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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Nationalism Patriotism'
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Lau, Chui-shan. "From factional nationalism to functional nationalism the transformation of Hong Kong's nationalism in a patriotic school /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2008. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B40888010.
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Lau, Chui-shan, and 劉翠珊. "From factional nationalism to functional nationalism: the transformation of Hong Kong's nationalism in apatriotic school." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2008. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B40888010.
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BUNCHAFT, MARIA EUGENIA. "RECONSTRUCTING THE IDEA OF NATION: FROM NATIONALISM TO CONSTITUTIONAL PATRIOTISM." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2004. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=6151@1.
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CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICOPatriotismo Constitucional representa uma forma pós- nacional de identificação política para sociedades pluralistas. Lealdade aos princípios constitucionais e às instituições políticas que eles estruturam - portanto identificação focalizada no status político-legal da cidadania, ao invés do pertencer etnocultural - pode fornecer a base para uma forma racional de identidade coletiva que supera o chauvinismo que tem importunado a identificação nacional. A deliberação democrática fornece o meio no qual os cidadãos podem forjar uma identidade racional coletiva através da participação em um projeto constitucional democrático que pode se tornar foco de formas não-chauvinistas de reconhecimento mútuo, solidariedade e apego afetivo.
Constitutional patriotism represents a postnational form of political identification for pluralistic societies. Loyalty to democratic constitutional principles and the political institutions they structure - hence identification focused on the legalpolitical status of citizenship rather than on ethnocultural belonging - can ground a rational form of collective identity that overcomes the chauvinism that have plagued national identification. Democratic deliberation provides the medium in which citizens can forge a rational collective identity through participation in a democratic constitutional project that can become the focus for non- chauvinistc forms of mutual recognition, solidarity and affective attachment.
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Kania-Lundholm, Magdalena. "Re-Branding A Nation Online : Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-180903.
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The aim of this dissertation is two-fold. First, the discussion seeks to understand the concepts of nationalism and patriotism and how they relate to one another. In respect to the more critical literature concerning nationalism, it asks whether these two concepts are as different as is sometimes assumed. Furthermore, by problematizing nation-branding as an “updated” form of nationalism, it seeks to understand whether we are facing the possible emergence of a new type of nationalism. Second, the study endeavors to discursively analyze the ”bottom-up” processes of national reproduction and re-definition in an online, post-socialist context through an empirical examination of the online debate and polemic about the new Polish patriotism. The dissertation argues that approaching nationalism as a broad phenomenon and ideology which operates discursively is helpful for understanding patriotism as an element of the nationalist rhetoric that can be employed to study national unity, sameness, and difference. Emphasizing patriotism within the Central European context as neither an alternative to nor as a type of nationalism may make it possible to explain the popularity and continuous endurance of nationalism and of practices of national identification in different and changing contexts. Instead of facing a new type of nationalism, we can then speak of new forms of engagement which take place in cyberspace that contribute to the process of reproduction of nationalism. The growing field of nation-branding, with both its practical and political implications, is presented as one of the ways in which nationalism is reproduced and maintained as a form of “soft” rather than “hard” power within the global context. The concept of nation re-branding is introduced in order to account for the role that citizens play in the process of nation branding, which has often been neglected in the literature. This concept is utilized to critically examine, understand, and explain the dynamics of nation brand construction and re-definition, with a particular focus on the discursive practices of citizens in cyberspace. It is argued that citizens in the post-socialist countries, including Poland, can engage in the process of nation re-branding online. It is also argued that this process of online nation re-branding may legitimately be regarded as a type of civic practice through which citizens connect with each other and reproduce a form of cultural national intimacy. The results of the analysis of the online empirical material illustrate that nation re-branding is a complex, dynamic, and ambivalent phenomenon. It involves a process of discursive negotiation of nation and of national identity, but also challenges, dismantles, and transforms the national image as it is communicated both internally and externally. This reveals nation re-branding as an element in the post-socialist transformation from a ”nation” to a ”Western,” ”modern,” and ”normal” country in which dealing with an ”old” nation brand is as equally important as the introduction of the new brand. Nationalism does not disappear in the digital age, but rather becomes part of the new way of doing politics online, whereby citizens are potentially granted a form of agency in the democratic process.
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Bishop, Matthew Robert. "Patriotism, nationalism, and heritage in the orchestral music of Howard Hanson." Thesis, The Florida State University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1539204.
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Composer Howard Hanson played a pivotal role in both the development and promotion of American concert music in the twentieth century. Born in Wahoo, Nebraska, to Swedish immigrants, Hanson grew up surrounded by people who followed Swedish customs (including folk song and dance), yet exhibited strong feelings of American patriotism. Hanson's earliest works, left unpublished, display the influence of Swedish folk music traditions in either direct quotation or stylistic imitation.
As the winner of the first American Prix de Rome, Hanson traveled to Italy to study at the American Academy, affording him the opportunity to travel for the first time to Sweden. While in Europe Hanson wrote some of his most important compositions, including the Scandinavian-inspired First Symphony ("Nordic") and the symphonic poem North and West. The former pulls heavily from Swedish folk music, and the latter is autobiographical, representative of the composer's identity struggles as he explored the role his heritage should play in what he increasingly realized was Americanist music.
After he assumed the directorship of the Eastman School of Music, a position he held for forty years, Hanson's music lost explicit programmatic elements inspired by Scandinavia. Hanson wrote hundreds of articles and speeches about the importance of furthering American music, became a community leader in Rochester and on a national level, and transformed Eastman into a vital center for the promotion of American composers. His affinity for Swedish music continued to be an important factor in his compositional process, as evidenced by his Third Symphony and the popular comparison of his music to that of Jan Sibelius. Despite this association Hanson is remembered as a transformative figure in American music.
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Geiser, David. "Att vara eller inte vara en hjälte : Nationalism i svenska läroböcker." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Enheten för historia, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-63838.
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Nationalismens utbredning i svenska läroböcker förändras med tiden i form av illustrationer, omfattning samt text-och bildmaterial. De böcker som jag studerat i denna uppsats är valda utifrån tre tidsnedslag (1920-, 1960-, 2000-tal) där varje tidsnedslag representerar en form av nationalism som både är lik och olik de andra tidsnedslagen. Genrellt sett så utvecklas nationalismen i takt med samhällets förändringar och ideologier. Det är utifrån samhällets behov som nationalismens utbredning tar form, vilket sedan påvisas i läroböckerna. Historiskt har nationalismen i svenska läroböcker gått från att fungera som propagandamaterial till att spegla en typ av mångkulturalism.The spread of nationalism in Swedish textbooks change over time in the form of illustrations, amplitude of text and images. The books I studied in this paper are selected from three time strikes (1920 -, 1960 -, 2000's) where every time strike represents a form of nationalism that is both like and unlike the other times. General speaking, nationalism developed in pace with social changes and ideologies. The spread nationalism is based on the shape of society, which then is detected in the shape of the textbooks. Historically, nationalism in Swedish textbooks has gone from serving as propaganda material to reflect a type of multiculturalism.
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Muñoz, Mendoza Jordi. "From national catholicism to democratic patriotism?: An empirical analysis of contemporany Spanish national identity." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7242.
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El nacionalcatolicisme franquista, ha sigut substituït per un patriotisme democràtic espanyol? Aquesta tesi explora, mitjançant l'anàlisi del cas espanyol, com els estats establerts promouen i dónen forma a la identitat nacional de llurs ciutadans, i com això es reflecteix al nivell individual. La tesi aprofita la recent transició a la democràcia i les diferències internes del cas com a oportunitats per guanyar possibilitats d'anàlisi de la dinàmica de canvi en la identitat nacional en paral·lel als canvis en el context polític. Al llarg de la tesi s'empra una àmplia varietat de fonts I mètodes de recerca: Anàlisi de fonts documentals i literatura secundària, metodologia Q i anàlisi estadística de dades d'enquesta provinents tant d'enquestes preexistents (ISSP, WVS, CIS) com d'una enquesta pròpia realitzada el gener de 2007. Els resultats mostren com l'evolució dels discursos polítics sobre la nació espanyola han condicionat les actituds dels ciutadans, en un procés de reconstrucció incompleta de la identitat nacional espanyola.
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Duberg, Axel, and Sanna Larsson. "”Det måste vara minst två svenska damer på pallen när vi jobbar, annars gör vi inte damsprint” : En kritisk diskursanalys av SVT:s ideologiska liverapportering av internationell längdåkning." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Medier och kommunikation, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-414001.
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The overall aim of this thesis is to analyze the presence of nationalism and patriotism in the live reporting of the 2019–2020 season of the FIS Cross-Country World Cup, reported by the Swedish national public service broadcaster, SVT. Thereby, the following research questions have been constructed: 1. Are patriotism and nationalism to be found in the live reporting by SVT of the 2019– 2020 season of the FIS Cross-Country World Cup? 2. If found, how is it manifested? The theoretical framework of this thesis consists of banal nationalism, patriotism, framing and us and them theory. The investigation has been limited to studying one of the several disciplines of cross country competitions. The material has been collected through ethnographic observations of the recordings online. For analysis, critical discourse analysis has been applied. The study shows a strong presence of both banal nationalism and patriotism in the live reporting of SVT. This can be concluded by the identified discursive and social practices in the text, such as discourses regarding justice and Swedish centrism. The results of this thesis are of importance for further comparative research projects of ideological reporting as well for sports media consumers to understand how ideology affects the reporting of a public service broadcaster.
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Ozcan, Emre. "What constitutes a democratic people?" Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.547788.
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Sapountzis, Anthony. "The dilemma of patriotism vs. nationalism : Greek political party members talk about the Macedonian issue." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.418849.
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Calitri, Raffaele. "Nationalism and patriotism : the effects of national identification on implicit and expicit in-group bias." Thesis, University of Kent, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.420945.
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Stewart, Rebecca. "Untimely liberalism| Nationalism, duty, and patriotism in the liberation works of Heinrich Joseph von Collin." Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10118888.
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Austrian author and public official Heinrich Joseph von Collin (1771/1772–1811) composed anti-Napoleonic poetry in the early nineteenth-century in an effort to motivate his German-speaking contemporaries to support liberal efforts to resist the foreign aggression and local tyranny posed by Napoleon Bonaparte (1769–1821). Though Collin enjoyed international fame during his lifetime, today he is neglected by the general reading public in Germany and Austria, as well as by scholars who specialize in the literature of his age.
The following chapters explore the historical discourses in the nationalist and patriotic elements of Collin’s literary work, as well as his concept of duty, and contrast these discourses with the understanding of these terms in the German-speaking world after World War II.
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Lax, Susanna. "Öst är öst och väst är väst... : En normkritisk studie av dikotomin öst och väst respektive användande av patriotism i bilioteksvärlden: Exemplen Library of Congress och Bibliotheca Alexandrina." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för ABM, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-266353.
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Purpose- The aim of this master’s thesis is to analyse the dichotomy between west and east and how this is seen in the following two libraries; Library of Congress (LC) and Bibliotheca Alexandrina (BA). I want to analyze if the portrait of east, as slow and hostile, and of west, as welcoming and forward, and how this, if at all, is actually seen in LC and BA. The presence and use of patriotism and nationalism in libraries is also examined. I asked myself the following questions: 1) How do LC and BA present themselves on their websites and how does this correspond to the dichotomy?, 2) How do LC and BA relate to patriotism on their websites?, and 3) Can one see what, if anything, LC and BA say about each other and how does this correspond to the dichotomy? These are questions that libraries world-wide might gain from to ponder, how and why, a western norm is almost always seen as superior to an eastern option. Method- The approach was norm critical analysis of LC and BA’s websites. The method used was comparative text and image studies combined with netnography. Benedict Andersons and Jürgen Habermas’ theories about patriotism and nationalism was used, as well as Edward Saids Orient perspective. Andersons’ idea of an imagined community was also central. Key Findings- The analysis shows that the dichotomy is actually the other way round, BA are the modern and welcoming ones, while LC are more traditional by way of expressing themselves. The dichotomy is also in some cases even very misleading of how the East is interpreted by the West. The conclusion is three major findings, 1) BA want to create and share knowledge both with each other and with the world as a whole, whilst LC is more about gathering knowledge and keeping this in the library for the sake of the United States welfare, 2) LC speak of themsleves as modern and of BA as ancient just as the dichotomy often display the two of them, but this is not a correct statement; BA has, for instance, modern western superheroes displayed on their website for children, while LC, on the other hand, has heroes such as the late American president Abraham Lincoln and American veterans on display for children (in other words, mostly an American perspective that one might find difficult to relate to if being a non-american citizen, while BA is more global with well-known cartoon figures), and lastly, 3) LC displays patriotism through stories of war by having a prominent section dedicated to American veterans on their website, while BA speaks more of a patriotism through a proud cultural heritage. Originality/value- This kind of study had not been done before in LIS research. Paper type- This is a two years master’s thesis in Library and Information Science (LIS) in Archive, Library and Museums studies
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Ortiz-Ramirez, Eduardo A. "The Virgin of Guadalupe and Mexican nationalism : expressions of criollo patriotism in colonial images of the Virgin of Guadalupe /." abstract and full text PDF (UNR users only), 2008. http://0-gateway.proquest.com.innopac.library.unr.edu/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1455656.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Nevada, Reno, 2008."May, 2008." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-126). Library also has microfilm. Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [2009]. 1 microfilm reel ; 35 mm. Online version available on the World Wide Web.
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Fairbrother, Gregory P. "Political socialization and critical thinking : their influence of Hong Kong and Mainland Chinese university students' attitudes toward the nation /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2002. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B25085438.
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Bright, Eric W. ""Nothing to Fear from the Influence of Foreigners:" The Patriotism of Richmond's German-Americans during the Civil War." Thesis, Online version, 1999. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-041999-151726/.
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Sum, Fu-ming Terence. "Perception of Hong Kong primary school heads on their role in contributing to national development in China." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B18811954.
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Hortlund, Cecilia. "Hurtiga Vasagossar och lata pojkar : En studie av manlighet och patriotism inom Vasa Skyddskår i samband med det finska inbördeskriget 1918." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-105969.
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Title: Jaunty Vaasa-lads and lazy boys – a study of masculinity and patriotism in the Civil Guard in Vaasa in relation to the Finnish Civil War of 1918. This paper deals with the subject of expressions of masculinity in relation to patriotism and nationalism as a part of the mobilisation of the so called white side in the Finnish Civil War of 1918. With regards to how this was expressed in the local Civil Guard in the town of Vaasa. The focus lies on the construction of an ideal masculinity within this specific Civil Guard as expressed in the Guards own documents of different varieties, during the events in the spring of 1918 and at the one year anniversary of its outbreak. The study is first and foremost based on Joan W. Scott's theory of gender and it's constitutive and interrelated elements, particularly that of culturally available symbols and subjective identities. It also takes into consideration views on masculinity, nationalism, and patriotism as described by George L. Mosse and others. This paper argues that the whites presented a desirable masculine ideal of the ultimate warrior that resonated in different ways in the examined material. This ideal may have been one way to keep mobilising the white forces against the real but also at times exaggerated threat posed by the red forces. There has also been a discussion in earlier research regarding this mobilisation and whether or not the whites mislead the Ostrobothnian volunteers and soldiers into believing that they were fighting russians instead of their own compatriots. This paper has found some evidence of the exaggerated demonization of the reds, and therefore also some tendensies of presenting them as Russians and Bolsheviks. This study has also shown that to be willing to sacrifice oneself for the nation and stand strong against its enemies, both internal and external, seems to have been what the ideal man was perceived to be by the whites in the examined Civil Guard. As well as it was also how he should act if he had the nations best interest in mind and fought for the continued Finnish independence. Keywords: Finnish Civil War, Civil Guard, Finland, masculinity, patriotism, 20th century, nationalism, gender
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Burkel, Laurel M. "Cups, cowbells, medals, and flags sport and national identity in Germany, 1936-2006." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://www.oregonpdf.org.
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Liu, Songsong, and 刘嵩松. "The study on the authentic interpretation of 'patriotic education sites' in Shanghai." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B48347991.
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In this dissertation, I would like to focus on the authentic interpretation to patriotic education sites in Shanghai. Before looking into the authentic interpretation, we shall understand the background of patriotic education in China and in Shanghai. Patriotic education is the tradition of Chinese nation and now it’s part of political education in mainland China, whose purpose is to encourage the national to love the country and love the Communist Party of China. Place’s patriotic education is an important way to help the people know the places and come to understand of the patriotic stories happened in the history. With lots of photos, illustrations, sculptures used and many activities advocated, historical stories are commemorated to the public.
In this dissertation, I would classify the typology of the patriotic education sites into 10 categories in three different levels and search the typical sites in each category to find out each individual site its age, physical nature of the place, architectural aesthetics/ design, construction, date of opening to the public, date of patriotic education site and level of patriotic education site. This will be the original finding in my dissertation, as to my knowledge, there was never been a category system of the patriotic education sites in Shanghai. To analyze the authenticity to the objective place’s patriotic education, I will attempt to find out the political significance of the site, the authentic location of the site and the authentic fabric of the place.
I will try to find out the issues of the authentic location and fabric in the place’s patriotic education. Whether the authenticity of the location and fabric playing an important role in the patriotic education depends on whether they are the part of the history of that time. When the location and fabric in the site are the parts of the education to help the public to understand the stories and the culture of that time, the authenticity of the location and fabric in the sites has a positive impact on the objective of place’s patriotic education. Otherwise, the unauthentic location and fabric will mislead the visitors. But to keep the authentic new location and new fabric will help the later generation to understand why and how we are doing now in the future.published_or_final_version
Conservation
Master
Master of Science in Conservation
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Lavonius, Jenny. "Försvarna av hemmafronten : Finlands svenska Marthaförbunds minoritetsnationalistiska mobilisering och konstruktion av kvinnliga samhällsmedborgare 1932––1939." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-188419.
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This study examines the moral regulation of the Swedish-speaking Martha Organization in Finland during the 1930’s, from two aspects; the construction of the ideal female citizen and the mobilization of minority nationalistic identity. The ideal female citizen was supposed to develop traits such as work ethics, piety, compassion, motherly care and peacefulness. The ideal female citizen should also encourage temperance, thus the sobriety of men was viewed as a womanly responsibility. Due to mothers’ decisive impact on the moral health of the youth, the Martha Organization aimed at shaping the attitudes of the members. Women’s roles as mothers and housewives prepared them for citizenship, since women had the same duties in society as they had in the household. During the 1930’s Finland was marked by the pragmatic gender order of the agrarian society, even though the modern gender order of industrial society gradually grew in importance. The Martha Organization aimed at mobilizing minority nationalistic identity, as well as encouraging binational Finnish patriotism amongst its members. This survey analyses the mobilization of the Swedish-speaking minority nationalistic identity in general, as well as the particular minority nationalistic identity of Åland. These mobilization processes took place in relation to each other, accordingly they were similar in nature. The public sphere was understood as a continuation of the private one in the Martha ideology. Consequently, the love of the home and the fatherland were important values for both these minorities. The Swedish-speaking minorities shared the love of freedom, Western rationality and mother tongue, as well as the notion of being a national elite. The minority nationalistic identity of Åland resembled that of Swedish-speaking Finland. Even so, minority nationalism on Åland was built around a self-image of being an unique ethnicity, while underlining the close cultural connections to Sweden. Apart from the years around the implementation of Åland’s autonomous status in 1922, the minority nationalistic identity of Åland has been neglected in previous research. The Finnish 1930’s were marked by conflicts between the Finnish-speaking majority and the Swedish-speaking minority, clashes that never reached Åland. The language question was practical in nature — especially on Åland, where the population hardly spoke Finnish — but even so, it was framed in ideological terms. Thanks to the Martha ideology, gaps between the Finnish-speaking members and their Swedish-speaking counterparts could be bridged, as well as those between Åland and the rest of Swedish-speaking Finland.
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Mxunyelwa, Sweetness Xolisa. "The study of the levels of patriotism and nationalism of the employees of a developmental local government: the case of Buffalo city Metropolitan Municipality." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/1158.
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The failure to deliver on basic services has strained relationship between the metropolitan and the community. This study therefore aimed to establish the levels of patriotism and nationalism of the employees of Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality in order to create a framework that can be used to address the low productivity levels and service delivery backlogs. The study was carried out by means of questionnaire survey method and data analysed using one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA). All differences in opinion were considered to be significant at α (hereafter referred to as P) < 0.05. Except for questions 3, 6, 19 and 22 for which responses were influenced by the educational status of the respondents; their opinions for all other questions were not significantly affected by their educational qualifications. In considering question 6, the post-matric certificate holders indicated that they enjoy coaching people on new tasks and procedures (and so are the grade 12 certificate holders) while the post-graduate degree holders (and the degree holders also) were of a neutral disposition to that notion. Interestingly however, is the fact that despite their different places of residence, no statistically significant differences in opinion were recorded in the way respondents’ answered questions asked. The main difference (P = 0.05) was observed between those aged below 30 (who agreed) and those whose age was 50+ (who were neutral) to question 4 (the more challenging a task is, the more I enjoy it). The results of this study therefore indicated that the younger employees enjoy taking on a new or difficult task and that the improvement in the working conditions, remuneration, welfare packages and in training of the employees can improve service delivery in the study area.
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Becker, Julia C., David A. Butz, Chris G. Sibley, Fiona Kate Barlow, Lisa M. Bitacola, Oliver Christ, Sammyh S. Khan, et al. "What Do National Flags Stand for?: An Exploration of Associations Across 11 Countries." Sage, 2017. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A35800.
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We examined the concepts and emotions people associate with their national flag, and how these associations are related to nationalism and patriotism across 11 countries. Factor analyses indicated that the structures of associations differed across countries in ways that reflect their idiosyncratic historical developments. Positive emotions and egalitarian concepts were associated with national flags across countries. However, notable differences between countries were found due to historical politics. In societies known for being peaceful and open-minded (e.g., Canada, Scotland), egalitarianism was separable from honor-related concepts and associated with the flag; in countries that were currently involved in struggles for independence (e.g., Scotland) and countries with an imperialist past (the United Kingdom), the flag was strongly associated with power-related concepts; in countries with a negative past (e.g., Germany), the primary association was sports; in countries with disruption due to separatist or extremist movements (e.g., Northern Ireland, Turkey), associations referring to aggression were not fully rejected; in collectivist societies (India, Singapore), obedience was linked to positive associations and strongly associated with the flag. In addition, the more strongly individuals endorsed nationalism and patriotism, the more they associated positive emotions and egalitarian concepts with their flag. Implications of these findings are discussed.
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Forsell, Gustaf. "Vita protestanter, brinnande kors : Ku Klux Klan, pan-protestantism och myten om Amerika." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-386596.
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The aim of this thesis is to analyse how and to what extent Ku Klux Klan constructed a pan-Protestant interpretation of Christianity based on its “myth of America” (Americanism) during the years 1915–30. Using hermeneutic content analysis and a theoretical approach based on Gramscian “cultural hegemony” and historian of religions Bruce Lincoln’s theory of myth, I examine the construction through three analytical themes: the Klan and the myth of America, the Klan’s pan-Protestantism, the Klan and religious patriotism. The Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s advocated a theological position where race and religious confession are intimately entwined, and its members hence believed that the white race is God’s chosen people and Unites States a God-ordained nation. Opposing the idea of multiculturalism, Klan members stressed the notion of America as a nation imagined to be threatened by Jews, Catholics, and blacks. Therefore, every white Protestant American had to unite in order to combat these alleged national and racial menaces. This worldview was permeated by aspects of love. It was mostly because of love to God, race and nation – not primarily due to hate – the Klan constructed its interpretation of Protestant Christianity. The Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s truly imagined themselves as guard-ians, or Knights, of an endangered culture.
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Enefalk, Hanna. "En patriotisk drömvärld : Patriotic Dreamlands: Music, Nationalism and Gender in the Long Nineteenth Century." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, Department of History, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-9267.
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The subject of this thesis is Scandinavian nationalism from the late 18th century to ca 1920. The focus lies on that particular aspect of nationalism that was at the same time the most mundane and the most enigmatic: the ever-present depicting of the nation in words, pictures and music, which in effect created a parallel universe, a patriotic dreamland. This creation was highly gendered, and the media in which it flourished most abundantly was the patriotic song. The study therefore uses song texts as its primary source material and builds upon the theoretical foundations laid by, e.g., Joan Scott and Michael Billig.
Geographically, the investigation centers on Sweden, using Norway and Swedish-speaking Finland as objects of comparison. The main producers of the lyrics and their intended target groups are identified, and an in-depth analysis of a large corpus of songs is made.
The main conclusion is that the patriotic songs, in spite of spreading to an ever increasing proportion of the population, were not an expression of the ‘voice of the people’ or even that of the bourgeoisie as a whole. The texts were chiefly written by male academics, and from their formative years during the Napoleonic wars the songs preserved an obsession with a warlike unmarried manhood. Only in the last decades of the period were civilian virtues and national womanhood slightly more emphasized. It is suggested that the songs, apart from being an expression of what Billig has termed ‘banal nationalism,’ also functioned as a bastion of a ‘banal androcentrism.’
The thesis shows that the patriotic dreamland of the patriotic songs was designed in a way that promoted the interests of its producers and reproducers. The seemingly semi-autonomous quality of the discourse is also discussed, employing meme theory as used by, e.g., Daniel Dennett.
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Fageol, Pierre-Éric. "Le sentiment d'appartenance et de représentation nationale à La Réunion (1880-1950)." Thesis, La Réunion, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LARE0021.
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Le sentiment d'appartenance nationale au sein de la population réunionnaise semble une constante dans l'histoire de la colonie et n'a jamais été durablement remis en cause. Le travail proposé confirme pour la période étudiée sa vigueur, particulièrement à l'occasion des conflits coloniaux et mondiaux. Mais il montre aussi que cette adhésion inclut la conscience d'une singularité qui n'est pas seulement la conséquence de la géographie mais aussi le fruit de l'histoire. Le sujet permet de croiser une approche d'histoire sociale et d'histoire des représentations sur une séquence coloniale cohérente qui englobe les prémices de la Troisième République jusqu'au processus de départementalisation. En proposant de « dénationaliser le national » par le biais d'une étude se penchant sur les principes identitaires en situation coloniale, il s'agit de mettre en évidence la spécificité des processus d'acculturation en situation coloniale et l'interconnexion des territoires coloniaux (île Maurice et Madagascar) dans la définition d'un sentiment d'appartenance en cours de construction. La première partie sur le sentiment d'appartenance en situation coloniale cherche à poser les enjeux et la méthode de la recherche. La deuxième partie se penche sur les liens entre le colonialisme et le sentiment d'appartenance nationale en focalisant l'analyse sur l'impérialisme réunionnais comme vecteur d'une reconnaissance commune au reste de la Nation. La troisième partie prend en compte les différentes manifestations de patriotisme et leur influence sur la définition d'un sentiment d'appartenance nationale. Enfin, la quatrième partie se focalise sur les vecteurs de l'acculturation nationale en tenant compte du rôle de l'école, de l'église et de l'armée dans la construction d'un sentiment d'appartenance nationale spécifique à La Réunion, sentiment auquel les élites ont apporté leur concours tout en étant les principales bénéficiaires de la quête d'une reconnaissance de la NationThe feeling of national membership among the Reunionese population seems to be a regular fact in the colony history and has never been really questioned. This work confirms its strength in the period in study, and more particularly during the colonial and world conflicts. But it also shows that this support includes the conscience of a singular feeling, which is not only the consequence of geography, but also of history. This subject allows us to mix a social historical approach with a historical representation approach on a coherent colonial period, which goes from the beginning of the Third Republic up to the region establishment. By suggesting to « denationalise the national » through a study dealing with the identity principles in a colonial situation, we mean to focus on the particular acculturation processes in a colonial period and the interconnection of colonial territories (Mauritius, Madagascar) in defining a constructing feeling of membership. The first part deals with the feeling of membership in a colonial period and tries to analyse what is at stake in the research methods. The second part studies the links between colonialism and the feeling of national membership and focuses on Reunionese imperialism as a trigger to a recognition shared by the rest of the Nation. The third part takes into account the different signs of patriotism and their influence on the definition of what a feeling of national membership is about. Finally, the fourth part focuses on the triggers of national acculturation while taking into account the role of school, church, and the army in the building up of a typical Reunionese national membership feeling, shared by the elite which mainly benefited from the quest of a recognition from the Nation
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Sum, Fu-ming Terence, and 沈富明. "Perception of Hong Kong primary school heads on their role in contributing to national development in China." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31959805.
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Curry, Paul F. "Citizenship Beyond Liberal Neutrality." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23674.
Full textAbstract:
The liberal tradition has borne great fruits since the dawn of the modern era by emphasizing the value of equality and personal liberty, and by developing a theory of rights. Despite its incredible success, many authors have been pointing to fissures in the liberal structure, including practical and theoretical problems with state neutrality, with the state’s stance vis-à-vis different cultures, and with liberalism’s purported radical individualism. It is my belief that the gains of liberalism can be reconciled within a new theory that better answers to such critiques.
Citizenship Beyond Liberal Neutrality begins with an analysis of contemporary debate between liberalism and its critics. This leads to a discussion of the state’s relationship toward cultural identities, and to a discussion of the meaning of citizenship within a liberal-democratic state. What we need, I argue, is a civic identity that is both capable of judging cultural practices, and capacious enough for a citizenry characterized by reasonable pluralism. This common identity, moreover, provides a locus for attachment that is often found wanting in contemporary liberal theory. I draw on relevant insights from virtue theories, constitutional patriotism, and an ‘analogical’ understanding of public reason to inform a new, liberal-like conception of citizenship. In order to exemplify this conception, and to bolster the case for it, I consider how such a philosophy could play out with respect to two public policy areas that are central to citizenship, namely education and immigration.
Distilled to its simplest, I argue for a theory of citizenship that admits a conception of the good, that can promote virtue while respecting autonomy, and that can provide a basis for civic unity.
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Sinkkonen, Marja E. "Rethinking Chinese national identity : the wider context of foreign policy making during the era of Hu Jintao, 2002-2012." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:89137b0a-ab44-45ee-b1e0-32c251a967a3.
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This thesis analyses China's national identity construction and its foreign policy implications especially towards Japan and the United States during the Hu Jintao period 2002-2012. The vast literature on China's rise takes “rising nationalism” in China as one of the key indicators of increased likelihood for aggressive behaviour in the future. This work problematizes some of the simplified assumptions made in this literature by emphasising the domestic context from which foreign policies rise. I argue that culture specific values deriving from national identities shape attitude structures and affect the whole thinking and conceptualisation related to foreign policy with wide-ranging consequences. Thus, in this research national identity is operationalised through values and attitudes deriving from it. With empirical evidence, I show in my thesis that most things discussed as "nationalism" in China studies literature can be analytically separated into at least two components, each with different foreign policy relevant correlates. Analysing two sets of survey material with statistical methods I show that the type of national attachment in China constrains foreign policy preferences in a different way than often assumed in the literature: "patriots" support an internationalist stance in contrast to "nationalists" who favour more assertive behaviour towards Japan and the US as well as generally protectionist economic policies. In addition to analysing the associations between core values and foreign policy preferences, I also provide other examples of cultural factors shaping Chinese foreign policy context including the role of historical legacies and their political use, and the role of the media in the formation of foreign threat perceptions and foreign policy preferences. The need to better understand these national identity dynamics is emphasised because of the ongoing pluralisation of Chinese foreign policy establishment, which gives more space to domestic input from various levels of society.
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Jarnier, Jean-Luc. "L’affaire Dreyfus et l’imagerie de presse en France (1894-1908)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040023.
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L’intensité de la crise nouée autour de l’affaire Dreyfus n’est plus à démontrer. La presse y joue un rôle majeur. Les caricaturistes, en particulier, alimentent de leurs images les quotidiens et périodiques, des ouvrages, cartes postales et affiches. La palette des styles est large. Lorsqu’ils vont au-delà de l’hésitation – moment très court pour certains –, ils placent souvent leurs contributions dans un engagement construit, entre attaques et ripostes. Quand certains restent indécis ou indifférents, d’autres prennent le parti d’en rire. On constate aussi des pratiques de duplicité. À une époque d’âge d’or de la presse, l’iconographie de l’affaire Dreyfus se déploie dans de très nombreux journaux. Interrogées depuis les préludes de l’Affaire, les images donnent à voir une société tourmentée par la défaite de 1870, un patriotisme parfois nourri d’un esprit de revanche, une République trentenaire instable. Elles révèlent aussi la montée très démonstrative de l’antisémitisme et d’un nationalisme à multiples facettes, revigoré par la crise, qui fourbit ses armes contre le régime. Cette thèse examine en priorité le parcours des imagiers, afin d’apprécier l’impact de l’Affaire sur leur art. En second, elle explore comment ont évolué les figurations d’acteurs importants de l’Affaire, en particulier Émile Zola, Joseph Reinach et Henri RochefortThe intensity of the crisis brought about by the Dreyfus affair is a proven fact. The press plays a major role. Caricaturists, in particular, contribute their images to daily and periodical publications, books, postcards and posters. The range of styles is wide. After some hesitation – which can be very short - their contributions are constructed engagements of either attack or defence. While some are undecided or indifferent, others resort to humour. We can also see elements of duplicity. At a golden era for the press, iconography of the Dreyfus affair can be seen in numerous newspapers. The images, which have been analysed since the first signs of the Affair, show a society tormented by the defeat of 1870, a patriotism sometimes sustained by a spirit of revenge and an unstable thirty-year old Republic. They also illustrate the extremely demonstrative increase in anti-Semitism and in a multifaceted nationalism ; reinvigorated by a crisis polishing up its arms against the regime. This thesis studies, first and foremost, the careers of the caricaturists in order to appreciate the impact of the Affair on their art. Secondly, it explores the evolution of the presentation of major actors in the Affair; in particular Émile Zola, Joseph Reinach and Henri Rochefort
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Gahre, Connor J. "SELLING AUTHORITARIANISM: SINGAPORE AND CHINA’S BRANDING PROCESSES." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1561577957887846.
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Anttila, T. (Tero). "The power of antiquity:the Hyperborean research tradition in early modern Swedish research on national antiquity." Doctoral thesis, Oulun yliopisto, 2015. http://urn.fi/urn:isbn:9789526207148.
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Abstract My thesis focuses on the incorporation of Hyperboreans, a mythical classical race, into the prevailing Gothic or Geatic narrative of national history in seventeenth and eighteenth century Swedish historiography. The beatific Hyperboreans were identified with ancient Swedes to emphasise that the Gothic ancestors of Sweden’s rulers had not been mere mediaeval barbarians. The most extreme proponents of this Hyperborean research tradition claimed that a high culture had thrived in Sweden before classical antiquity. They asserted that traces of this highly-developed northern civilisation could be found in the Bible, classical writings and mediaeval historiography, as well as the domestic antiquities such as runestones and Old Norse writings. By close-reading published and unpublished writings of historians and antiquaries, I examined the overarching and shared distinctive features within this Hyperborean research tradition. This involved an analysis of the main content of this research tradition in its learned, mostly Western European historiographical setting. I focused especially on understanding the Hyperborean research tradition within the intellectual traditions of constructing fabulous pasts. The seventeenth century was a period of institutionalisation of historical and antiquarian research in Sweden and Europe. Hence, I also studied the role of specific politico-historical and institutional conditions in the emergence, development and decline of the Hyperborean research tradition. By combining these two approaches, I attempted to strike a balance between research on long-term intellectual traditions and short-term immediate situations in which the ideas about the Hyperboreans were developed and used. Ultimately my thesis illustrates that the Hyperborean research tradition was a fairly coherent tradition of research. It arose in the early seventeenth century as part of the political pursuits and problems of Swedish monarchs in the domestic front and the Baltics. The tradition dominated Swedish historiography during the period of Swedish absolutism (1690–1720), before gradually crumbling from 1730s onwards. The emergence, development and decline of the Hyperborean research tradition were all a result of complex historiographical and politico-institutional factorsTiivistelmä Keskityn väitöskirjassani 1600- ja 1700-lukujen ruotsalaisen historiankirjoituksen ilmiöön, jossa antiikin kirjoitusten myyttiset hyperborealaiset sisällytettiin niin kutsuttuun goottilaiseen historianarratiiviin. Tämä varhaismodernissa Ruotsissa suosittu historianarratiivi perustui näkemykseen Raamatun Maagogista sotaisten goottien sekä ruotsalaisten kantaisänä. Eurooppalaiset humanistit kuvasivat kuitenkin gootit keskiaikaisina barbaareina, minkä vastapainoksi oppineet Ruotsissa esittivät kotimaiset gootit sivistyneinä ja hurskaina hyperborealaisina. Hyperborealaisen tutkimusperinteen keskeisin tutkimuskohde oli muinaisen Ruotsin kulttuuri, jonka väitettiin levinneen Upsalasta aina Välimerelle saakka jo ennen kreikkalais-roomalaista antiikkia. Tukeakseen väitteitään oppineet käyttivät lähteinään antiikin kirjoitusten ohella Raamattua ja keskiajan historiantutkimusta. 1600-luvun mittaan he hyödynsivät kasvavassa määrin myös pohjolan alueen muinaismuistoja, kuten muinaisnorjalaisia kirjoituksia ja riimukiviä. Tutkimukseni lähdeaineisto muodostuu hyperborealaiseen perinteeseen kuuluneiden oppineiden julkaistuista ja julkaisemattomista kirjoituksista. Tarkastelen tutkimusperinteen yhtenäisyyttä analysoimalla sen keskeisimpiä yhdistäviä ja erottavia käsityksiä. Analyysini kattaa myös sen opillisten, lähinnä historiantutkimuksellisten puitteiden määrittämisen. Pyrin erityisesti ymmärtämään hyperborealaista tutkimusperinnettä osana varhaismodernille ajalle tyypillisiä historianarratiiveja tarunomaisesta kansallisesta muinaisuudesta. Ruotsalainen historian- ja muinaistutkimus institutionaalistui 1700-luvulla. Täten tarkastelen työn pääasiallisen tutkimusongelman ohella, kuinka poliittiset ja institutionaalisetolosuhteet myötävaikuttivat hyperborealaisen tutkimusperinteen kehittymiseen, vakiintumiseen ja asteittaiseen murenemiseen. Osoitan tutkimuksessani, että hyperborealainen tutkimusperinne syntyi 1600-luvun alussa liittyen Ruotsin kuninkaiden poliittisiin pyrkimyksiin sekä kotirintamalla että Itämerellä. Sen valtakausi sijoittui aikavälille 1685–1720, jolloin Ruotsin itsevaltiaat kuninkaat hyödynsivät hyperborealaisiin liitettäviä teemoja propagandassaan. Tutkimusperinteen vaiheittainen mureneminen tapahtui 1700-luvun puolivälissä. Sen taustalla oli useita poliittisia, institutionaalisia ja opillisia tekijöitä
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Fairbrother, Gregory P., and 方睿明. "Political socialization and critical thinking: their influence of Hong Kong and Mainland Chineseuniversity students' attitudes toward the nation." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B29697670.
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The Best PhD Thesis in the Faculties of Architecture, Arts, Business & Economics, Education, Law and Social Sciences (University of Hong Kong), Li Ka Shing Prize, 2001-2003.published_or_final_version
abstract
toc
Curriculum and Educational Studies
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
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Harris, Jane Elizabeth. "Literary patriots : nationalism in American women's writing 1827-1862." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.575375.
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This thesis undertakes an examination of American nationalism in women's writing of the antebellum period. This was a significant time of national formation which witnessed the geographical area of the nation double as new lands in the West and their inhabitants were brought into the Union. In addition, previously unprecedented numbers of immigrants were arriving from the Old World, causing anxiety among many native-born Americans about the national character and identity. The female literature of the period engages with these issues in ways which have not yet been fully explored and which invite a fresh critical examination. In this thesis, I argue that the idea of the American nation was formulated and investigated in the work of antebellum domestic writers, just as it was in the writings of politicians, newspaper men or the male writers of the American Renaissance; and that discussion of this aspect of the women's writing adds much to our understanding of the nature of American nationalism at this time and to how it chimed with contemporary cultural attitudes. The writers selected do not simply theorise national identity but promulgate, suggest, explore and debate what it means to be American and the qualities and characteristics which embody the ideal American. They are all members of well- established American families in the Northeastern states, and they work within a matrix of belief with regard to race, religion and class. Each author selected confronts the issue of national identity in her own way - adapting the genres of the historical novel, the bildungsroman, local colour writing and the traditional domestic novel - to create texts which were widely read not only in America itself but throughout Britain and Europe, spreading the writers' own national vision in the New and Old World alike. In so doing, they demonstrate their importance both as agents of America's growing sense of its nationhood and as significant contributors to nineteenth-century American literature.
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Duerr, Glen. "Talking with Nationalists and Patriots: An Examination of Ethnic and Civic Approaches to Nationalism and their Outcomes in Quebec and Flanders." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1337741896.
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Enefalk, Hanna. "En patriotisk drömvärld : Musik, nationalism och genus under det långa 1800-talet." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-9267.
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The subject of this thesis is Scandinavian nationalism from the late 18th century to ca 1920. The focus lies on that particular aspect of nationalism that was at the same time the most mundane and the most enigmatic: the ever-present depicting of the nation in words, pictures and music, which in effect created a parallel universe, a patriotic dreamland. This creation was highly gendered, and the media in which it flourished most abundantly was the patriotic song. The study therefore uses song texts as its primary source material and builds upon the theoretical foundations laid by, e.g., Joan Scott and Michael Billig. Geographically, the investigation centers on Sweden, using Norway and Swedish-speaking Finland as objects of comparison. The main producers of the lyrics and their intended target groups are identified, and an in-depth analysis of a large corpus of songs is made. The main conclusion is that the patriotic songs, in spite of spreading to an ever increasing proportion of the population, were not an expression of the ‘voice of the people’ or even that of the bourgeoisie as a whole. The texts were chiefly written by male academics, and from their formative years during the Napoleonic wars the songs preserved an obsession with a warlike unmarried manhood. Only in the last decades of the period were civilian virtues and national womanhood slightly more emphasized. It is suggested that the songs, apart from being an expression of what Billig has termed ‘banal nationalism,’ also functioned as a bastion of a ‘banal androcentrism.’ The thesis shows that the patriotic dreamland of the patriotic songs was designed in a way that promoted the interests of its producers and reproducers. The seemingly semi-autonomous quality of the discourse is also discussed, employing meme theory as used by, e.g., Daniel Dennett.
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Enefalk, Hanna. "En patriotisk drömvärld : musik, nationalism och genus under det långa 1800-talet /." Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis : Uppsala University Library distributör, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-9267.
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Canard, Robert Leigh. "Patriotic Attachment, Libidinal Economy, and Cosmopolitan Citizenship: A Qualified Defense of Patriotic Love." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32155.
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Terms such as â fascistâ and â naziâ retain light and even comical currency in contemporary pop culture despite the gravity of the events that produced them. Departing from this common usage, I consider within political and psychoanalytic frameworks the normative effects common understandings of fascism and totalitarianism exercise vis-a-vis collective attachments (patriotism, nationalism), and specifically how this discourse shapes notions of citizenship. Working within this political-psychoanalytic model, I analyze the substance behind Barack Obamaâ s Presidential campaign themes of hope and change by way of his Inaugural Address in relation to that of George W. Bush. I conclude by engaging the discourse on cosmopolitan citizenship, considering both how it fits into the framework developed for this project and the relation of Obamaâ s understandings of citizenship and foreign policy to cosmpolitanism.Master of Arts
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Linden, Pasay Sarah. "A loyal public against an evil enemy? : Comparing how Russia, Denmark, and Poland were communicated as the otherin the Swedish Posttidningar during times of war, 1699–1743." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-175308.
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This study explores the Swedish portrayals of Russians as compared to Danes and Polesand how they changed over time during the Great Northern War and Russo-SwedishWar (1741–1743). Through the Swedish state-run Posttidningar, the information deliveredby the state indicates that the circumstances of war and the power of the enemy leaderswere more significant than specific attributes of the enemy other in forming collectiveSwedish identity. Creating these collective sentiments was an essential tool for the stateto affirm the cooperation of its population during times of war. The information aboutthe enemy affects the transformation of a semi-public sphere in Sweden by providing acommon knowledge base to discuss and understand a changing view of its place inEurope. By depicting the enemy in flexible terms, the Swedish state desires its populationto cooperate based on the threat of war, common knowledge, and Sweden’s place inEurope, rather than solidarity against a static religious or political other.
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Weiss, Jessica Chen. "Powerful patriots nationalism, diplomacy, and the strategic logic of anti-foreign protest /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3316212.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 9, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 200-208).
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Ihring, Peter. "Die beweinte Nation : Melodramatik und Patriotismus im "romanzo storico risorgimentale /." Tübingen : M. Niemeyer, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41139857r.
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Lake, Anthony. "Patriotic and domestic love : nationhood and national identity in British literature 1789-1848." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.360531.
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This study argues that nationalism is concerned not only with relations and differences between rival nations, but is also related to questions of class, power, and representation within nations. It explores the development of a conservative form of nationalism in England which, following Edmund Burke's Reflections on the Late Revolution in France (1790), elaborates a defence of the hegemony of the aristocracy, in response to the increasing economic and cultural power of the middle class, born of the rapid growth of commercial and industrial economy. Literature is central in the development of this nationalism, and writings by Coleridge, Wordsworth, Scott, Disraeli, and more briefly, Dickens are considered. There are two distinct images of nationhood in England in the period. These are on the one hand a vision of nationhood which links the nation to the existence of a public, a residual aristocratic ideal of the nation which is defined within the terms of the discourse of civic humanism, and on the other hand a vision of England which identifies English nationhood with rural society, village community, and the private and domestic space of the home; an ideal of the nation which emerges in relation to commercial and industrial culture, and which becomes identified with the middle class. These two ideals of nationhood become the focus of a struggle of representations between aristocracy and middle class. The tensions which this struggle between these conflicting images of the English nation creates are explored, considering their implications for the politics and representation of national, class, and gender identities. This study demonstrates that debates about the movement from a landbased pre-industrial to an industrial society are framed within a broader debate about the nature and meanings of Englishness and English nationhood. The relationship of this nationalism to developing discourses of imperialism is also explored.
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Thoirain, Dominique. "Valeurs - école - jeunesse : le cas du patriotisme dans l'école soviétique." Paris 8, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA080787.
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Nous avons cherche a preciser le role de l'ecole dans la formation du sentiment patriotique que nous avons souventobserve en urss. Une approche descriptive a permis de reperer le contenu de cette valeur,les agents educatifs et les methodes pedagogiques utilisees en particulier dans l'enseignement de l'histoire. Puis nous avons evalue l'impact de cette education. Nous avons limite notre etude aux annees soixante-dix et quatre-vingts en englobant la perestroika. Notre cadre geographique ne depasse pas la partie occidentale de l'ex-urss. Nos donnees sont issues de periodiques demanuels scolaires et de didactique sovietiques ainsi que d'oeuvrages anglosaxons. Elles sont completees par une enquete que nous avons effectuee en russie (a moscou) et en ukraine (kharkov) a l'automne 1991. Nous avons ainsi montre que la valeur patriotique repose sur une glorification des heros du passe militaire russe d'avant 1917, du passe sovietique, sur une veneration de "la grande guerre patriotique" (1941-1945) et des batisseurs de la societe sovietique. S'y ajoute une mefiance a l'egard des etrangers, en particulier des occidentaux. Ce sentiment est inculque par de nombreuses activites scolaires et periscolaires, dans et hors de l'etablissement. Le sentiment patriotique dominant parmi les jeunes reprend ces differents themes, meme apres 1985. Ainsi, l'action educative de l'ecole a ete efficace pour former des patriotes malgre des methodes pedagogiques souvent contestablesWe tried to specify the part played by schools in the development of the patriotic feeling in the soviet union. First of all a descriptive approach made it possible to show how the school encourages this patriotism through the educational staff as well as the different teaching methods : we particularly concentrated on the teaching of history. Secondly we assessed the impact of this education on the young. We restricted our research to the seventies and the eighties including the perestroika period. We limited our research to the western parts of the ex-union. We obtained our information from the press and soviet reviews and also from textbooks, didactic books and english works on the subject. We completed our research with a survey carried out in russia (moscou) and ukrainia (kharkov) in the autumn of 1991. Some of the results we found are as follows : the schools tried to encourage patriotism by glorifying russian military heroes (before 1917) and soviet heroes, and by glorification of the "great patriotic war" (1941-1945) and of the builders of the soviet society. We also found a feeling of mistrust towards foreigners, particularly towards westerners. This patriotic feeling was instilled through numerous school and extracurricular activities in and out the educationalestablishment. We found that the prevailling patriotic feeling among the young included the different themes mentioned which led us to conclude that the education in schools was effective
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Tipaldou, Sofia. "Russia’s nationalist-patriotic opposition: the shifting politics of right-wing contention in post-communist transition." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/308508.
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Mi tesis doctoral trata los factores que influyen la aparición de organizaciones de extrema derecha contemporáneos en
Rusia y subraya el papel clave de liderazgo en dichas organizaciones. Las preguntas de investigación son: ¿Hasta que
punto ha cambiado el movimiento de derecha radical ruso a lo largo del tiempo? ¿Qué factores son responsables de la
transformación interna (la aparición y la evolución) del movimiento de derecha radical en Rusia?
Las variables dependientes centrales de mi estudio son el surgimiento y el cambio de los modelos organizativos de la
derecha radical rusa y tienen que ver con el por qué, el cuándo y el cómo emergen nuevas estructuras movilizadoras y
como cambian su forma, sus estrategias, discursos, y modelos. El objeto de mi estudio es el movimiento nacionalpatriota
ruso, lo cual llamaré "oposición nacionalista-patriota" y definiré como: el amplio espectro de organizaciones
nacionalistas extra-parlamentarias (partidos, movimientos y milieus), así como sus aliados dentro de la Duma. Utilicé
una serie de métodos de recolección de datos que incluyen la observación participante, entrevistas semiestructuradas
(entrevistas a informantes claves), el uso de documentos generados por los movimientos bajo investigación, artículos de
prensa e investigación de archivos.
Mi estudio utiliza un enfoque interdisciplinario que combina diferentes disciplinas (ciencia política, sociología,
economía) y diferentes métodos, y su objetivo es forjar un puente entre la documentación existente de ciencia política y
de sociología sobre el fenómeno de la derecha radical. Queriendo entender el surgimiento y evolución de los
movimientos, mi tesis aborda el desafío analítico de identificar las circunstancias que incluyen procesos estructurales y
culturales y los combina con un enfoque basado en la actividad humana. Se basa en el esfuerzo continuo de fusionar las
teorías de nacionalismo y de los movimientos sociales con el fin de contribuir a la construcción de una teoría más sólida
sobre la protesta de los movimientos de la derecha radical.
Mi argumento es que las organizaciones rusas de derecha radical contemporáneas cambian su forma, la estrategia, el
discurso y el modelo a través de un proceso de adaptación basado en nuevas divisiones socioeconómicas (en la línea de
estado-nación/ confederación sin la dominancia de una nación, cívica ciudadanía basada en derechos cívicos/ en sangre,
y organizaciones políticas parlamentarias/ extra- parlamentarias), en la respuesta del gobierno hacia estas divisiones (en
particular a través de la política de migración), y en las oportunidades que el régimen u otros factores externos (por
ejemplo la tecnología) se abre o se cierra a ellos. Las oportunidades están determinadas por el contexto estructural que
incluye elementos culturales, sociales y políticos. La movilización y los resultados del movimiento nacionalista-patriota
pueden alimentar de nuevo en ambas estructuras de movimiento y estructuras de contexto. Durante este proceso, el
papel del liderazgo es crucial, para capitalizar las oportunidades existentes, para construir una atracción al mensaje
público de que es capaz de atraer el apoyo del público, y para transformar sus formas y estructuras organizativas de una
manera que les permita sobrevivir y lograr sus objetivos.
La realización de las entrevistas con líderes de los movimientos nacionalistas patriotas muestra que su actividad es
fundamental para la creación y supervivencia de los movimientos. Mi estudio elabora una serie de movimientos
conceptuales, incluyendo la introducción de una definición más amplia de la derecha radical que toma en cuenta las
complejas relaciones que existen dentro y entre las organizaciones que la componen y su interacción con las
organizaciones de oposición; la introducción del término estructuras de oportunidades tecnológicas; y la evolución del
partido La Otra Rusia (anterior Partido Nacional-Bolchevique) del frente nacional-patriota.
La investigación presente contribuye a la obtención de una visión más clara de los patrones y la dinámica de la derecha
radical en contextos de transición, especialmente en los no-democráticos. El caso de estudio de Rusia se integra en el
debate de las ciencias sociales enfocado en la aparición y el desarrollo de los movimientos de extrema derecha y
pretende aportar herramientas para entender mejor casos similares que atraviesan un cambio sistémico rápido. Cuenta
con implicaciones más amplias sobre el papel de las organizaciones nacionalistas en la transición democrática; el
entendimiento de los movimientos similares en otros entornos de transición, como en Ucrania, o en contextos
occidentales con características similares, por ejemplo los entornos de crisis económica del sur de Europa; y la mejor
comprensión de presiones en la política interna que puedan afectar la toma de decisiones gubernamentales en una serie
de cuestiones, como podría ser en la política exterior.My PhD dissertation deals with the factors that influence the emergence of contemporary far right organizations in Russia and underlines the key role of leadership in those organizations. The research questions addressed in my research are: To what extent does the Russian radical right movement vary over time? What accounts for the internal transformation (the emergence and further evolution) of radical right organizations in Russia? The central outcome variable of my study are the emergence and organizational change of the Russian radical right movement that has to do with the why,when, and how mobilizing structures arise and how they change their form, strategy, discourse, and model. The population of my study is the broader radical right movement in Russia, which I will call “nationalist-patriotic opposition” and define as: the wide spectrum of extraparliamentarian nationalist organizations (parties, movements, and milieus), as well as their allies within the Duma. I used a number of data-gathering methods that include participant observation, semi-structured interviewing (key informant interviews), the use of indigenously generated documents by social movement organizations, newspaper articles, and archival research. My study uses an interdisciplinary approach that combines different disciplines (political science, sociology, and area studies) and different methods based on extensive fieldwork (key-informant semi-structured interviewing, participant observation, and archival research) and aims to forge a bridge between political science and sociology literature on this topic. It addresses the analytical challenge of identifying circumstances that include both structural and cultural processes and combine them with an agent-based approach in order to understand movement emergence and development. It is based on the ongoing effort of merging nationalism and social movement theories in order to contribute to the construction of a more solid theory of radical right protest. My argument is that Russia's contemporary radical right organizations have changed their form, strategy, discourse, and model through an adaptation process under the influence of new socioeconomic cleavages (along the lines of nation-state/ nationless confederacy, civic/ blood citizenship, and parliamentarian/ extraparliamentarian political organizations), the government's response towards these cleavages (particularly through migration policy), and opportunities the regime or other external factors (e.g. technology) opens or closes to them. Opportunities are shaped by the structural context which includes cultural, social, and political elements. The mobilization and outcomes of the nationalist-patriotic movement may feed back into both movement structures and context structures. During this process, the role of leadership is crucial, for capitalizing on the existing opportunities, for constructing a message attractive to the public, and for transforming their organizational forms and structures in a way that will enable them to survive and to accomplish their goals. Evidence from interviews with leaders of nationalist-patriotic movements shows that their agency is fundamental for the movements' creation and survival. My study makes a series of conceptual contributions, including the introduction of a broader definition of the radical right that accounts for the complex relations that exist within and among the organizations that comprise it and their interaction with opposing organizations; the introduction of the term “technological opportunity structures”; and the disentanglement of the existent form of the National- Bolshevik Party- The Other Russia- from the nationalist-patriotic front. The present research contributes to obtaining more insight into the patterns and dynamics of right-wing radicalism in transitional settings, especially non-democratic ones. The case study of Russia seeks to contribute to the debate in social science on the emergence and development of radical right wing movements about a broader category of similar cases that undergo rapid systemic change. It has further implications for our understanding of the role of nationalist organizations in democratic transition; on the understanding of similar movements in other transitional settings, e.g.. Ukraine, or in Western non-transitional settings with similar characteristics, e.g. Southern European economic crisis environments; and for the better understanding of pressures in domestic policy that may impact governmental decision-making in a series of issues, e.g. foreign policy.
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Ouellet, Bernard. "Le libéralisme et les courants idéologiques au Canada français : de la fin des rébellions des patriotes de 1837 à la période entourant l'avènement de la Confédération canadienne de 1867." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq22008.pdf.
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Payen, Guillaume. "Racines et combat. L'existence politique de Martin Heidegger : patriotisme, nationalisme et engagement d’un intellectuel européen jusqu'à l'avènement du nazisme (1889-1933)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040244.
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Cette thèse de doctorat est une biographie historique et politique de Martin Heidegger, comparé à d'autres intellectuels européens ; elle traite de l'amour de ce philosophe pour sa Heimat (pays natal) et pour l'Allemagne, articulé avec son appartenance à l'Europe et à l'Histoire de l'Être ; cette identité politique complexe va de pair avec une critique sévère du monde moderne en continuité avec ses origines catholiques conservatrices et avec une conception de la pensée « apolitique » bien qu'engagée, cela bien avant l'avènement du nazisme et le rectorat de Heidegger. De ce fait, cette thèse, qui n'évite pas la question de son engagement nazi, couvre un champ historique bien plus large et tente de mettre en lumière l'arrière-plan complexe et changeant, qui bien avant l'ascension de Hitler, permet de comparer le philosophe avec des intellectuels de droite révolutionnaire en Allemagne (Révolution conservatrice) aussi bien qu'en Europe : après la découverte du Mouvement de jeunesse et l'expérience de la guerre en 1918, Heidegger abandonna son conservatisme catholique et se convertit à l'idée d'une révolution philosophique inspirée par les idéaux de responsabilité et d'authenticité de ce mouvement de réforme de la vie. Durant les années 1920, il conçut la philosophie de plus en plus avec les idées de combat et de racines ; l'importance reconnue à la violence politique, y compris pour un but philosophique, fait clairement de Martin Heidegger un fils de ces sociétés européennes “brutalisées” par la Grande Guerre et le met nettement au milieu de ces intellectuels de droite révolutionnaireThis Ph.D. dissertation is a historical political biography of Martin Heidegger, compared with other European intellectuals ; it deals with the philosopher's love for his Heimat (homeland) and for Germany, articulated with his belonging to Europe and to the history of being ; this complex political identity goes with a severe criticism of modern world in continuity with his conservative catholic origins, and with an apolitical though engaged conception of thought, that long before the coming of Nazism and Heidegger's rectorate. For that matter, this thesis, which does not avoid the question of his Nazi engagement, has a much larger scope and tries to bring into the light the complex and changing background, that even before Hitler's elevation, allows to compare the philosopher with revolutionary right-wing intellectuals in Germany (Conservative Revolution) as well as in Europe : after the discovery of the German Youth Movement and the experience of war in 1918, Heidegger left his catholic conservatism and converted to an idea of philosophical revolution inspired by the ideals of responsibility and authenticity of this life reform movement. During the 1920's, he conceived philosophy more and more with the ideas of fight and roots ; The importance recognized to fight and violence in politics, even for a philosophical goal, makes clearly Martin Heidegger a son of these “brutalized” European after-war societies and put him in the middle of these revolutionary right-wing intellectuals
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Nilsson, Ingela. "Nationalism i fredens tjänst : Svenska skolornas fredsförening, fredsfostran och historieundervisning 1919-1939." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-99048.
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The overall aim of this thesis is to contribute to the field of research that examines the relationship between peace efforts and nationalism. The relationship will be studied from perspectives of educa- tional history and history didactics. More precisely, by focusing on history education, this disserta- tion will analyse the demands for a comprehensive peace education in schools that were put forward by a long list of actors in the Western world during the interwar period, and as such discuss to what extent, and in what ways, nationalism influenced the content and design of this peace education. The main theoretical framework of this thesis is the concept of nationalism, and the position of nationalism as a hegemonic ideology during the first half of the 20th century. Another central un- derstanding is the assumption that the educational system, specifically history education, played a central role in creating, maintaining and strengthening collective identities as well as the prevailing ideological hegemony. The empirical investigation has been limited to studying the demands and ideas presented by Nordic peace educators, mainly The Swedish School Peace League (SSF), regar- ding peace-educating history teaching. As such, the empirical aim has been to investigate the SSF’s views on the relationship between nationalism and peace education, i.e., how internationalism and pacifism were to be taught, as well as how this understanding affected the League’s ideas regarding history teaching. The results have also been analysed from a gender perspective, based on the as- sumption that contemporary notions of gender in relation to nationalism, war and peace in different ways had an impact upon the content and format of the proposed peace education. The study shows that the SSF regarded nationalism as the very foundation and prerequisite for any peace education. SSF thus tried to reconcile nationalism, internationalism and pacifism under one and the same ideological approach; “patriotic pacifism”, which in turn strongly influenced the endorsed peace-educating history teaching. Furthermore, the study highlights boys’ central role in the peace education project, which essentially set the long-term goal of creating a new pacifist and internationally oriented male ideal and yet, despite these aims, continued an intimate association with the “national”. Key concepts in SSF’s peace education were unite and supplement, and thereby they redefined central meanings of hegemonic nationalism. SSF’s patriotic pacifism and its impact on the association's demands for a peace-educating history teaching can best be described as an “intra-hegemonic counterforce”.Historia utan gräns: Den internationella historieboksrevisionen 1919-2009
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Kelly, Stéphane. "La petite loterie : comment la Couronne a obtenu la collaboration du Canada français après 1837 /." [Montréal] [Québec] : Boréal, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37522465s.
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Davis, Camille Marie. "Why the Fuse Blew: the Reasons for Colonial America’s Transformation From Proto-nationalists to Revolutionary Patriots: 1772-1775." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc804870/.
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The most well-known events and occurrences that caused the American Revolution are well-documented. No scholar debates the importance of matters such as the colonists’ frustration with taxation without representation, the Boston Massacre, the Boston Tea Party, and the Coercive Acts. However, very few scholars have paid attention to how the 1772 English court case that freed James Somerset from slavery impacted American Independence. This case occurred during a two-year stall in the conflict between the English government and her colonies that began in 1763. Between 1763 and 1770, there was ongoing conflict between the two parties, but the conflict temporarily subsided in 1770. Two years later, in 1772, the Somerset decision reignited tension and frustration between the mother country and her colonies. This paper does not claim that the Somerset decision was the cause of colonial separation from England. Instead it argues that the Somerset decision played a significant yet rarely discussed role in the colonists’ willingness to begin meeting with one another to discuss their common problem of shared grievance with British governance. It prompted the colonists to begin relating to one another and to the British in a way that they never had previously. This case’s impact on intercolonial relations and relations between the colonies and her mother country are discussed within this work.
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Hutchins-Viroux, Rachel. "Nationalisme et identité nationale dans les manuels d'histoire américaine de l'enseignement primaire au Texas : 1982-1997." Nancy 2, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005NAN21027.
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Les manuels scolaires d'histoire construisent et véhiculent une version officielle du passé de la nation et constituent ainsi des objets de grande polémique. L'examen des ouvrages du primaire adoptés par l'Etat très influent du Texas en 1982 et en 1997 révèle l'évolution de la représentation de l'identité américaine et de l'écriture de l'histoire nationale à la suite des mouvements multiculturalistes des années1960 et 1970 et de la réaction conservatrice et des "guerres culturelles" des années 1980 et 1990. Notamment, on constate que la sensibilité multiculturaliste est tempérée par la prédominance persistante d'une vision traditionaliste qui ne peut admettre l'importance du racisme dans le passé américain et qui exige la glorification de la nation et l'inculcation du patriotisme. Cette thèse analyse les effets des tensions émanant des débats autour de l'identité nationale et du nationalisme dans les années 1980 et 1990 en s'appuyant sur le texte et les images des manuels scolairesHistory textbooks construct and transmit an official version of a nation's past, and as such are highly contested political terrain. An examination of the textbooks that were adopted for use in primary education by the very influential state of Texas in 1982 and 1997 reveals the evolution of the representation of American identity and the way in which American history was written following the multiculturalist movements of the 1960s/1970s and the conservative backlash and the "culture wars" of the 1980s/1990s. Notably, multiculturalist viewpoints are attenuated in the world of public primary education by the persistent predominance of a traditionalist vision which refuses to recognize the significance of racism in the American past, and which demands the glorification of the nation and the inculcation of patriotism. This thesis analyzes the effects of these tensions on the books' text and iconography in light of the debates concerning identity and nationalism in the 1980s and 1990s