted constitutional, later democratic, state formation narratives for the south at the expense of historical precision. This facilitated a broader state-centred and statist historiography, mirroring the Republic's desire to re-orientate its nationalism away from irredentism, toward the conscious accommodation of partition. Reconciliation of southern nationalist identities with its state represents a singular political achievement, as well as a concomitant historiographical problem.

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Ogliari, Elena. "Against British Influences: Home Rule and the Autonomy of Irish Popular Culture in Ireland’s Juvenile Periodicals." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 3, no. 2 (March 12, 2020): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v3i2.2395.

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This paper aims to analyse a largely uncharted topic, i.e. the representation of Ireland’s struggle for political and cultural self-determination in the nationalist press for Irish youth. In particular, I will examine four papers (Our Boys, Fianna, Young Ireland, and St. Enda’s), which represented the various nuances within the ranks of Irish nationalism. Combining literary and historical interests, I will devote my attention to the editorials and literary contributions published in the 1910s and 1920s to illustrate how these juvenile periodicals engaged their readership in a discussion on the necessity of Home Rule and Ireland’s cultural independence. Textual attention to the rhetorical and literary strategies adopted by the contributors helps to expose the nuances and shifts in the Irish nationalists’ view on the issue, and how nationalist ideas were repackaged for a youthful audience. Moreover, since the four papers were meant as home-grown substitutes for the examples of British popular culture such as the Boys’ Own Paper, their analysis will cast light on the nationalists’ yearning for the development and success of truly Irish popular culture among the youngsters. The Irish periodicals waged a battle against their British counterparts — a battle which Ireland’s youth was incited to fight.

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Bradshaw, Brendan. "Nationalism and historical scholarship in modern Ireland." Irish Historical Studies 26, no. 104 (November 1989): 329–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400010105.

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The object of the present essay is to suggest that the mainstream tradition of Irish historical scholarship, as it has developed since the 1930s, has been vitiated by a faulty methodological procedure. The study falls into two parts. The first considers a similar exercise conducted in this journal by Dr Steven Ellis in 1986. The intention here is to suggest that Ellis’s analysis of the problem is misconceived. The second part seeks to explore the problem ‘as it really is’ and ultimately to prescribe a remedy. Continuity between the two parts is provided by the fact that the issue comes down to a consideration of the place of nationalism as a formative influence on modern Irish historical scholarship. In short, Ellis sees nationalism as a proactive force in this connexion and identifies ‘whig-nationalist’ preconceptions as the basic source of confusion. The first part of this study, therefore, is concerned to refute that analysis and to show that the evidence adduced by Ellis does not sustain it. The second part argues that the modern tradition actually developed in self-conscious reaction against an earlier nationalist tradition of historical interpretation and aspired to produce ‘value-free’ history in accordance with the criteria of scientific research elaborated in Herbert Butterfield’s The whig interpretation of history. It will be argued that that is precisely the problem.

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Kelly, Stephen. "‘I was altogether out of tune with my colleagues’: Conor Cruise O'Brien and Northern Ireland, 1969–77." Irish Historical Studies 45, no. 167 (May 2021): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2021.23.

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AbstractThis article critically re-assesses Conor Cruise O'Brien's attitude to Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1977. It argues that O'Brien's most significant contribution to public life was the ability to deconstruct many aspects of Irish nationalism, specifically his rejection of the Irish state's irredentist claim over Northern Ireland. In doing so, it contends that O'Brien was one of the most important, and outspoken, champions of so-called ‘revisionist nationalism’ of his generation. The article examines three themes in relation to O'Brien's attitude to Northern Ireland: his attack on the Irish state's anti-partitionism; his rejection of Irish republican terrorism; and his support for the ‘principle of consent’ argument. The article illustrates that O'Brien was criticised in nationalist circles and accused of committing political heresy. Indeed, his willingness to challenge the attitude of most mainstream Irish politicians on Northern Ireland invariably left him an isolated figure, even among his own Labour Party comrades. Writing in his Memoir, O'Brien neatly summed up the difficult position in which he found himself: ‘I was altogether out of tune with my colleagues over Northern Ireland’.

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Kearney, Richard. "Postmodernity, nationalism and Ireland." History of European Ideas 16, no. 1-3 (January 1993): 147–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0191-6599(05)80113-5.

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Stevenson, Garth. "The Politics of Remembrance in Irish and Quebec Nationalism." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 4 (December 2004): 903–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904003518.

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Abstract. This article describes how the remembrance of historical events contributes to, and is shaped by, nationalism in Ireland and Quebec. Remembered historical events contribute to the growth of nationalism if they serve at least one of five purposes: defining the conceptual boundaries of the nation, reinforcing a sense of pride in the nation's achievements, evoking feelings of pity and indignation at the losses suffered by the nation, legitimizing the actions or principles of present-day leaders, or inspiring a belief that the nation will eventually triumph. Eight remembered events, four in Ireland and four in Quebec, are discussed in relation to these five purposes. The article concludes that historical remembrance has been a more powerful influence on nationalism in Ireland than in Quebec.Résumé. Cet article raconte comment le souvenir des évenements historiques contribue au renforcement du nationalisme en Irlande et au Québec. Le souvenir d'un évenement historique aura cet effet s'il aide … definir la communauté nationale,s'il stimule des sentiments de la pitié et de l'indignation envers la nation et ses tribulations, s'il légitime les actions et les idées des nationalistes actuels, ou s'il encourage l'esperance que la nation va triompher contre ses adversaires. L'article examine quatre evenements historiques, irlandais ou québécois, avec le but de déterminer s'ils contribuent … ces cinq objectifs. Selon sa conclusion, l'influence des souvenirs historiques a été plus puissante en Irlande q'au Québec, ce qui explique la plus grande intensité du nationalisme irlandais.

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11

Pašeta, Senia. "Nationalist responses to two royal visits to Ireland, 1900 and 1903." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 124 (November 1999): 488–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014371.

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In July 1903 Maud Gonne hung a black petticoat from the window of her Dublin home, insulting her unionist neighbours and provoking what became known as ‘the battle of Coulson Avenue’. Aided by nationalist friends, athletes from Cumann na nGaedheal and her sturdy housekeeper, she defended her ‘flag’ against police and irate neighbours. Gonne’s lingerie — allegedly a mark of respect for the recently deceased pope — flew in stark and defiant contrast to the numerous Union Jacks which lined her street in honour of King Edward VII’s visit to Ireland. This episode heralded a month of spectacular protest which polarised nationalist opinion. Like the visit to Dublin of Queen Victoria in 1900, King Edward’s tour provoked both enormous public interest and rivalry between various Irish institutions which vied to express their loyalty to the crown. But the royal tours also instigated fierce debate within the nationalist community and highlighted the ever deepening rifts between constitutional nationalism and ‘advanced’ nationalism.

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Cochrane, Feargal. "Any Takers? The Isolation of Northern Ireland." Political Studies 42, no. 3 (September 1994): 378–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1994.tb01684.x.

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This article challenges the traditional assumptions prevalent within the two main communal blocs in Northern Ireland. I argue that the orthodox unionist and nationalist views of the external political environment are seriously flawed to the point that both camps have become oblivious to the shifting political universe which surrounds them. Unionist and nationalist analyses of political dynamics within both Britain and the Irish Republic are misconceived. The domination of a romantic historical inheritance over intellectual rationalism has led to assumptions within both unionism and nationalism, central to the general strategy of both ideologies, which do not withstand examination.

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Evans, Jocelyn A. J., and Jonathan Tonge. "The Future of the ‘Radical Centre’ in Northern Ireland after the Good Friday Agreement." Political Studies 51, no. 1 (March 2003): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00411.

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The 1998 Good Friday Agreement has provided a new political dispensation in Northern Ireland. Through the management of the competing aims of unionism and nationalism, the Agreement hopes to promote cross-community consensus and forge a new, moderate centre. However, the segmental autonomy evident under the consociationalism of the Agreement poses questions of the existing political centre in Northern Ireland. Traditionally, the centre, as represented by the Alliance Party, has rejected unionism and nationalism, believing either to be ideologies to be overcome, rather than accommodated. Under the post-Agreement political arrangements, Alliance has already been obliged to bolster pro-Agreement unionism, through the temporary tactical redesignation of three of its Assembly members as Unionist and through tacit support for selected unionist election candidates. Using the first ever membership survey of the existing centre party in Northern Ireland, this article examines whether its vision of a radical third tradition is sustainable in a polity in which unionist and nationalist politics are legitimised.

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M.A, English Literature- Poetry Shaymaa Saleem Yousif. "William Butler Yeats' Political Views of Rising in Easter 1916." journal of the college of basic education 26, no. 108 (March 30, 2022): 649–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35950/cbej.v26i108.5297.

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It has been 103 years since the Rising of Easter 1916 had broken in Ireland. Yet, there are still far reaching questions regarding the real political views of William Butler Yeats in his famous poem Eater 1916. William Butler (1865-1939) is one of the poets who wrote about the events in their country in general and about the Rising of Easter1916 in particular. Butler as an Irish poet is expected to believe and support this rising, but as a protestant who spent most of his youth in London, should refuse and denounce The Easter Rising 1916. Yeats belongs to the protestant who was controlling the political, social, and economic life of Ireland. For this reason, many people suspected his loyalty and accused him of lacking the sense of Irish nationalism and patriotism. However, Yeats attacked his Irish contemporaries who under evaluates his nationalism, saying that every man born in Ireland should belong to it, and if a man considers himself an Irishman then he is indeed a part of Ireland. This research states how Yeats was insisting on his Irish nationality in spite of the fact that he had spent most of his life living out of Ireland and he belongs to the Anglo section through analyzing important and relevant lines from his historical and patriotic poem, Easter1916. Additionally, some relevant messages between the poet and, his friends will be stated to support his views. It is concluded that W.B. Yeats positively expresses his Irish nationality and support of independence through his poem Easter 1916

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Campbell, John L., and John A. Hall. "Small States, Nationalism and Institutional Capacities: An Explanation of the Difference in Response of Ireland and Denmark to the Financial Crisis." European Journal of Sociology 56, no. 1 (April 2015): 143–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975615000077.

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AbstractThis paper uses theories of small states (e.g. Katzenstein) and nationalism (e.g. Gellner) to explain why Denmark and Ireland responded to the 2008 financial crisis in different ways. In Denmark, a coordinated market economy with considerable corporatism and state intervention, the private sector shouldered much of the financial burden for rescuing the banking sector. In Ireland, a liberal market economy without much corporatism or state intervention, the state shouldered the burden. The difference stems in large part from the fact that Denmark had comparatively thick institutions and a strong sense of nationalism whereas Ireland did not. Lessons for the theories of small states and nationalism are explored.

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Evershed, Jonathan. "A war that stopped a war? The necropolitics of (Northern) Ireland’s First World War centenary." Global Discourse 9, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 537–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/263168919x15671868126815.

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The recent ‘recovery’ of First World War memory in Ireland has been much discussed and widely celebrated. What has been represented as Ireland’s centennial reacquaintance with its Great War heritage has been framed by a wider ‘Decade of Centenaries’: a policy construct through which a more reconciliatory approach to commemorating the violent events which gave birth to the two states on the island of Ireland has been promoted. The Decade has seen the ascendance of joint British–Irish First World War commemorations, and attempts have been made to use commemoration to bridge the ‘communal’ divide between unionism and nationalism. In this article, I interrogate this new commemorative dispensation and the assumptions that underwrite it. I argue that the reconciliatory reorientation of commemoration in Ireland during the Decade of Centenaries is based on an ethically contradictory and militaristic reframing of the First World War as ‘a war that stopped a war’. Eliding the ways in which the War has actually long been remembered in nationalist Ireland, this reframing is representative of and acts to reinforce the wider anti-political project in which the British and Irish states have been jointly involved since the advent of the peace process. Arguing that the (necro)politics of Ireland’s First World War centenary have represented the slaughter of Irishmen on Flanders’ fields as a symbolic sacrifice for a particular, neoliberal ‘peace’ in (Northern) Ireland, I will conclude that the limits of this project have been radically revealed by recent political events which have called its future hegemony into doubt.

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FRENCH, BRIGITTINE M. "Linguistic science and nationalist revolution: Expert knowledge and the making of sameness in pre-independence Ireland." Language in Society 38, no. 5 (November 2009): 607–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404509990455.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines the linguistic ideological work entailed in the analyses of Irish by the “revolutionary scholar” and cofounder of the Gaelic League, Eoin MacNeill. It does so to discern one central way in which the essentialized link between the Irish language and a unified Irish people became an efficacious political construction during the armed struggle for independence in the early 20th century. It shows how MacNeill used authoritative linguistic science to engender nationalist sentiment around Irish through semiotic processes even as he challenged a dominant conception of language prevalent in European nationalist movements and social thought. The essay argues that MacNeill wrote against the unilateral valorization of codified linguistic homogeneity and embraced the heterogeneous variation of spoken discourse even as he sought to consolidate Irish national identity through sameness claims. This critical examination suggests that scholars of nationalism reconsider the taken-for-granted homogenizing efforts of nationalist endeavors that are ubiquitously presumed to negatively sanction linguistic variation. (Nationalism, linguistic ideology, Ireland, semiotics, heterogeneity, Eoin MacNeill, Gaelic League, Europe, scientific knowledge)

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18

DWAN, DAVID. "ROMANTIC NATIONALISM: HISTORY AND ILLUSION IN IRELAND." Modern Intellectual History 14, no. 3 (December 23, 2015): 717–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244315000451.

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Intellectual historians often invoke “romanticism” to account for the origins and conceptual shape of nationalism. In an Irish context, however, this approach has yielded false genealogies of influence and an impaired political understanding. Cast through a “romantic” prism, nationalism is divorced from its conditions of intelligibility, becoming unhelpfully isolated from questions about sovereignty, democratic legitimacy and the nature of modern citizenship. Thus all too often the irrationality that is made part of the definition of “romantic nationalism” is a function of the way that it is interpreted.

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FARRINGTON, CHRISTOPHER. "Reconciliation or Irredentism? The Irish Government and the Sunningdale Communiqué of 1973." Contemporary European History 16, no. 1 (February 2007): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730600364x.

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AbstractThis article uses recently released archival material to examine the role of the Irish government in the negotiation of the Sunningdale communiqué of 1973, which marked, among other things, an agreement to establish a Council of Ireland and was therefore a key part of the first attempt to establish a power-sharing devolved executive in Northern Ireland. The article will problematise the distinctions which have been made between various strains of political thought held by leading intellectuals and politicians on the national question and show how the discourse of ‘revisionist nationalism’ and reconciliation which sponsored the key institution of the Sunningdale communiqué, the Council of Ireland, was in contradiction to the meaning attached to the functions of the Council, which was in fact closer to traditional nationalist aims.

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DeForrest, Matthew. "Envisioning Ireland: W.B. Yeats's occult nationalism." Irish Studies Review 19, no. 1 (February 2011): 124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2011.541664.

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Stewart, Bruce. "Inside nationalism: A meditation uponinventing Ireland." Irish Studies Review 6, no. 1 (April 1998): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670889808455588.

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22

Palmer, Stanley H. "Nationalism and popular protest in Ireland." History of European Ideas 10, no. 5 (January 1989): 616–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(89)90175-7.

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Mukherjee, Debanjana. "Locating Similarities in Indian and Irish Nationalism through Rabindranath Tagore’s The Home and the World and James Joyce’s A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man." International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 8, no. 2 (2023): 108–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.82.15.

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Nationalism has always been a thought-provoking topic of discussion. Both Indian literature and Irish literature have numerous texts that trace the idea of nationalism. This paper intends to locate similarities in the understanding of nationalism in India and Ireland, through the craftsmanship of Rabindranath Tagore and James Joyce.

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O'Connor, Anne. "That dangerous serpent: Garibaldi and Ireland 1860–1870." Modern Italy 15, no. 4 (November 2010): 401–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2010.506292.

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This article analyses the reaction to Garibaldi in Ireland during the Risorgimento, a reaction which, in its negativity, generally contrasted with the Italian's heroic depiction elsewhere. Attitudes towards Garibaldi reflected existing religious divisions in Ireland, with Protestants supporting him and Catholics condemning his actions in Italy. The study examines ballads, pamphlets and newspapers to illustrate the pro-papal fervour felt in Ireland and the strength of anti-Garibaldi feelings. The decision of Irishmen to form a battalion to fight in defence of the Papal States in 1860 reveals that, ultimately, denigration of Garibaldi became a badge of Irish nationalism. The study highlights the position of Britain in understanding the relationship between Ireland and Italy in these years, pointing out Irish nationalists’ bafflement over Britain's support for Italian unification while it denied similar rights to Irish subjects. The article demonstrates how, in this context, domestic and tactical considerations coloured responses to Garibaldi in Ireland, with Irish issues projected onto the Italian situation, thus leading to entrenched and extreme attitudes towards the Italian soldier.

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Murphy, Andrew. "Reading Ireland: Print, Nationalism and Cultural Identity." Irish Review (1986-), no. 25 (1999): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29735959.

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Kuznetsova, A. V. "NATIONALISM AND REVOLUTION: THE CASE OF IRELAND." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология, no. 3 (2015): 51–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2015-3-50-64.

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BIAGINI, EUGENIO F. "LIBERTY AND NATIONALISM IN IRELAND, 1798–1922." Historical Journal 51, no. 3 (September 2008): 793–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08007036.

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Hepburn, A. C. "Review: Nationalism and Popular Protest in Ireland." Irish Economic and Social History 17, no. 1 (May 1990): 122–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248939001700115.

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McGrattan, Cillian. "Ideology, reconciliation and nationalism in Northern Ireland." Journal of Political Ideologies 21, no. 1 (December 21, 2015): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2016.1105407.

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Martin, Ged. "Ireland: Contested Ideas of Nationalism and History." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 38, no. 4 (October 21, 2010): 653–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2010.523977.

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Coakley, John. "The Religious Roots of Irish Nationalism." Social Compass 58, no. 1 (March 2011): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768610392726.

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The intensity of conflict in the Middle East tends to overshadow other instances where ethno-national conflict has a religious base. The author draws attention to one of them: Ireland. He considers the link between religion and nationalism in Ireland from three perspectives. The first is the significance of religion as an “ethnic marker”: as an indicator of geopolitical (and therefore ethnic) origin rather than of belief system. The second is the role of religious belief, and its potential to accentuate differences between communities. The third is the impact of social organization: the tendency of faith groups towards separate but internally integrated organization, and therefore towards the promotion of group solidarity. The author concludes by exploring the implications of this link between religion and nationalism following the partition of the island.

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Aayushi Sangharshee. "Construction of Ireland in James Joyce’s A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man." Creative Launcher 5, no. 1 (April 30, 2020): 13–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2020.5.1.03.

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Written with Ireland as the setting of the novel, The Portrait of an Artist as a Young Man, brings forth different aspects of the power dynamics that characterised the twentieth century Ireland. It was the ‘age of the empire’ and the different European powers were busy colonising more and more territories. The status of Ireland as both the coloniser as well as the colonised, by the British, is what makes the case of Ireland unique whenever it comes to discussing the ideas of nationalism and colonialism. Joyce in his novel puts forward the unique Irish experience through the life of his protagonist, Stephen Dedalus, who finds himself enmeshed in the political conflicts of the day and struggles his way in his quest for artistic autonomy. Stephen’s uneasiness about the political controversies and his ambivalent stand regarding Irish political leaders can be seen as Joyce’s own rejection of Irish nationalism and his choice for artistic autonomy.

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Beatty, Aidan. "The Gaelic League and the spatial logics of Irish nationalism." Irish Historical Studies 43, no. 163 (May 2019): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2019.4.

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AbstractThe Gaelic League was founded in 1893 with the aim of reviving the Irish language, as well as promoting home-grown industries and social reform. By the turn of the century, it had become one of the most important cultural organisations in Ireland. This article studies a central element of the league's ideology and praxis, albeit one that has thus far received little attention: its promotion of a specifically nationalist understanding of Irish space. ‘Space’ was a key trope for the Gaelic League and was linked to a number of other dominant nationalist concerns: state sovereignty, race, gender and modernity. Moreover, this article argues that a focus on ‘space’ allows for a better comparative understanding of Irish nationalism, since similar spatial logics were at play in other late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century national movements both in Europe and in the (post)colonial world.

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Murray, A. C. "Nationality and local politics in late nineteenth-century Ireland: the case of County Westmeath." Irish Historical Studies 25, no. 98 (November 1986): 144–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400026468.

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The work of K. Theodore Hoppen has forced historians of nineteenthcentury Ireland to question the role and significance of nationalism in politics, particularly local politics. Parochialism is for Hoppen the predominant political sentiment in Irish life. In the words of one reviewer, Charles Townshend, 'his general image is of an anarchic society pursuing its particular concerns in defiance of governments and revolutionaries alike’ Yet, as Townshend points out, this image cannot adequately explain the political mobilisation which followed from the Land War, apparently for national ends. Nor can it encompass the dual nature of this, and earlier, temporary mobilisations, 'movements that were simultaneously national and local, modern and traditional - in which nationalist rhetoric reinforced local claims, and the release of local energy could be tapped to sustain the nationalist claim.

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Regan, John M. "Irish public histories as an historiographical problem." Irish Historical Studies 37, no. 146 (November 2010): 265–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140000225x.

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It is now almost impossible to reflect upon the historical reputations of Eamon de Valera and Michael Collins without considering the recent war in Northern Ireland (c. 1969–97) and the challenges to Irish identities it has induced. In the Republic this is evident in the movement away from irredentist nationalism toward official recognition of partition, following a constitutional referendum in 1998. Against a similarly barometric historiography, de Valera and Collins's historical representations have transformed. De Valera, it is clear, long since fell from favour among mainstream nationalists.

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TILLEY, JAMES, GEOFFREY EVANS, and CLAIRE MITCHELL. "Consociationalism and the Evolution of Political Cleavages in Northern Ireland, 1989–2004." British Journal of Political Science 38, no. 4 (July 14, 2008): 699–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123408000343.

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Political cleavages are often understood as deriving from either deep-rooted social divisions or institutional incentives. Contemporary Northern Ireland provides a test of the mutability of apparently entrenched cleavages to institutional change. Research undertaken before the ceasefire in the 1990s found noticeable asymmetries in the patterns of cleavage within the unionist and nationalist blocs. Within the unionist bloc, economic ‘left–right’ issues formed the main ideological division between the two major unionist parties. This contrasted with an ethno-national source of ideological division between the two nationalist parties. However, the emergence of a consociational form of government structure since then has demonstrated the ability of institutional incentives to reform some aspects of party competition swiftly. As evidence of this, we show that between 1989 and 2004 there was little change in the sources of support for Sinn Féin relative to the SDLP, but the influence of left–right ideology within the unionist bloc was negated as the influence of ethno-nationalism dramatically increased.

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LeVon, Laura. "Seeing/Being Orange: Perceptions and the Politics of Religion in County Armagh, Northern Ireland." NEXUS: The Canadian Student Journal of Anthropology 23, no. 2 (October 2, 2015): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15173/nexus.v23i2.979.

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We each of us focus on our own perceptions (anthropologists included) and often remain ignorant of the affect inherent in others’ perceptions. In Northern Ireland, perceptions are often shaped by shared memories and histories of violence, as well as by shared concepts of ancestry and homeland—but these perceptions are shaped on either side of the bicommunal divide between the two majority communities, Catholic-Irish-Nationalists and Protestant-British-Unionists. In this article, I draw on my early experiences collecting data in County Armagh at the Orange Order’s July Twelfth parades to analyze the interplay between such perceptions of politics and religion. Framing my preliminary data through Veena Das’s (2007) study of how violence influences daily life and Anthony Smith’s (2009) arguments on the role of ethno-symbolism in nationalism, I reveal how the continued every-day divide between Northern Ireland’s two largest communities shapes not only how members of the Protestant community who support the Orange Order “be” in everyday life and during the rituals of the Twelfth, but also how others “see” them. For while being is ordinary-- whether cultural and/or religious-- seeing is risky, controversial, and threatening. Through this distinction, we understand that the political possibilities of violence are still a part of everyday religious life in Northern Ireland.

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Belchem, John. "Republican spirit and military science: the ‘Irish brigade’ and Irish-American nationalism in 1848." Irish Historical Studies 29, no. 113 (May 1994): 44–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400018769.

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Little has been written of the optimism and excitement among Irish immigrants and other Americans during the revolutionary months of 1848, the European ‘springtime of the peoples’. Studies of Irish-American nationalism hasten over the mobilisation of funds and arms to register the impact of failure. The ignominious collapse of the Young Ireland rising in Widow McCormack’s cabbage patch was to compel Irish-Americans to reconstruct their identity, to redefine the ways and means of their nationalist project. Irish-American nationalism became self-enclosed and self-reliant, an attitude evinced in a pattern of ethnic associational culture extending from mutual improvement to terrorist planning. During the heady months of 1848, however, a different mood prevailed. Looking across the Atlantic to revolutionary Europe, Irish immigrants invoked an international republicanism in which America, their adopted homeland, held pride of place. By recalling their hosts to their revolutionary past, Irish-Americans challenged narrow isolationism — and ‘Know-Nothing’ prejudice — to gain substantial, if temporary, native support.

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Rigney, Peter, and Eamon Phoenix. "Northern Nationalism: Nationalist Politics, Partition and the Catholic Minority in Northern Ireland 1890-1940." Comhar 54, no. 7 (1995): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25572691.

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Collins, Peter, and Eamon Phoenix. "Northern Nationalism, Nationalist Politics, Partition and the Catholic Minority in Northern Ireland 1890-1940." Seanchas Ardmhacha: Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society 16, no. 1 (1994): 296. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29742661.

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Zapin, Justine. "Space, Place and Identity in Bernard Shaw’s The Tragedy of an Elderly Gentleman." ABEI Journal 25, no. 2 (December 29, 2023): 149–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2595-8127.v25i2p149-163.

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The last of Bernard Shaw’s “Irish” plays, The Tragedy of an Elderly Gentleman (1921), raises the same concerns over colonialism, nationalism, and identity explored in John Bull’s Other Island (1904) and O’Flaherty V.C.: A Recruiting Pamphlet (1915) but does so from outside his preferred dramatic style, theatrical Realism. In this proto-Absurdist experiment, Shaw invents an Ireland in which differences of religion, class, and politics are moot; in 3000 A.D., age is the only category of social distinction. Experimenting with dramaturgical form and eschewing mimetic scenic design, Shaw utilizes Ireland’s mythic wildness and the transformational effect of its climate as an affective element of the play’s argument. Through Shaw’s treatment of space, this future Ireland with its inherently Irish inhabitants becomes the utopic home to a superior race that portends a life beyond the oppressive British/Irish and later intra-national binary partisan reality of post-WWI and pre-Free State Ireland.

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Roche, Patrick J. "Northern Ireland and Irish Nationalism: A Unionist Perspective." Irish Review (1986-), no. 15 (1994): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29735733.

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Levin, Feliks E. "In search for nationalism in early modern Ireland." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 62, no. 3 (2017): 645–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2017.315.

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Kuzio, Taras. "Empire Loyalism and Nationalism in Ukraine and Ireland." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 88–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.3.88.

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This is the first comparative article to investigate commonalities in Ukrainian and Irish history, identity, and politics. The article analyzes the broader Ukrainian and Irish experience with Russia/Soviet Union in the first and Britain in the second instance, as well as the regional similarities in conflicts in the Donbas region of Eastern Ukraine and the six of the nine counties of Ulster that are Northern Ireland. The similarity in the Ukrainian and Irish experiences of treatment under Russian/Soviet and British rule is starker when we take into account the large differences in the sizes of their territories, populations, and economies. The five factors that are used for this comparative study include post-colonialism and the “Other,” religion, history and memory politics, language and identities, and attitudes toward Europe.

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Murphy, Cliona. "Suffragists and nationalism in early twentieth-century Ireland∗." History of European Ideas 16, no. 4-6 (January 1993): 1009–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(93)90252-l.

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Coquelin, Olivier. "The Great Community: Culture and Nationalism in Ireland." Études irlandaises, no. 34.2 (September 30, 2009): 144–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesirlandaises.1729.

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Porter, Elisabeth. "Political Representation of Women in Northern Ireland." Politics 18, no. 1 (February 1998): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00057.

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Increasing the political representation of women in Northern Ireland is part of fostering political pluralism. First, the political representation of women requires democratic participation and a justification of ‘women’ as a category. Second, specific factors of culture and the church unique to Ireland hinder women's participation in elected politics, and there are additional factors of class, violence, and nationalism that are peculiar to Northern Ireland. Third, gender quotas are successful elsewhere, but alone will not alter the powerful resistance to feminist change in Northern Ireland. Structures to encourage inclusionary politics must create spaces for political women to be transformative agents.

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Jorge, Charlie. "Review of An Introduction to the Geopolitics of Conflict, Nationalism, and Reconciliation in Ireland, by Kara E. Dempsey." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 6, no. 2 (December 6, 2023): 126–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v6i2.3202.

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Review of An Introduction to the Geopolitics of Conflict, Nationalism, and Reconciliation in Ireland, by Kara E. Dempsey (London and New York: Routledge, 2022), 204 pp., ISBN: 978-0-367-69266-7, £38.99 (paperback)

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Campbell, Sarah. "New Nationalism? The S.D.L.P. and the creation of a socialist and labour party in Northern Ireland, 1969–75." Irish Historical Studies 38, no. 151 (May 2013): 422–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400001577.

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‘Since our foundation, the S.D.L.P. has been proudly nationalist and is 100 per cent for a United Ireland.’ This description, from the website of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (S.D.L.P.), advances a claim which might be thought not to sit easy with the party's founding ideals which claimed it as a ‘radical socialist party’ and insisted that, while a united Ireland was one of the party's main aims, it would prioritise the socio-economic above the constitutional question. This article will argue that while the S.D.L.P. was widely recognised as a major advance in nationalist politics in Northern Ireland when it was formed in August 1970, it had lost its avant-garde approach to the constitutional question and become a more organised form of the old Nationalist Party by 1975. Although initially the S.D.L.P. combined socialist rhetoric with a discourse that linked social justice with the reunification of the island – its ideal was a ‘completely new constitution for the whole of Ireland, a constitution which will provide the framework for the emergence of a just, egalitarian and secular society’ – there existed an uneasy tension between nationalist and socialist aims within the party, with the former taking precedence by the time of the powersharing Executive of 1974.

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Lynn, Shane. "Friends of Ireland: early O’Connellism in Lower Canada." Irish Historical Studies 40, no. 157 (May 2016): 43–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2016.6.

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AbstractIn September 1828, societies of the ‘Friends of Ireland’ were founded throughout the United States and British North America for the purpose of raising funds and disseminating propaganda in support of the O’Connellite campaign for Catholic emancipation. In March 1831, the societies were briefly revived to agitate for repeal of the Union. The first Irish diasporic social movement to appear in Britain’s overseas empire, the British North American Friends of Ireland enjoyed greatest support in French-speaking Lower Canada, where for a time sympathetic local patriotes perceived a common cause with their new Irish neighbours. This article explores the transatlantic reciprocal interactions, cross-ethnic alliances and regional distinctions which characterised early O’Connellism in Lower Canada. It follows its initial successes to its virtual collapse in the early 1830s, as an increasingly polarised Lower Canada slid towards rebellion. Comparisons are employed with similar agitation elsewhere in British North America, in the United States, and in Ireland. It is argued that instrumentalist explanations for Irish diasporic nationalism, typically drawn from studies of post-famine Irish-America, do not convincingly account for the appearance and form of O’Connellite nationalism in British North America.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Nationalism Ireland'

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