Relevant bibliographies by topics / Nationalism – Québec (Province) – History

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Nationalism – Québec (Province) – History'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Nationalism – Québec (Province) – History"

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Lessard, Jonathan, and Carl Therrien. "Indies de province." Le jeu vidéo au Québec 14, no. 23 (July 8, 2021): 15–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1078726ar.

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This paper looks at the emergence of video game creation in Québec prior to the industrial boom and the popularization of independent games. Built from personal archives and oral history, the paper highlights two unknown personalities from the history of video games in Québec: Christian Boutin and I-Grec. These portraits contribute to diversify the “indie” narrative and reconsider it as part of a longer history.
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Akimov, Yury G. "Coalition Avenir Québec’s Politics: Autonomism, Nationalism and Pragmatism." USA & Canada Economics – Politics – Culture, no. 9 (December 15, 2023): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2686673023090079.

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The article deals with the mainstreams of Quebec politics under Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) government headed by François Legault (from 2018 to the present). It is noted that the CAQ represents a new political force in provincial politics, offering the québécois society a middle/intermediate path of development between the Liberals (federalists) and the Pequist (supporters of sovereignty). The distinctive features of this path are the desire to strengthen autonomy of Quebec in Canadian Federation, reliance on québécois nationalism, consistent and tough defense of the dominant position of the French language in the province, as well as protection and promotion of Quebec values. At the same time, Legault policy is characterized by pragmatism and a generally balanced approach to socio-economic and environmental issues. The article discusses the Act respecting the laicity of the State (Bill 21) and the Act Respecting French, the Official and Common Language of Quebec (Bill 96), adopted under the CAQ Government. It also highlights the effectiveness of the Legault government’s actions during the COVID-19 pandemic and compares the results of the 2018 and 2022 provincial elections.
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Guentzel, Ralph. "The Centrale de l'Enseignement du Québec and Quebec Separatist Nationalism, 1960-80." Canadian Historical Review 80, no. 1 (March 1999): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr.80.1.61.

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Laczko, Leslie. "Minority nationalism and welfare state attitudes: Québec and Scotland compared." British Journal of Canadian Studies 18, no. 2 (September 2005): 292–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bjcs.18.2.6.

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Sackett, R. E. "The Local Politics of the Prussian State: Nation-Building in Kempen of the Rhine Province, 1833–48." Central European History 21, no. 1 (March 1988): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012656.

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Virtually all studies of the rise of nationalism in modern Germany relate their subject in some way to the history of the state. There was, for example, a profusion of national feeling in German society in the later nineteenth century, and it has been seen as an outgrowth of the aggrandizement of state power in Prussia. German nationalism in the Age of Napoleon has been viewed as the nation's response to her subjugation by France, which in turn the Revolution made possible by enlarging the social base of French rule. So-called high politics—these central relations of power in or among particular states—indeed produced stimuli for the growth of German national sentiment. However, due in part to modernization theory, the connection between nationalism and the state now appears in another light. Interest in the state has come to include the administration, a less exalted form of politics but no less crucial to the process of nation-building.
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Winsor, Chris, and Alonzo LeBlanc. "A Certain Number of Choices: Nationalism and Theatre in Quebec." Canadian Theatre Review 62 (March 1990): 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.62.005.

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Almost as if it is a sign of the times, the stop sign in front of the Grand Théâtre de Québec has been defaced by the addition of a few deft strokes of red spray paint which reduce “STOP” to “101,” a reference to the province’s controversial sign law. Throughout the province, the French and the English seem to be living as if to verify that Quebec is two solitudes. In Montreal, for example, an education law, 178, so incensed Montreal’s anglophone community that they elected four members of the newly formed Equality Party to deliver this message to the provincial government. Although Quebec has re-elected Bourassa’s new-deal federalist Liberals for a second consecutive four-year term, the percentage of Parti Québecois support remains at the referendum level of forty per cent. In addition, the separatist position articulated by P.Q. leader Jacques Parizeau in this election was far more extreme than that maintained by former premier and P. Q. leader René Lévesque. The Meech Lake constitutional accord, the deadline for ratification fast approaching, is all but dead. The political project of confederation now seems to be entering difficult times.
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Smyth, Elizabeth, and Thérère Hamel. "THE HISTORY OF INITIAL TEACHER EDUCATION IN CANADA: QUÉBEC AND ONTARIO." Educação & Formação 1, no. 1 jan/abr (June 8, 2018): 88–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.25053/edufor.v1i1.1606.

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This article traces the history of teacher education in Canada from the seventeenth century to the present by focusing on teacher education in the English-language dominant province of Ontario and the French-language dominant province of Québec. Because of the decentralized nature of education in Canada, it is at the provincial, not at the national level, where policies and practices for teacher education are developed and delivered. Like the history of Canada itself, the history of teacher education is marked by conflicts of gender, religion, power, class, race, language and ethnicity as teacher education struggled to claim a space itself in the academy and exercise its authority within the ivory tower. The article considers how the historical struggles and successes can both inform and cause us to critically reflect our current practice.
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Laforest, Guy. "Letter from the Other Canada." Government and Opposition 25, no. 2 (April 1, 1990): 231–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00758.x.

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LESS THAN TWO YEARS AGO, THE READERS OFGovernment and Oppositionhad reasons to be moderately optimistic concerning the future of our country. If their judgment was based on George Feaver's ‘Letter from Canada’, it appeared prudent to conclude that it was no small achievement for Canada to have persisted as a state in the face of tremendous adversity. These readers may have also trusted some distinguished experts on Canadian history and politics. Donald Smiley recently wrote that he had ’very much over-estimated the strength of Québec nationalism and provincialist influences elsewhere in the country and very much under-estimated the capacity of the system to respond effectively to such divisive pressures’. Smiley's judgment was supported by Kenneth McRoberts: ‘Canada's most serious political crisis, which originated in the political modernization of the Quiet Revolution and saw the election of a Québec government formally committed to Québec sovereignty, appears to have run its course.’
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Bouchard, Gérard. "Current Issues and New Prospects for Computerized Record Linkage in the Province of Québec." Historical Methods: A Journal of Quantitative and Interdisciplinary History 25, no. 2 (April 1992): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01615440.1992.9956344.

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Grenier, Benoît. "Sur les traces de la mémoire seigneuriale au Québec : identité et transmission au sein des familles d’ascendance seigneuriale1." Revue d’histoire de l’Amérique française 72, no. 3 (May 27, 2019): 5–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1059979ar.

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Aboli en 1854, le régime seigneurial a laissé une empreinte considérable dans la province de Québec en perpétuant rentes et propriétés seigneuriales. La relation seigneur/censitaire et le mode de vie seigneurial ont persisté jusque tard au XXe siècle dans bon nombre de communautés. Le présent article s’inscrit dans une recherche sur les persistances seigneuriales dans le Québec contemporain et a pour objectif d’analyser la mémoire seigneuriale. Il émane d’une enquête d’histoire orale menée auprès de familles seigneuriales provenant des quatre coins de la vallée du Saint-Laurent. Il postule l’existence d’une culture familiale distinctive se caractérisant notamment par le maintien de pratiques et d’usages seigneuriaux, d’un rapport d’altérité dans les campagnes québécoises, mais aussi par une mémoire familiale révélant des valeurs seigneuriales portées et transmises par les descendants de ces familles, nobles ou roturières, francophones ou anglophones.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Nationalism – Québec (Province) – History"

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Kennedy, James 1968. "Empire, federalism and civil society : liberal nationalists in Scotland and Québec." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36967.

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This thesis seeks to relate the forms of liberal nationalism, which emerged in Scotland and Quebec between 1899 and 1914, to the character of the institutions which governed. The substantive focus is on two liberal nationalist groupings: the Young Scots' Society and the more loosely grouped Ligue nationaliste canadienne. Their emergence is examined at three levels: imperial, federal and local civil society.
The British Empire exerted an overarching influence on both Scotland and Quebec. Yet each enjoyed a very different relationship to the empire. Liberal nationalists responded differently to the same policies---the South African War, Tariff Reform and the Naval Question. The Young Scots invoked Liberal principles: freedom of speech, free trade and disarmament. The Nationalistes' response was nationalist: these were encroachments on Canadian sovereignty. Yet both groupings shared a liberal conception of empire, characterised by autonomy and decentralisation.
Scotland and Quebec enjoyed a 'federal' relationship to their states (Britain/Canada). Deficiencies in these systems prompted different responses. The Young Scots campaigned in support of a Scottish Home Rule Parliament. The Nationalistes favoured a Canadian federation which was avowedly consociational, one which recognised Canadian duality. These were liberal measures of accommodating difference.
Finally, Scotland and Quebec possessed distinctive civil societies. Yet they differed in the degree to which they were governed by liberal norms. In Scotland a liberal ethos was sustained by both the dominant Liberalism and Presbyterianism. However in Quebec the dominant Catholic church sought to preserve its hegemony over francophone society against Liberal challenges. Liberal nationalists not only reflected the distinct national character of their civil societies but also the degree to which those societies were governed by liberal norms.
It was these configurations of institutions and norms which ensured that the nationalisms which emerged in Scotland and Quebec were liberal in character. Yet there were important differences: greater emphasis was placed on Liberalism in Scotland ("Liberal nationalists") while the emphasis was on Nationalism in Quebec ("liberal Nationalists"). The character of empire, federalism and civil society in Scotland and Quebec shaped the nationalisms that emerged between the Boer War and the First World War.
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Trépanier, Anne. "La grammaire générative de l'argumentaire souverainiste en 1995 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21272.

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The "end of the century" nourishes a questioning movement on national identity and on the concept of modernity that is encouraged by the Quebec essayists. We propose an organization of the elements of the sovereign narrative which would be able to conduct and constitute a generative grammar of its argumentation. Our project consists in creating a matrix of the nationalistic discourse during the 1995 Quebec referendum period on sovereignty. This schematic figure will bring to its most simple expression the narrative of the Quebec nationalistic discourse selecting examples from ten texts of our primary bibliography. Our matrix will incorporate ideas, dogmas, theories, facts and myths stemming from the ideological discourses. We will see how these elements do interact, to be able afterwards to gather them in a framework on which national identity and legitimity of the national accession to sovereignty should be based. The study of this narrative of the past, as well as the analysis of the public characters will be leaded by the sociocritical approach of discourse analysis.
The francophone cultural nation living on the territory of the Province of Quebec demonstrates itself through the values of tenacity, solidarity, labour and openness of mind towards "Others". The nation increases the standing of a society project based on a democratic basis, condemning the traitors of the Quebec nation. This history concerns the francophone majority even though it is linked to the other "oppressed peoples" of the World History. This "french-quebecer" history is enhanced with a collective memory, projected towards the future in making the project of sovereignty the purpose of its teleological progression.
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Güentzel, Ralph Peter. "In quest of emotional gratification and cognitive consonance : organized labour and Québec separatist nationalism, 1960-1980." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=42049.

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This thesis examines the reaction of organized labour to Quebec separatist nationalism for the period between 1960, the year of the creation of the Rassemblement pour l'independance nationale and the beginning of the Quiet Revolution in Quebec, and 1980, the year of the first referendum on Quebec's constitutional status. The thesis investigates four labour organizations: the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC), the Federation des travailleurs et travailleuses du Quebec (FTQ), the Confederation des syndicats nationaux (CSN), and the Centrale de l'enseignement du Quebec (CEQ). It shows in which ways the positions of the four centrals have been informed by their members' national identifications and the emotional and cognitive mechanisms that resulted from these identifications.
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MacKenzie, Scott. "A screen of one's own : québéçois cinema, national identity, and the alternative public sphere." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35007.

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This dissertation explores the connections between image-making practices, discourses of nationalism, Quebecois cinema and the possibility of the cinema functioning as an alternative public sphere. The thesis draws upon sociological theories of nationalism, political theory, film theory, critical theory and cultural critique in order to reconsider the potential political power of the cinematic image. After surveying contrasting theories of nationalism, the thesis addresses itself to Jurgen Habermas' concept of the public sphere and the revisions of this concept undertaken by contemporary social and political theorists. The use-value of the concept of the public sphere in relation to film theory is then explored. Beginning with pioneering work of Leo-Ernest Ouimet in the silent era and continuing on through to the video activism of Societe nouvelle and the "post-referendum" cinema of Denys Arcand and Robert Lepage, this thesis traces recurring instances of the cinema functioning as a contestatory and alternative public sphere in Quebecois culture.
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Seljak, David 1958. "The Catholic Church's reaction to the secularization of nationalism in Quebec, 1960-1980." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39996.

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The political modernization of Quebec in the 1960s meant that the close identification of French Canadian identity with the Roman Catholic faith was replaced by a new secular nationalism. Using David Martin's A General Theory of Secularization, I examine the reaction of the Catholic Church to its own loss of power and to the rise of this new secular nationalism. Conservative Catholics first condemned the new nationalism; by 1969 some conservative accepted the new society and even supported its state interventionism. Most important Catholic groups, including the hierarchy, the most dynamic organizations, and largest publications came to accept the new society. Inspired by the religious reforms of the Second Vatican Council and new papal social teaching, they affirmed the right of Quebeckers to self-determination and social justice. The Church created a sustained ethical critique of nationalism as a means of redefining its public presence in Quebec society. The consensus around this ethical critique and redefinitions of the Church role is evident in the participation of Catholic groups in the 1980 referendum on sovereignty-association.
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Préaux, Céline. "Le déclin d'une élite: l'évolution du discours communautaire public des francophones d'Anvers et des anglophones de Montréal." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209907.

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La communauté nationale constitue le sujet d’analyse de départ de nombreuses études historiques contemporaines. Depuis la Révolution française, la nation, acteur légitimateur de l’État souverain, est considérée comme l’incarnation et l’expression d’une identité collective, elle-même composée de celle de la multiplicité des citoyens qui la constituent. Aussi, dès cette époque, les historiens se sont-ils attachés à édifier des histoires « nationales », coïncidant bien souvent avec une quête des éléments fondateurs essentiels de la nation. La doctrine élitiste et la tradition stato-nationaliste se sont longtemps conjuguées pour privilégier l’image de nations homogènes, faisant de ces histoires « nationales » en réalité l’histoire de la nation symboliquement majoritaire de l’État-nation censé représenter la diversité de ses citoyens. Or, la démocratisation et la diversification des sociétés occidentales ont progressivement invalidé ces postulats. Depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale la nécessité se fait ressentir de redéfinir la nation sur la base de la reconnaissance de son assise populaire et de la diversité de sa composition. Ce besoin se traduit par un intérêt croissant accordé aux minorités nationales, tant dans le monde politique que dans la communauté scientifique. Toutes les minorités ne bénéficient toutefois pas de cet élan, si bien que certaines restent encore largement ignorées à l’heure actuelle. Notre étude se penche sur deux d’entre elles :les francophones de Flandre et les anglophones du Québec, grands laissés pour compte des historiographies respectivement belge et canadienne. L’évolution de ces anciennes minorités dominantes, autrefois « définisseurs de situation » en Belgique et au Canada, est pourtant fondamentale pour comprendre les conflits linguistiques qui ont occupé (et occupent encore) ces pays. Elle est déterminante pour la forme que prennent les identités flamande et québécoise et, partant, les nations belge et canadienne. La comparaison de ces deux minorités permet, quant à elle, de cerner la complexité et la spécificité des nationalismes flamand et québécois. Partant du postulat que les nations sont des constructions sociales imaginées, cette étude a pour ambition de retracer les étapes de la formation nationale en Flandre et au Québec, en se concentrant sur le rôle de l’altérité dans celle-ci. Elle se focalise sur l’analyse des discours des minorités et des majorités dans ces régions, conçus comme des actes de définition identitaire interactifs et interdépendants. Elle se penche sur les villes d’Anvers et de Montréal, lieux de cristallisation des débats communautaires respectivement en Flandre et au Québec. Enfin, elle considère les périodes charnières au cours desquelles les majorités en ces régions se lancèrent à la « reconquête » de « leur » société, sanctionnant par là même la minorisation effective des francophones de Flandre et des anglophones du Québec. Ouvrant la porte d’un domaine laissé en friche, nous espérons ainsi donner une impulsion nouvelle à la recherche historique en Belgique et au Canada, en faisant (re)découvrir l’histoire de ces sociétés sous un angle inédit.
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Bergeron, Marco. "Le nationalisme et les partis politiques dans l'élection provinciale québécoise de 1936." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq33570.pdf.

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Pickles, Eve V. "The politics of imagining nations : a comparative analysis of the Scottish National Party and the Parti quebecois since the 1960s." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32938.

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In nationalism studies, there has been insignificant analysis of the politics of imagining nations. This thesis addresses this lacuna in an examination of the form and design of imagined nations in Scotland and Quebec. I argue that the Scottish National Party and the Parti Quebecois have, since their advent in the 1960s, created a political-civic image of the nation that breaks with previous cultural conceptions. However, cultural images of the nation, propagated by centralist institutions, remain entrenched in contemporary Scotland and Quebec. The juxtaposition of centralist cultural images and nationalist political images of the nation have led to a dualistic, or what I have termed a 'Jekyll and Hyde', national consciousness in both countries. This exercise indicates that images of the nation are subject to multitudinous interpretations and (re)construction by various actors in the competitive state-nation political arena.
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Hellman, Michel. "Art, identité et Expo 67 : l'expression du nationalisme dans les oeuvres des artistes québécois du Pavillon de la Jeunesse à l'Exposition universelle de Montréal." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98928.

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This thesis will examine the relationship between art, nationalism and identity as it appears in the context of the 1967 Montreal Universal Exposition. "Expo 67" saw a confrontation between Canadian and Quebecois expressions of nationalism, and we will concentrate on this aspect as it appears through the artistic representations in the different national pavilions.
We will also look into the artworks presented by young Quebecois artists in the more marginal "Youth Pavilion" situated on Ile Sainte-Helene, and will explain how this new generation of artists was able to take advantage of the particular context of the Universal Exhibition in order to implement its own concept of national identity, an identity closely related to popular culture, and thus very different from the image projected by the Quebecois elite of the time.
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D'Andrea, Giuliano E. "When nationalisms collide : Montreal's Italian community and the St. Leonard crisis, 1967-1969." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59256.

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During the language debates of the 1960s, Montreal's Italian community found itself in the middle of a conflict between Anglophones and Francophones. Forced to chose, the Italian community aligned itself with Anglophones.
The portrait which has been cast by numerous authors evokes the image of an Italian immigrant used as a pawn in a fight which generally was not his and which he could not understand.
An examination of the Italian press gives us a different image. St. Leonard represented more than a fight over the language issue. It was as much a dispute over the status of ethnic minorities in Quebec as it was over the language question. This study examines the immigrant's "Italianita" and how it helped shape his response to the ethnic tensions in St. Leonard.
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Books on the topic "Nationalism – Québec (Province) – History"

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1941-, Trofimenkoff Susan Mann, ed. Visions nationales: Une histoire du Québec. Saint-Laurent, Qué: Éditions du Trécarré, 1986.

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Minville, Esdras. Le nationalisme canadien-français. Montréal: Presses H.E.C., 1992.

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Young, Robert Andrew. The struggle for Quebec: From referendum to referendum? Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999.

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Dufour, Christian. A Canadian challenge =: Le défi québécois. Lantzville, B.C: Oolichan Books, 1990.

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Young, Robert Andrew. The struggle for Quebec. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999.

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Lisée, J. F. In the eye of the eagle. Toronto, Ont: Harper & Collins, 1990.

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Guindon, Hubert. Quebec society: Tradition, modernity, and nationhood. Toronto: University of Totonto Press, 1988.

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Richler, Mordecai. Oh Canada, Oh Québec: Requiem pour un pays divisé. Candiac: Balzac, 1992.

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1960-, Venne Michel, ed. Penser la nation québecoise. Montréal, Québec: Editions Québec-Amérique, 2000.

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1931-, Taylor Charles, and Venne Michel 1960-, eds. Penser la nation québécoise. Montréal: Québec / Amérique, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Nationalism – Québec (Province) – History"

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Lecours, André. "Nationalism, Secessionism, and Autonomy." In Nationalism, Secessionism, and Autonomy, 143–72. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192846754.003.0007.

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This chapter examines three additional cases: the Basque Country, Puerto Rico, and Québec. The objective behind these supplemental case studies is twofold. First, for the Basque Country, the goal is to understand why there has not been a strengthening of secessionism like in Catalonia. The chapter explains that Basque nationalism is exceptional for its history of political violence, which renders extremely difficult the type of alliance between nationalist forces that has occurred in Catalonia. Next, the chapter looks at Puerto Rico and Québec to assess how a focus on the nature of autonomy to explain the strength of secessionism travels beyond Western Europe. The case of Puerto Rico, where secessionism has always been marginal, helps to tease out the potential importance of perceptions on autonomy. Although Puerto Rican autonomy has not been adjusted, political debates over the constitutional future of the island, namely through multiple referendums on status, have likely fed perceptions that Puerto Ricans can change their autonomy, either through an enhancement of the current status or by becoming a state of the American federation. In Québec, the weakening of secessionism in the last decades has corresponded with a switch from constitutional reform to intergovernmental agreements as instruments for managing the position of the province within the federation. Constitutional change is difficult in Canada; consequently, Québec’s autonomy has been static constitutionally. As a result, when the focus for managing autonomy is placed on constitutional negotiations, secessionism in the province strengthens. When autonomy is managed through intergovernmental agreements, secessionism weakens.
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Dubois, Laurent. "The French Atlantic." In Atlantic History, 137–61. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195320336.003.0006.

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Abstract In July 1967, French President Charles de Gaulle boarded the Colbert and set out across the Atlantic to Canada. In Montreal, he was greeted by crowds of well-wishers who occasionally sang the Marseillaise, and in a public speech he shouted, “Vive le Québec Libre!”—”Long live Free Qué- bec!” After a brief moment of stunned silence, the crowd, 15,000 strong, exploded into applause: De Gaulle had just shouted the slogan of the movement for Québecois sovereignty. The Canadian government was furious, but one of De Gaulle’s advisers complimented him by saying, “My general, you have paid the debt owed by Louis XV.” In embracing the aspirations of the Québecois, according to this interpretation, De Gaulle had made up for the abandonment of their ancestors two centuries earlier. Quebec nationalists have, since then, used their history of participation in the French Empire as the foundation for their contemporary demands for cultural and political autonomy, notably by changing the province’s slogan to “Je me souviens”—”I remember.”
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Jahanbegloo, Ramin, Romila Thapar, and Neeladri Bhattacharya. "From Panjab to London." In Talking History, 1–69. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199474271.003.0001.

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In this section Romila Thapar talks about her childhood and family background. Her childhood was spent in various places from the North West Frontier Province of British India to school and college in Pune, before reaching Delhi, from where she went to London. She reflects on the Indian independence movement and the development of her interests in politics. This was almost inevitable among teenagers growing up in the years just before independence and influenced by Indian nationalism. She discusses her reading at that time both of the classics and of popular novels, and describes how she gradually developed an interest in early India. Thapar also shares her experience of the much-discussed Nehruvian ideal of building a new nation and the growth of radical ideas. She describes her years in London, slowly becoming a historian. This brings her to joining Jawaharlal Nehru University and working at the Centre for Historical Studies.
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Morin, Michel. "2. Les revendications des nouveaux sujets, francophones et catholiques, de la Province de Québec, 1764–1774." In Essays in the History of Canadian Law, edited by G. Blaine Baker and Donald Fyson. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442670051-005.

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Doughan, Christopher. "Northern Drumbeats: Ulster." In The Voice of the Provinces, 209–54. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781786942258.003.0006.

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This chapter concentrates on regional newspapers in Ulster and presents an overview of the regional press in the province during the 1914-21 period. A brief history of some of the main newspapers is provided while some of the key figures involved in those titles are also considered. However, the chapter specifically focuses on four titles, the Impartial Reporter, Londonderry Sentinel, Anglo-Celt, and Donegal Democrat. These papers represented a range of political sympathies across the province. The first two were staunchly unionist organs while the latter two were nationalist organs – the Anglo-Celt supportive of constitutional nationalism whereas the Donegal Democrat adopted a more republican stance. The experiences of each of these newspapers are documented in this chapter.
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Pechey, Graham. "Antithetical Anti-Heroes: Uses of the Past in Schoeman and Matthee." In In a Province: Studies in the Writing of South Africa, edited by Derek Attridge and Laura Pechey, 129–38. Liverpool University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800854901.003.0008.

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This chapter presents a discussion of two South African novels written in Afrikaans and translated into English: Karel Schoeman’s ’n Ander Land (1984), translated as Another Country, and Dalene Matthee’s Moerbeibos(1987), translated as The Mulberry Forest. Both these novels have not only come to be translated into English; they are also in some sense about translation, or “moving across”: about being European in Africa, about transplantation from one continent to another. What these two novels, taken together, help us to see is that the metanarrative of Afrikaner nationalism was not written into the genes of their characters. These novels open up a view of us as nothing more than the humble bywoners (labour tenant) and unruly takhare (backwoodsman) of that truly human history whose arrival is always indefinitely deferred.
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Gilles, David. "6. Être « demanderesse » en Justice: Permanences civilistes dans la Province de Québec, de la Juridiction royale de Montréal (1740–1760) à la Cour des plaids communs de Montréal (1760–1791)." In Essays in the History of Canadian Law, edited by G. Blaine Baker and Donald Fyson. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442670051-009.

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Ciancia, Kathryn. "Introduction." In On Civilization's Edge, 1–18. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190067458.003.0001.

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The story of interwar Poland has traditionally been told within the historiographical framework of national minority policies in the post-1918 eastern European states. And yet, as this introductory chapter argues, it can be understood only within the context of prevailing global discussions about how notions of civilization justified claims to sovereignty. With its Polish minority, Ukrainian majority, and large Jewish population, the borderland province of Volhynia became a testing ground for various attempts to both civilize and nationalize a “backward” region. This chapter offers an introduction to Volhynia’s geography and pre-1918 history, an exploration of the second-tier actors who claimed to be importing Western civilization, and a discussion of the book’s major historiographical interventions. The case of Volhynia allows scholars to reconsider the dichotomy between civic and ethnic nationalism, to reimagine ideas of national indifference, and to trace how Poles engaged with concepts of imperialism and European nationalism.
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Siebers, Tobin. "Ethics or Politics? Comparative Literature, Multiculturalism, and Cultural Literacy." In Cold War Criticism and the Politics of Skepticism, 71–88. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195079654.003.0003.

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Abstract The history of comparative literature has never been free of controversy. The discipline of comparative literature began as an attempt to define the specific nature of literature apart from the constraints of national and linguistic boundaries, but this attempt soon became embroiled in the ethics and politics of nationalism. Two distinct trends were apparent during the early years of comparative literature.1 The concept of “world” or “general” literature was used by comparatists to attack chauvinism among nations and to expose nationalistic myths. Thus, Carre and Guyard included within the province of comparative literature the study of national illusions. At the same time, however, influence studies allowed nationalism to gain a secure foothold in comparative literature, and critics began to take special pride in the discovery that their national writers had a major impact on another nation’s great authors. Thus, we heard talk about the Byronism of Pushkin or Baudelaire’s debt to Poe.
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Souza De, Stéphane, Stéphane Perrouty, Benoît Dubé, Patrick Mercier-Langevin, Robert L. Linnen, and Gema R. Olivo. "Chapter 2: Metallogeny of the Neoarchean Malartic Gold Camp, Québec, Canada." In Geology of the World’s Major Gold Deposits and Provinces, 29–52. Society of Economic Geologists, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5382/sp.23.02.

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Abstract The Malartic gold camp is located in the southern part of the Archean Superior Province and straddles the Larder Lake-Cadillac fault zone that is between the Abitibi and Pontiac subprovinces. It comprises the world-class Canadian Malartic deposit (25.91 Moz, including past production, reserves, and resources), and smaller gold deposits located along faults and shear zones in volcanic and metasedimentary rocks of the Abitibi subprovince. North of the Larder Lake-Cadillac fault zone, the Malartic camp includes 2714 to 2697 Ma volcanic rocks and ≤2687 Ma turbiditic sedimentary rocks overlain by ≤2679 to 2669 Ma polymictic conglomerate and sandstone of the Timiskaming Group. South of the fault, the Pontiac subprovince comprises ≤2685 Ma turbiditic graywacke and mudstone, and minor ultramafic to mafic volcanic rocks and iron formations of the Pontiac Group. These supracrustal rocks were metamorphosed at peak greenschist to lower amphibolite facies conditions at ~2660 to 2658 Ma, during D2 compressive deformation, and are cut by a variety of postvolcanic intrusions ranging from ~2695 to 2640 Ma. The Canadian Malartic deposit encompasses several past underground operations and is currently mined as a low-grade, open-pit operation that accounts for about 80% of the past production and reserves in the camp. It dominantly consists of disseminated-stockwork replacement-style mineralization in greenschist facies sedimentary rocks of the Pontiac Group. The mineralized zones are spatially associated with the Sladen fault and ~2678 Ma subalkaline to alkaline porphyritic quartz monzodiorite and granodiorite. Field relationships and isotopic age data for ore-related vein minerals indicate that gold mineralization in the Canadian Malartic deposit occurred at ~2665 to 2660 Ma and was contemporaneous with syn- to late-D2 peak metamorphism. The smaller deposits in the camp include auriferous disseminated-stockwork zones of the Camflo deposit (1.9 Moz) and quartz ± carbonate-pyrite veins and breccias (0.6 Moz) along faults in chemically and mechanically favorable rocks. The age of these deposits is poorly constrained, but ~2692 Ma postmineral dikes, and ~2625 Ma hydrothermal titanite and rutile from the Camflo deposit highlight a long and complex hydrothermal history. Crosscutting relationships and regional geochronological constraints suggest that an early episode of pre-Timiskaming mineralization occurred at >2692 Ma, shortly after the end of volcanism in the Malartic camp, and postmetamorphic fluid circulation may have contributed to concentration or remobilization of gold until ~2625 Ma. However, the bulk of the gold was concentrated in the Canadian Malartic deposit during the main phase of compressive deformation and peak regional metamorphism.
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