To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Nationalism Patriotism.
Journal articles on the topic 'Nationalism Patriotism'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Nationalism Patriotism.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Sinkkonen, Elina. "Nationalism, Patriotism and Foreign Policy Attitudes among Chinese University Students." China Quarterly 216 (November 7, 2013): 1045–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741013001094.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractDoes empirical evidence support treating “nationalism” and “patriotism” as separate concepts in China and is there a relationship between strong nationalist/patriotic attitudes and foreign policy preferences? To analyse the construction of Chinese national identity, Chinese university students (N = 1346) took part in a survey in Beijing in spring 2007. The data supported the assumption of a conceptual separation between nationalism and patriotism. CCP members and students from rural backgrounds were more nationalistic than non-members and students with urban upbringings. Moreover, nationalism had a stronger link to foreign policy preferences than patriotism, and respondents with a greater degree of nationalism were less likely to favour international cooperation and more likely to prefer protectionist policies. The associations of nationalism and patriotism with foreign policy attitudes, and the contribution of other potential explanatory factors to the relationship between nationalism, patriotism and policy attitudes were explored with linear regression models.
2
Gries, Peter Hays, Qingmin Zhang, H. Michael Crowson, and Huajian Cai. "Patriotism, Nationalism and China's US Policy: Structures and Consequences of Chinese National Identity." China Quarterly 205 (March 2011): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741010001360.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWhat is the nature of Chinese patriotism and nationalism, how does it differ from American patriotism and nationalism, and what impact do they have on Chinese foreign policy attitudes? To explore the structure and consequences of Chinese national identity, three surveys were conducted in China and the US in the spring and summer of 2009. While patriotism and nationalism were empirically similar in the US, they were highly distinct in China, with patriotism aligning with a benign internationalism and nationalism with a more malign blind patriotism. Chinese patriotism/internationalism, furthermore, had no impact on perceived US threats or US policy preferences, while nationalism did. The role of nationalist historical beliefs in structures of Chinese national identity was also explored, as well as the consequences of historical beliefs for the perception of US military and humiliation threats.
3
Glassford, John. "Orwell's ‘Barbarous’ Patriotism." Scottish Affairs 25, no. 3 (August 2016): 372–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2016.0140.
Full textAbstract:
It is not always clear what the well-spring of patriotic feeling might be, and ‘patriots’ often have difficulty articulating the origins of their passion, though sources are seldom mysterious. In this article, it is suggested that George Orwell was one such example. With the Lacanian proposition that the unconscious is structured like a language as a default position, it is evident that Orwell's texts on nationalism, patriotism, and education clearly exhibit confusion. More specifically, it is when Orwell tries to disentangle ‘Englishness’ from ‘Scottishness’ that we see that despite his apparent sophistication as a journalist and propagandist, his account of Englishness is little more than patriarchal, nationalist chauvinism of the kind he claimed to despise. The attentive reader can see it in his texts, but he was blind to the contradiction.
4
Zafi, Ashif Az. "VALUE OF NATIONALISM ACTIVIST ROHIS." Jurnal MUDARRISUNA: Media Kajian Pendidikan Agama Islam 9, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/jm.v9i2.4713.
Full textAbstract:
Having a Nationalism Value is a duty for every citizen. In other words, it is an unconditional value. At the same time, the issue of racial disunity has been grown lately. This issue is related to religion. Most compelling evidence, high school student’s Nationalism Value moreover theirs who follow spiritual organization has been descending due to the incorporation between religion and nationality. The scope of this field research is within SMA Negeri 1 Purworejo. Qualitative analysis method supported by descriptive statistical data is being used in this study. As a result, this research found that Nationalism Value can be instilled through classroom learning, recitation and activities in the spiritual program. The value of Unity and Patriotism, which constitutes for Nationalism Value, is invested through verbal and non verbal communication. For this reason, Islamic religion teacher is the most crucial agent in instilling Nationalism Values to spiritual activists. In the event that 57% of students have a high Unity Value and 68% of students have high Patriotism Value, henceforth the Nationalism's Value of spiritual activists tends to be high.
5
Wandycz, Piotr. "Nationalism and Patriotism." Dialogue and Universalism 16, no. 1 (2006): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du2006161/284.
Full text
6
Lukacs, John. "Patriotism versus Nationalism." Chesterton Review 31, no. 1 (2005): 220–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton2005311/285.
Full text
7
Dariyo, Agoes. "Peran Pengasuhan Otoritatif Terhadap Patriotisme Remaja: Dengan Mediator Kepuasan Hidup Dan Nasionalisme." Jurnal Ketahanan Nasional 24, no. 3 (November 28, 2018): 326. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jkn.38715.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThis study aimed to found out the authoritative parenting role of parents to developed adolescent nationalism and patriotism in the framework of national resilience. Quantitative research by taking data using a Likert scale measuring instrument in the form of questionnaires, namely authoritative parenting, life-satisfaction, nationalism and patriotism. The subjects involved in this study amounted to 186 adolescents (male = 99 and female = 87 female, with an average age of 18.1 years). Furthermore, the collected data were analyzed using statistical tests, namely logarithmic non-linear regression. The results showed that (a) parents' authoritative parenting played a significant role in developing adolescent nationalism and patriotism in the framework of achieving national resilience, (b) authoritative parenting parents played a significant role in achieving teen life satisfaction so that they also developed nationalism and patriotism in the framework of national resilience, (c) youth realized that the state hadfacilitated its citizens to had jobs so that parents were able to meet the needs of life for teenagers. Thus, they as teenagers were aware of being citizens who had nationalism and patriotism in their lives. ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan mengetahui peran pengasuhan otoritatif orangtua untuk menumbuhkembangkan sikap nasionalismedan patriotisme remaja dalam kerangka ketahanan nasional.Penelitian bersifat kuantitatif dengan pengambilan data menggunakan alat ukur skala Likert berupa kuesioner yaitu pola asuh otoritatif, kepuasan hidup, nasionalisme dan patriotisme. Subjek yang terlibat dalam penelitian ini berjumlah 186 remaja (laki-laki = 99 orang dan perempuan = 87 perempuan, dengan rerata usia 18,1 tahun). Selanjutnya, data yang terkumpul dianalisis dengan menggunakan uji statistik yaitu regresi non-linear logaritmik.Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa (a) pola asuh otoritatif orangtuaberperan secara signifikan dalam menumbuh-kembangkan sikap nasionalisme dan patriotismeremaja dalam kerangka mencapai ketahanan nasional, (b) pola asuh otoritatif orangtua berperan secara signifikan dalam mencapai kepuasan hidup remaja sehingga mereka pun akan menumbuhkembangkan sikap nasionalismedan patriotisme dalam kerangka ketahanan nasional, (c) remaja menyadari bahwa negara telah memfasilitasi warganya untuk memiliki pekerjaan sehingga orangtua mampu memenuhi kebutuhan hidup bagi anak remaja. Dengan demikian, mereka sebagai remaja sadar untuk menjadi warga-negara yang memiliki sikap nasionalisme dan patriotisme dalam hidupnya.
8
Ramme, Jennifer. "Framing Solidarity. Feminist Patriots Opposing the Far Right in Contemporary Poland." Open Cultural Studies 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 469–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2019-0040.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Due to the attempts to restrict the abortion law in Poland in 2016, we could observe a new broad-based feminist movement emerge. This successful movement became known worldwide through the Black Protests and the massive Polish Women’s Strike that took place in October 2016. While this new movement is impressive in its scope and can be described as one of the most successful opposition movements to the ethno-nationalist right wing and fundamentalist Catholicism, it also deploys a patriotic rhetoric and makes use of national symbols and categories of belonging. Feminism and nationalism in Poland are usually described as in opposition, although that relationship is much more complex and changing. Over decades, a general shift towards right-wing nationalism in Poland has occurred, which, in various ways, has also affected feminist actors and (counter)discourses. It seems that patriotism is used to combat nationalism, which has proved to be a successful strategy. Taking the example of feminist mobilizations and movements in Poland, this paper discusses the (im)possible link between patriotism, nationalism and feminism in order to ask what it means for feminist politics and female solidarity when belonging is framed in different ways.
9
Grigoryev, Dmitry S. "From patriotism to political totalitarianism: the role of collective narcissism." National Psychological Journal 40, no. 4 (2020): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.11621/npj.2020.0404.
Full textAbstract:
Background. Patriotic education is carried out in many countries, being an integral part of the process of socialization of the younger generation. At the same time, patriotism is often used by autocracies to maintain power and total state control over all aspects of public and private life. What is the socio-psychological aspect of this possible transformation? Objective. The aim of the study was to test the model of the relationship between patriotism, nationalism, rightwing authoritarianism and political totalitarianism, as well as to examine the role of collective narcissism in these relationships. We hypothesized that patriotism is not directly related to totalitarianism, this connection is mediated by nationalism and right-wing authoritarianism, while patriotism and nationalism are connected only under the condition of a high level of collective narcissism (i.e., collective narcissism demonstrates the effect of moderation). Design. The study of the role of collective narcissism in the relationship between patriotism, nationalism, rightwing authoritarianism and political totalitarianism was carried out in 2018 on a gender-balanced sample of residents of Russia (N — 232) aged 16 to 61 (M — 28.5; SD — 10.2). Reliable and valid tools were used for measurements: cultural patriotism and nationalism (Grigoryan 2013; Grigoryan, Lepshokova, 2012), collective narcissism (Golec de Zavala et al., 2009), right-wing authoritarianism (Bizumic, Duckitt, 2018). A cross-sectional single-sample correlation design was applied using data from a socio-psychological survey. The data was collected in 2018 through an online survey conducted by an independent commercial research company as a result of a survey of their own panel of respondents. The survey was conducted using various Likert scales. All scales that had not previously been translated into Russian were adapted by double translation and cognitive interviews using the “think-aloud” technique (Batkhina, Grigoryev, 2019). Results. The hypotheses that were put forward were confirmed. It was found that (1) patriotism is not directly related to totalitarianism: nationalism and authoritarianism mediated the relationship between patriotism and totalitarianism, and nationalism mediated the relationship between patriotism and authoritarianism; (2) patriotism is positively associated with nationalism only if the level of collective narcissism is high; (3) nationalism is positively associated with authoritarianism and totalitarianism, and authoritarianism with totalitarianism. Conclusions. Collective narcissism may reflect the process of compensating for low self-esteem and lack of control over their lives in people, and generate belief in an exalted image of the in-group and its right to special recognition. Subsequently, this helps to use patriotism as a basis for supporting political totalitarianism. Nationalism and authoritarianism can carry an instrumental function in this process acting as certain strategies for the implementation of the motivational orientation set by collective narcissism.
10
Caballero, Carlo. "Patriotism or Nationalism? Fauré and the Great War." Journal of the American Musicological Society 52, no. 3 (1999): 593–625. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831793.
Full textAbstract:
Even though Gabriel Fauré's contemporaries championed his music as quintessentially French, Fauré distanced himself from policies of national exclusion in art, and his own construction of French musical style was cosmopolitan. This essay summarizes Fauré's political choices during the Great War, explains his motives, and indicates how some of his decisions affected French musical life. Fauré's outspoken preface to Georges Jean-Aubry's La Musique française d'aujourd'hui provides one key to the composer's position. Jean-Aubry, following Debussy, reckoned as authentically French only musical styles attached to pre-Revolutionary traditions. Fauré felt that such a narrow characterization of French music falsified the diversity of the historical record. His preface therefore takes issue with Jean-Aubry's book and insists that German composers had played an irrefutable role in the formation of modern French music. We may understand Fauré's-and other composers'-wartime decisions in terms of a distinction between patriotism and nationalism. Composers such as Fauré, Bruneau, and Ravel emerge as patriots. Debussy, who sought to purify French music of foreign contamination, emerges as a nationalist. Both nationalism and patriotism call on collective memory and experience, but nationalism exercises its power protectively and tends toward exclusion, while patriotism, favoring political over ethnic determination, tends toward inclusion. Fauré's patriotism emerges through the evidence of the preface; charitable activities; his refusal to sign a French declaration calling for a ban on contemporary German and Austrian music; and his attempt to unite the Société Nationale and the Société Musicale Indépendante. Fauré's wartime music, in contrast to his writings and activities, evades connections with historical events and raises methodological questions about perceived relations between political belief and artistic expression.
11
Sheng, Michael. "Marxism? Nationalism? or Patriotism?" Diplomatic History 21, no. 4 (October 1997): 631–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-7709.00091.
Full text
12
Doob, Leonard W. "Cypriot Patriotism and Nationalism." Journal of Conflict Resolution 30, no. 2 (June 1986): 383–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002786030002008.
Full text
13
Zhao, Suisheng. "A State-Led Nationalism: The Patriotic Education Campaign in Post-Tiananmen China." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 3 (September 1, 1998): 287–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00009-9.
Full textAbstract:
The decline of Communism after the end of the post-Cold War has seen the rise of nationalism in many parts of the former Communist world. In countries such as the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, nationalism was pursued largely from the bottom up as ethnic and separatist movements. Some observers also take this bottom-up approach to find the major cause of Chinese nationalism and believe that “the nationalist wave in China is a spontaneous public reaction to a series of international events, not a government propaganda.” (Zhang, M. (1997) The new thinking of Sino–US relations. Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 117–123). They see Chinese nationalism as “a belated response to the talk of containing China among journalists and politicians” in the United States and “a public protest against the mistreatment from the US in the last several years.” (Li, H. (1997) China talks back: anti-Americanism or nationalism? Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 153–160). This position concurs with the authors of nationalistic books in China, such as The China That Can Say No: Political and Sentimental Choice in the Post-Cold War Era (Song, Q., Zhang Z., Qiao B. (1996) Zhongguo Keyi Shuo Bu (The China That Can Say No). Zhonghua Gongshang Lianhe Chubanshe. Beijing), which called upon Chinese political elites to say no to the US, and argue that the rise of nationalism was not a result of the official propaganda but a reflection of the state of mind of a new generation of Chinese intelligentsia in response to the foreign pressures in the post-Cold War era. Indeed, Chinese nationalism was mainly reactive sentiments to foreign suppressions in modern history, and this new wave of nationalist sentiment also harbored a sense of wounded national pride and an anti-foreign (particularly the US and Japan) resentment. Many Chinese intellectuals gave voice to a rising nationalistic discourse in the 1990s (Zhao, S. (1997) Chinese intellectuals' quest for national greatness and nationalistic writing in the 1990s. The China Quarterly, 152, 725–745). However, Chinese nationalism in the 1990s was also constructed and enacted from the top by the Communist state. There were no major military threats to China's security after the end of the Cold War. Instead, the internal legitimacy crisis became a grave concern of the Chinese Communist regime because of the rapid decay of Communist ideology. In response, the Communist regime substituted performance legitimacy provided by surging economic development and nationalist legitimacy provided by invocation of the distinctive characteristics of Chinese culture in place of Marxist–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. As one of the most important maneuvers to enact Chinese nationalism, the Communist government launched an extensive propaganda campaign of patriotic education after the Tiananmen Incident in 1989. The patriotic education campaign was well-engineered and appealed to nationalism in the name of patriotism to ensure loyalty in a population that was otherwise subject to many domestic discontents. The Communist regime, striving to maintain authoritarian control while Communist ideology was becoming obsolete in the post-Cold War era, warned of the existence of hostile international forces in the world perpetuating imperialist insult to Chinese pride. The patriotic education campaign was a state-led nationalist movement, which redefined the legitimacy of the post-Tiananmen leadership in a way that would permit the Communist Party's rule to continue on the basis of a non-Communist ideology. Patriotism was thus used to bolster CCP power in a country that was portrayed as besieged and embattled. The dependence on patriotism to build support for the government and the patriotic education campaign by the Communist propagandists were directly responsible for the nationalistic sentiment of the Chinese people in the mid-1990s. This paper focuses on the Communist state as the architect of nationalism in China and seeks to understand the rise of Chinese nationalism by examining the patriotic education campaign. It begins with an analysis of how nationalism took the place of the official ideology as the coalescing force in the post-Tiananmen years. It then goes on to examine the process, contents, methods and effectiveness of the patriotic education campaign. The conclusion offers a perspective on the instrumental aspect of state-led nationalism.
14
Reznikova, Nataliia, Volodymyr Panchenko, and Olena Bulatova. "THE POLICY OF ECONOMIC NATIONALISM: FROM ORIGINS TO NEW VARIATIONS OF ECONOMIC PATRIOTISM." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 4, no. 4 (September 2018): 274–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2018-4-4-274-281.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the paper is to analyse the fundamental principles of the policy of economic nationalism and economic patriotism, its origins, intentions and mechanisms of implementation. The analysis of selected theories allowed for outlining the most essential characteristics, along with identifying the ones laying the fundament for economic nationalism. The main purposes of the policy of economic nationalism and economic patriotism have a similarity: in spite of the common adjective “economic”, they have always gone beyond the boundaries of economic regulation, being a response on “political order” of the time. 21 century offers a lot of evidence to confirm the above thesis. Elements of the economic nationalism in the economic patriotism policy have been demanded by state power officials as a kind of response on the awareness of market failure in striking a new balance in the conditions of the imbalanced global economy, with the growing competition and the shrinking global trade. Methodology. There is a need to reconsider the origins of economic nationalism by making an analysis of the concepts of nationalism, represented by four paradigms: modernism, primordialism, constructivism and perennialism. Results. Use of the term “economic patriotism”, contrary to “economic nationalism” or “neo-mercantilism”, gives vivid evidence of different sources for patriotic intervention in the economy. While the instruments of conservative economic patriotism include classical protectionist measures (in full conformity with the ideology of economic nationalism) aimed at domestic protection for further expansion, and the capacities of protective regionalism are used (when it is pursued by regional associations that have a supranational regulatory body), liberal economic patriotism is implemented by the use of neo-protectionism instruments that are not confined to regulation of foreign trade, but focused on stimulation of economic activities by the use of capacities of internal demand and stimuli to supranational industry (which should not be confused with the industrial sector). Practical implications. The analysis of the essential meaning of the concepts of “economic nationalism” and “economic patriotism” by many classification criteria enables to argue that these categories have a high potential of solidarity. The analysis gives grounds for practical conclusion that economic nationalism meant to form a powerful state that sets up economic priorities and pursues the respective economic policy. According to economic nationalism, the market cannot be self-regulated; moreover, because powerful economies “regulate” the global market for their own advantage, a national state needs to correct market relations. Value/originality. Therefore, economic nationalism can be understood not only in its essential meaning but in its political context as well. Independence as a political goal needs to be distinguished from self-sufficiency as a by-product of policy focused on other objectives. Thus, tariff protection for some industries, introduced to hide political intentions to cut high competitive imports from a country of their origin, will enhance the country’ independence in a direct way. But autarchy is not a direct goal of the tariff protection policy. We determined that liberal economic patriotism is a response to deformation of the classical credo of liberalism “laissez-faire”.
15
Kuzmina, Svetlana V. "Formation of patriotism among the younger generation in the modern school environment." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Philosophy. Psychology. Pedagogy 21, no. 2 (June 24, 2021): 212–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-7671-2021-21-2-212-216.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the problem of returning patriotic education to the modern school system. The purpose of the research is to study the features of patriotism formation as an unshakable value in the upbringing of the younger generation. A comparative analysis of the concepts of «patriotism», «citizenship», «nationalism», «internationalism» has shown that historically the education of patriotism in children and youth intersects with the formation of citizenship, national identity, and the organization of friendly interethnic relations. The scientific novelty of the work consists in the interdisciplinary retrospective consideration of the issue involving the ideas of education of citizenship and patriotism of the individual in the team discussed by Soviet teachers A. S. Makarenko, V. A. Sukhomlinsky. The importance of collective forms of patriotic education in the school environment (conversations about citizenship, socially useful work, collective performance of folk music) is emphasized. As a result, it is determined that patriotism is reflected in the concepts of «citizenship» and «internationalism». In contrast to nationalism, patriotism does not idealize the nation, but is evaluated through the prism of «critical» conscience. The efficiency of formation of patriotism among the younger generation is determined by the initiative of the school teaching staff, including the ability of music teachers to fill the lesson of art with spiritual material of nature and a variety of multicultural music world, to organize friendly inter-ethnic relations among students during extracurricular activities.
16
Ku, Agnes S. "Toward Critical Patriotism: Student Resistance to Political Education in Hong Kong and China. By Gregory P. Fairbrother. [Hong Kong University Press, 2003. x+218 pp. £26.95. ISBN 962-209-622-0.]." China Quarterly 178 (June 2004): 521–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004290294.
Full textAbstract:
Fairbrother's Toward Critical Patriotism is a timely publication in the “Hong Kong Culture and Society” series: political squabbles and conflicts over the idea of patriotism in the context of the national security legislation in Hong Kong are inflamed following the spectacular mass demonstration by 500,000 people on 1 July 2003. As the author points out, patriotism and nationalism are relatively recent historical phenomena in China. In mainland China, Marxist-Leninism became the guiding ideology after 1949. Yet, from the early 1980s, in the face of a legitimacy crisis, the leadership shifted toward patriotism as a unifying and justificatory ideology while professing ultimate objectives in line with Marxist principles. In Hong Kong, civic education had been de-emphasized under the ideology of de-politicization by the colonial government until the handover in the 1990s. The book rejects the typical characterization of Hong Kong students as simply having a weak sense of patriotism and nationalism, and of mainland students as patriotic dupes under the state and presents a more nuanced analysis.
17
Maxwell, Alexander. "Tobacco as Cultural Signifier: A Cultural History of Masculinity and Nationality in Habsburg Hungary." Hungarian Cultural Studies 5 (January 1, 2012): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2012.68.
Full textAbstract:
Since tobacco smoking acquired important patriotic symbolism in nineteenth century, the history of tobacco sheds light on Hungarian nationalism. Hungarian tobacco growers found the Austrian tobacco tariff policy harmful to their interests, particularly when war disrupted the supply of American tobacco in potential export markets. Pushing for a different tariff, Hungarian patriots turned smoking into a marker of Hungarian patriotism. Tobacco symbolism was prominent during Hungary’s 1848 Revolution, not least because tobacco acquired revolutionary symbolism in Italy and Germany as well. The culture of patriotic tobacco corresponded to revolutionary national ideas in that it mostly transcended class barriers but excluded women.
18
Indra, Ristapawa, and Martin Kustati. "The Students’ Knowledge, Attitudes, and Behavior in Learning History at Pesantren Buya Hamka." Madania: Jurnal Kajian Keislaman 24, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.29300/madania.v24i1.3084.
Full textAbstract:
This study aims to determine the implementation stage of history learning process for students at the Pesantren Buya Hamka; the stages of knowledge, attitudes, and behavior of students regarding nationalism and patriotism; and the correlation of leadership variables, school climate, teacher performance, and pesantren culture to history learning and also to students’ knowledge, attitudes, and behavior regarding nationalism and patriotism. This study also aims to find out the significant influence of historical learning variables on knowledge, knowledge variables on attitudes and attitudes on students’ behavior. This study combines survey research quantitative approach with descriptive, correlation, and regression methods. The results show there is a significant correlation between independent variables with historical learning variables and student knowledge variables about nationalism and patriotism. Meanwhile, there is no significant correlation between independent variables and student behavior variables. The results also show only the history of learning variables among the five independent variables that significantly influence the knowledge of nationalism and student patriotism. Student knowledge variables about nationalism and patriotism partially also affect changes in student attitudes, while changes in student attitudes do not affect linearly on changes in student behavior.
19
McGlynn, Jade. "United by History: Government Appropriation of Everyday Nationalism During Vladimir Putin’s Third Term." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 6 (October 29, 2020): 1069–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.20.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractDuring Vladimir Putin’s third presidential term, the Russian government and media’s rhetorical embrace of illiberalism, patriotism, and chauvinism was accompanied and partly facilitated by the invocation of historical precedent and “correct” historical understanding. Politicians stressed the importance of a shared historical memory to Russian national identity, rendering the interpretation of history a question of patriotism. The government and state-supportive media then used “patriotic” historical memories to legitimize government policies. Through framing analysis of three significant episodes—namely, the Ukraine Crisis, imposition of sanctions, and Russian intervention in Syria—I outline how the government and state-supportive media conflated these events with supposed historical precedents. This conflation made “patriotic” (or government-approved) history an everyday topic of discussion, but it also confused supporting government policy with celebrating historical triumph (or condemning historical tragedy). In this way, the government co-opted the emotional power of the history they invoked for the purposes of legitimizing their policies. This was compounded by the government and state-supportive media using and citing images and descriptions of ordinary people performing their patriotism in a manner that simultaneously demonstrated awareness of Russian history and support for the government.
20
Subaryana, Subaryana. "THE IMPACT OF HISTORY LEARNING TO NATIONALISM AND PATRIOTISM ATTITUDES IN THE GLOBALISATION ERA." Historia: Jurnal Pendidik dan Peneliti Sejarah 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/historia.v13i2.7697.
Full textAbstract:
Globalization is a process of interdependence almost in all life dimension of nations-state relationship and trans-national relations. In this case, it is not only capital, knowledge and technology but also social, political and cultural values of another country such as materialism, hedonism, individualism and pragmatism, have come to Indonesia, and influenced Indonesian people expecially teenagers. Recently, we can feel the national degradation that can be seen from the fading away the senses of nationalism and patriotism. Therefore, its efforts are needed to encourage the nationalism and patriotism character built up among the youth. One of the encouragement can be done through an effective history lesson. It isn’t intended to the understanding of history lesson as a process of entrophy but in this case the history lesson must be viewed as a progresive lesson and has a future view. So nationalism hoped here is not jenggoism or chauvinism but it is humanist nationalism, and not blind patriotism but it is constructive patriotism.
21
Parker, Stephen. "Patriotism and nationalism in music education." History of Education 45, no. 3 (October 8, 2015): 395–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0046760x.2015.1088077.
Full text
22
Palaver, Wolfgang. "Collective Identity and Christianity: Europe between Nationalism and an Open Patriotism." Religions 12, no. 5 (May 12, 2021): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12050339.
Full textAbstract:
Times of crisis push human beings, a clannish creature, to retreat into closed societies. Anthropologically, this can be explained with concepts such as pseudospeciation, group narcissism, or parochial altruism. Politically, the preference for closed societies results in our modern world in nationalism or imperialism. Henri Bergson’s distinction between static and dynamic religion shows which type of religion promotes such tendencies of closure and which type can facilitate the path toward open society. Bergson rejected nationalism and imperialism and opted for an open patriotism with its special relation to dynamic religion. Dynamic religion relativizes political institutions such as the state and results today in an option for civil society as the proper space where religions can and must contribute to its ethical development. It aligns more easily with a counter-state nationhood than with a state-framed nationalism. Whereas Bergson saw in Christianity the culmination of dynamic religion, a closer look shows that it can be found in all post-Axial religions. Martin Buber, Mohandas Gandhi, Leo Tolstoy, Abul Kalam Azad, and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan exemplify this claim. After World War II, Catholic thinkers such as Jacques Maritain or Robert Schuman by partly following Bergson chose patriotism over nationalism and helped to create the European Union. Today, however, a growing nationalism in Europe forces religious communities to strengthen dynamic religion in their own traditions to contribute to a social culture that helps to overcome nationalist closures. The final part provides a positive example by referring to the fraternal Catholic modernity as it culminates today in Pope Francis’ call for fraternity and his polyhedric model of globalization that connects local identity with universal concerns.
23
Voloshyn, Iryna. "Ambivalence of patriotism: the ideas of nation and homeland in the publicism of Clive Staples Lewis." Proceedings of Research and Scientific Institute for Periodicals, no. 9(27) (2019): 246–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0331-2019-9(27)-14.
Full textAbstract:
This article makes an attempt of scholarly reflection on the meaning of the concepts of patriotism, nationalism and homeland. Those are the core categories in the publicism of the famous British writer, religious philosopher and public intellectual of 20th century Clive Staples Lewis. The research is based on the analysis of the works and essays of C. S. Lewis, the studies of Ukrainian and the Western scholars, philosophers and publicists (journalists). It demonstrates the communicative potential of Lewis’s texts and examines the theory of «ambivalent patrio tism» in the context of general philosophical and publicistic discourse. C. S. Le wis categorizes patriotism by the degree of its «sanctification » and therefore identifies four stages of patriotic feelings. This article thoroughly analyzes these stages and along with studying other works of the writer interpolates them in the general discourse of patriotism and nationalism, outlines a comprehensive overview of the Lewis’ ideology. At the same time, by studying not only the publicistic articles of C. S. Lewis (in the traditional interpretation of this genre), but also his other works, the author argues the hypothesis the publicism is not necessarily limited by a specific type of the materials. The key features of this genre can be as well identified in other literary texts, such as fiction, novels, poems, treatises and so on. This research also focuses on the ideological and notional aspects of the texts based on the core principles of the theory of «conceptual publicism». Keywords: patriotism, nationalism, national and extra-national identity, publicism, religious conscience.
24
Aryal, Manish. "Neo-Nationalism: A Tool for National Integrity." Unity Journal 2 (August 3, 2021): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v2i0.38821.
Full textAbstract:
An ever-growing trend of radical rightist parties has brought newer dynamics to world politics. Neo-nationalism has further substantiated national integrity for changing the socio-cultural, economic and political landscape brought by globalization during the 1980s. The paper intends to analyze the concept of neo-nationalism. The paper explores this concept through an intensive study of the origin and background of neonationalism. In the paper, a study is conducted on the use of national integrity and patriotism to implement the concept of neo-nationalism in those countries. The major precautions in adopting the neo-nationalism concept are discussed in the project. A deep study is undertaken to investigate reasons that have led the world on a modern neo-nationalist order are discussed. Four peculiar reasons, in particular, the oil crisis, the collapse of the USSR and 9/11, financial and refugee crisis, and new nationalists focusing on national integrity have remained key contributors to the formation of the neo-nationalist society in the modern world. The paper studies all the reasons in depth and analyzes the key factors which might determine the new world order. The paper also uses two contemporary examples of Scotland and Western Europe to study the effects of neo-nationalism. A proper comprehensive study is done to recognize the concept of neo-nationalism and its effect on societies. The positive and negative effects are expanded to formulate a better cohesive study. Neo-nationalism is found to be a double-edged sword with monumental benefits and drawbacks. Its concept must be adopted with proper care and precaution so that major extremity groups wouldn’t be formulated.
25
Mestvirishvili, Maia. "Attitudinal modalities of citizenship representation styles in Georgia." Journal of Eurasian Studies 10, no. 2 (July 2019): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366519840165.
Full textAbstract:
This study investigates citizenship representation styles and their compositional modalities in contemporary Georgia. The article starts with a discussion of legal, social, and political influences that shaped conceptions of citizenship in post-Soviet countries, including Georgia. The study presents the results of a survey of 700 students from 10 universities in Georgia. They completed questionnaires exploring citizenship styles and associated predictor variables. The study suggests that a cultural citizenship style is dominant among Georgian students. It is best predicted by the level of national identification, followed by patriotism, nationalism, in-group attitudes, and religious orthodoxy. The data also show the opposing roles of nationalism and patriotism on ethnic and civic citizenship styles. The article argues that a cultural citizenship representation style could be the compromise solution in the ethnic versus civic citizenship dichotomy and might be more appropriate for societies characterized by ethno-nationalist tendencies.
26
Machida, Satoshi. "National sentiments and citizens’ attitudes in Japan toward the use of force against China." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 2, no. 1 (July 24, 2016): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891116657899.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines the relationship between national sentiments and citizens’ attitudes in Japan toward the use of force against China. More specifically, the present research explores how patriotism and nationalism influence citizens’ opinions of using force in defending the Senkaku Islands. Since nationalism entails a sense of superiority to other states while patriotism does not, it is possible to hypothesize that it is nationalism, rather than patriotism, that critically boosts citizens’ support for a more hawkish option. The statistical analyses relying on the survey data in Japan verify this proposition. By dissecting the delicate relationship between national sentiments and citizens’ attitudes toward the use of force, this study significantly advances our understanding of Sino-Japanese relations, thus providing critical implications that are highly relevant in the region.
27
Ipperciel, Donald. "Where did Trudeau go wrong? On the Question of Nationalism and Charter Patriotism in Canada." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 17, no. 1, 2 & 3 (July 11, 2011): 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c9jh37.
Full textAbstract:
In an attempt to overcome national rival- ries, many will invoke the idea of constitutional patriotism. This idea, which serves as a collec- tive cement, is conceived as a rational commit- ment and loyalty towards the democratic and universal principles of liberal constitutions. The universalism of constitutional principles serves as a shield against national particular- isms. Indeed, this was precisely the intention of Jürgen Habermas, one of the most famous advocates of constitutional patriotism. With this political idea, Habermas set out to defeat Teutonic nationalism and its antimodern and chauvinistic manifestations. If nationalist pas- sions can be subdued, it would be with the help of such a “postnational” attitude.
28
Rajilun, Mus. "The Use of Local Character's Biography to Build Nationalism and Patriotism." International Journal Pedagogy of Social Studies 4, no. 1 (November 20, 2019): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/ijposs.v4i1.15975.
Full textAbstract:
Nationalism and patriotism are two of the required characters which must be owned by individual or individual as a part of a society. Nowadays, there is an undeniable fact that our children, especially those in the junior and senior high schools, love more foreign characters (idols and heroes) rather than loving their national characters that fought for this land, Indonesia. There are many ways to teach history in order to build nationalism and patriotism characters of the students. One of the ways is by using biography. By involving 41 students of social science and 2 history teachers in a senior high school, this natural inquiry study shows that the biography of local character (local hero) can build the students’ nationalism and patriotism with some noticeable challenges in the practice.
29
Ariely, Gal. "Globalization, immigration and national identity: How the level of globalization affects the relations between nationalism, constructive patriotism and attitudes toward immigrants?" Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 15, no. 4 (December 19, 2011): 539–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430211430518.
Full textAbstract:
Arguing that globalization is an important factor in shaping intergroup relations, this paper examines its impact on xenophobic attitudes towards immigrants and on the relationship between nationalism, constructive patriotism, and xenophobia. While multilevel analysis of data from the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) National Identity II (2003) across 31 countries indicates no direct effect of globalization on xenophobia, the relationship between nationalism, constructive patriotism, and xenophobia does appear to be affected. The negative relationship between constructive patriotism and xenophobia is obtained in countries with higher levels of globalization, and the positive relationship between nationalism and xenophobia is also stronger in such countries. A comparison of globalization and economic explanations for xenophobia indicates the unique effect of globalization. The common economic explanations of xenophobia are discussed in light of these findings.
30
James, Malcolm, and Sivamohan Valluvan. "Coronavirus Conjuncture: Nationalism and Pandemic States." Sociology 54, no. 6 (December 2020): 1238–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038520969114.
Full textAbstract:
Writing from Britain in the month of May 2020, this essay draws the multiple and conflicting alignments of the Covid-19 moment into conjunctural relief. It seeks to understand how prominent trends of welfarism, collectivism and capitalism are being reorganised across a Left–Right spectrum and to specifically situate nationalism in this general political flux. Focusing on Britain, the essay will explore how an otherwise unsettled ruling Right is reviving a nationalist political imagination through a pandemic consciousness – with an emphasis on the politics of bordering, the spectre of China, reheated civic patriotism, a poetics of survival and melancholic whiteness. The essay will however also speculate about the limits to nationalism amid the imperatives of global pandemics.
31
Wahyudi, Winarto Eka. "Internalisasi Nasionalisme Melalui Pendidikan Islam : Analisa Pemikiran Kh Saifuddin Zuhri." AKADEMIKA 9, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.30736/akademika.v9i1.78.
Full textAbstract:
The spirit of nationalism today is in need of serious attention. Because, today there have been many groups disturbing the tranquility and harmony of the Unitary State of Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). Ironically, these groups tend to use (Islamic) religious ideologies and symbols to justify their movements. Thus, it is important to internalize the spirit of patriotism in education by re-actualizing the KH Saifuddin Zuhri's thought about nationalism.
In this study, the writer uses a library research with a qualitative method approach, in order to uncover and describe in depth the KH Saifuddin Zuhri's idea of nationalism in which its relevance to our times needs to be taken into account. Thus, the writer needs to create a focus of research namely; 1) what is the concept of nationalism in the perspective of KH Saifuddin Zuhri? 2) what is the genealogy of KH Saifuddin Zuhri's idea of nationalism and its implementation at that time? 3) what is the relevance of KH Saifuddin Zuhri's thought to education at the present?
This study could obtain some important findings namely; 1) that the religious values become an absolute element in fueling the spirit of patriotism, so that the pattern of KH Saifuddin Zuhri's nationalism could be categorized religious nationalism, 2) The KH Saifuddin Zuhri's idea of nationalism could successfully be implemented through 5 forms, namely; Islamic, culture, democracy, education and politics. 3) The KH Saifuddin Zuhri's idea of nationalism is clearly in line with the grounding of curriculum used in the so-called K-13, namely the cultural character that is carried in the national education as well as the same spirit on the importance of education orientation aimed at producing nationalist learners through the goals of curriculum and education. The strategy of implementation is by reconstructing education on the aspects of policy (regulatory) and teaching (instructional)
32
Wang, Jiayu. "Representing Chinese nationalism/patriotism through President Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Dream” Discourse." Journal of Language and Politics 16, no. 6 (June 12, 2017): 830–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.16028.wan.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This paper analyzes the Chinese nationalism or patriotism embodied in Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Dream” discourse. It first reviews the “typological tradition” of categorizing nationalism into different types, for instance, banal, hot and cultural nationalism. Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Dream” discourse goes beyond the explanation of these distinct types of nationalism. Instead, it embodies a “hybrid” type of nationalism/patriotism that is at once banal, state, cultural, and “de-banalized”. This study adopts a dialectical-relational perspective by viewing the “Chinese Dream” discourse as representations of social practices through which politicians utilize a wide range of discursive resources including thematic, evaluative and cultural representations to evoke the imagination of a common identity in support of their governance. Through the analysis, this study advocates a holistic view of nationalism in real political practices; it also focuses on how nationalism is evoked and propagated through the integration of various discursive resources embodying a hybrid type of nationalism.
33
KIM, Aekyoung, and Kenichi KUBOTA. "Attitudes toward Patriotism, Nationalism, Internationalism, and Multiculturalism." Proceedings of the Annual Convention of the Japanese Psychological Association 76 (September 11, 2012): 2PMB38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4992/pacjpa.76.0_2pmb38.
Full text
34
Ličen, Simon. "Influence of hosting a major sports event on patriotic attitudes: The EuroBasket 2013 competition in Slovenia." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 54, no. 3 (July 27, 2017): 361–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690217722116.
Full textAbstract:
Countries with short histories of nationhood often resort to sport to (re-)invent a national identity. This study uses the nationalizing nationalism and social identity frameworks to examine whether hosting a major event such as the European basketball championship for men influenced national identification in Slovenia. Readers of the Slovenian public service website were surveyed at three points in time to determine changes in patriotism, nationalism, internationalism, and smugness in relation to the EuroBasket 2013. Results indicate the almost complete absence of influence on the population as a whole. Nationalistic attitudes did not change after the event based on the respondents’ gender and physical activity levels, and only high school graduates displayed an increase in smugness in the week following the competition. Significant differences were found with regard to live and televisual exposure to the event as spectators scored significantly higher on patriotism, nationalism (only TV viewers), and smugness, but not internationalism scales. While hosting this tournament did not contribute to nationalizing nationalism or nation-building, despite the national government’s assertion otherwise, even moderate exposure to it fed patriotism. Links between sport events and nationalistic attitudes are discussed in further detail and should inform researchers of sport events and patriotism especially in new democracies.
35
Got, Nicolaus. "THE NATIONALISM AND PATRIOTISM SPIRIT OF THE CERAMIC INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT OF KASONGAN BANTUL TO FACE DOMESTIC AND GLOBAL MARKET COMPETITION." Kepariwisataan: Jurnal Ilmiah 10, no. 01 (January 31, 2016): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.47256/kepariwisataan.v10i01.134.
Full textAbstract:
The intention of this research is to know the awaken nationalism and patriotism spirit of ceramic industrial development of Kasongan Bantul in order to face domestic and global market competition. The analysis method data used in this research is deduction, induction, hermeneutic, phenomenology, and comparability.The picture result of research on nationalism and patriotism spirit of ceramic industrial development of Kasongan Bantul with new innovation do not only face competition of domestic market but also global market. As the consequence of economic movement which is based on creative industry in realizing Governmental program can face both domestic and global market competition.
Keywords: nasionalism, patriotism, ceramic, industry, kasongan, global market
36
Mazurkiewicz, Michał Maurycy. "Między patriotyzmem i nacjonalizmem na tle popnacjonalizmu w muzyce rockowej." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 48 (August 2, 2016): 229–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2016.014.
Full textAbstract:
Between patriotism and nationalism: pop-nationalism in rock musicThis article addresses issues which can be seen in the manifestation of ethno-nationalism in rock music. Concepts of nationalism and patriotism are illustrated by references to the literature on the subject. Polish national ideology is formed, for example, on a pragmatic concept of nationalism. A new direction in this work is an examination of pop-nationalism of rock music on the example of the Polish band “Horytnica”. Między patriotyzmem i nacjonalizmem na tle popnacjonalizmu w muzyce rockowejW artykule zajmuję się problematyką popnacjonalizmu przejawiającą się w muzyce rockowej. Ze względu na złożoność pojęć nacjonalizmu i patriotyzmu przytaczam interesujące nas tu opinie na ten temat w literaturze przedmiotu. Pojęcie nacjonalizmu ustalam pragmatycznie na przykładzie deklaracji ideowych polskich organizacji narodowych. Novum w niniejszej pracy stanowi problem popnacjonalizmu w muzyce rockowej, przedstawiony na przykładzie twórczości zespołu „Horytnica”, odwołującej się do wspomnianych idei.
37
Ivchenkov, Sergey G., and Elena V. Sayganova. "Patriotism as a component of public consciousness: a generational measurement perspective." VESTNIK INSTITUTA SOTZIOLOGII 28, no. 1 (2019): 104–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/vis.2019.28.1.558.
Full textAbstract:
Following the results of a sociological study conducted in 2018 by means of questionnaire method with a probability quota sample (N=420), this article analyzes the various interpretations of patriotism according to public opinion in the city of Saratov. It has been established that, according to its inhabitants, the word “Homeland” most often implies Russia, “small homeland” – one’s own city or family (less often one’s home neighborhood). The meaningful interpretation of this term is associated with socially significant activity, activism, and social responsibility. Basic displays of patriotism, according to respondents, are considered to be army service, patriotic upbringing of one’s children, abidance to the law and diligent work for society’s benefit. Most of Saratov’s inhabitants consider themselves to be patriots to one degree or another. However, what’s concerning is the fact that one out of every three city residents – especially among youths – denies such values. Youth patriotism is more oriented towards love for Russia. The elder generation builds its patriotic sentiments around love for their families, close ones, their home town and the USSR. Meanwhile most citizens (albeit to various degrees) draw a distinction between the terms “patriotism” and “nationalism”. The latter bears more of a negative connotation. Generally citizens (especially among the elder generation) believe that, after the USSR’s downfall, the teaching of patriotic values has “degenerated”, despite the government and the president taking certain steps towards increasing the level of patriotism within society. It is during such periods of change, like we are witnessing today, when the values of preceding generations start to contradict reality, and when the younger generation assumes the role of bearer of new knowledge and aspirations, due to possessing a more acute sense of society’s major issues and the will to openly speak out. Thereby not only the elder generation, but also the younger generation plays an equal role as a subject of developing society’s patriotic values. However, the profound differences between generations are proportional to the dynamics and scale of change within society, and the degree of mutual influence between generations acts as one of the major factors for stabilizing society, which includes establishing patriotic values. Increasing the efficiency of practices in this area, together with more extensive coverage of such practices in mass media and the internet, would aid in the development of historical and socio-cultural memory.
38
Tromly, Benjamin. "Soviet Patriotism and its Discontents among Higher Education Students in Khrushchev-Era Russia and Ukraine." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 3 (May 2009): 299–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902865557.
Full textAbstract:
What was Soviet patriotism? A definition of the term offered by the Soviet ideological apparatus in 1953—a “social, historically conditioned feeling of love for one's motherland“—raises more questions than it answers. Patriotism was a concept foreign to classical Marxism; indeed, the concept, along with the corresponding term “the Soviet people,” entered mass usage only in the mid-1930s, when the Soviet government moved away from class as the dominant paradigm for interacting with its society. The relationship of Soviet patriotism to nationalism, the predominant political identity in twentieth-century Europe, was also ideologically fraught. Patriotism was sharply distinguished from nationalism(natsionalizm)in the Soviet lexicon. The first referred to a healthy allegiance to a community that was consistent with universal values of enlightenment, justice and democracy; the second was a jingoistic and reactionary ideology utilized by the bourgeoisie to mislead the working class. Despite this distinction, Soviet patriotism was supra-national, not anti-national, as it “harmoniously combined” the national traditions of the different Soviet nations with “the common, fundamental interests of all working people in the USSR.”
39
Fuadi, Fuadi, and Anwar Anwar. "Nationalism and the Challenge of Globalization for the Young Generation in Aceh and Riau." Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal) : Humanities and Social Sciences 1, no. 4 (December 22, 2018): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v1i4.104.
Full textAbstract:
In the present, the younger generation is far from the heroic span of '45 (the value of nationalism or the value of the spirit of our patriot nationality in 1945), it leds us to the problem of waning the spirit of nationalism and patriotism among the younger generation. In Aceh, the influence of prolonged conflict has an influence on the views of groups society in Aceh towards the existence of Indonesian country. It can be seen from discourse on secession (Aceh) from Indonesia country. Besides that, there are various actions show resistance to the Pancasila. On the other hand, in Riau, although there is no history of conflict like in Aceh, but an issue about 'Riau Independence' is already spreaded. Hence, in this study, a description of youth's nationalism spirit in Aceh and Riau will be presented, and it offers several solutions to reconstruct youth's nationalism spirit in Aceh and Riau
40
Gao, Shuang. "Multilingualism and good citizenship: The making of language celebrities in Chinese media." Multilingua 37, no. 6 (October 25, 2018): 541–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/multi-2017-0106.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This paper examines language ideologies underlying the media representation of Chinese citizens speaking multiple foreign languages. It argues that a figure of good citizenship is being articulated via valorization of multilingual competence that is grounded both in the newly cherished moral values of neoliberal globalization – entrepreneurship, reflexivity and flexibility – and in the traditional moral values of patriotism and contribution to society. Such configuration of citizenship departs from the nationalist monoglot language ideology, and yet demonstrates a flexible nationalism that links multilingual competence to personal welfare and social harmony. This study shows the importance of paying attention to the dynamic interplay between social class, nationalism, and neoliberal globalization in our analysis of language and citizenship.
41
Lobera, Josep. "Migrants and 'Patria'. The imagined community of the radical left in Spain." Teknokultura. Revista de Cultura Digital y Movimientos Sociales 17, no. 1 (January 29, 2020): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/tekn.66912.
Full textAbstract:
The emergence of inclusive populist parties disputes the social construction of the ‘people’ to the exclusive populism, recently generating new academic debates. Do the new radical left parties have a nationalist character? Are populism and nationalism two inseparable dimensions? Drawing on an original dataset in Spain, this article shows that Podemos’ supporters are significantly less nationalist, expressing more open attitudes towards cultural diversity and immigration, and lower levels of Spanishness than voters from other parties. Arguably, Podemos operates as an antagonistic political option to the traditional positions of the populist radical right (PRR), building an inclusive imagined community around a type of constitutional patriotism or republican populism. These findings contribute to the scholar debate on the relationship of nationalism and populism, bringing to discussion the core values of the supporters of a populist party as a complementary element to its categorization.
42
Murray, John. "Nationalism, Patriotism, and New Subjects of Ideological Hegemony." Journal of Philosophy: A Cross-Disciplinary Inquiry 6, no. 14 (2011): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jphilnepal20116144.
Full text
43
Gay, Doug. "Patriotism Good - Nationalism Bad? The News from Scotland." Modern Believing 53, no. 4 (January 2012): 419–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/mb.53.4.419.
Full text
44
홍태영. "Transformation of French Republicanism: from patriotism to nationalism." 사회과학연구 20, no. 1 (February 2012): 238–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17787/jsgiss.2012.20.1.238.
Full text
45
Dunbar, Robin. "Genetic seeds of warfare: Evolution nationalism and patriotism." Journal of Archaeological Science 17, no. 2 (March 1990): 235–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0305-4403(90)90065-d.
Full text
46
Barany, George. "Two széchenyis: From state patriotism to romantic nationalism." History of European Ideas 16, no. 1-3 (January 1993): 273–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0191-6599(05)80129-9.
Full text
47
Zhouxiang, Lu, and Fan Hong. "China’s Sports Heroes: Nationalism, Patriotism, and Gold Medal." International Journal of the History of Sport 36, no. 7-8 (May 24, 2019): 748–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2019.1657839.
Full text
48
Caballero, Carlo. "Patriotism or Nationalism? Faure and the Great War." Journal of the American Musicological Society 52, no. 3 (October 1999): 593–625. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.1999.52.3.03a00050.
Full text
49
SLUGA, GLENDA. "Passions, patriotism and nationalism, and Germaine de Staël1." Nations and Nationalism 15, no. 2 (April 2009): 299–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2009.00387.x.
Full text
50
Sholty, April Stephens. "Media Review: Patriotism and Nationalism in Music Education." Journal of Historical Research in Music Education 36, no. 2 (April 2015): 158–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/153660061503600207.
Full text