To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Nationalism – Québec (Province) – History.
Journal articles on the topic 'Nationalism – Québec (Province) – History'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Nationalism – Québec (Province) – History.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Lessard, Jonathan, and Carl Therrien. "Indies de province." Le jeu vidéo au Québec 14, no. 23 (July 8, 2021): 15–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1078726ar.
Full textAbstract:
This paper looks at the emergence of video game creation in Québec prior to the industrial boom and the popularization of independent games. Built from personal archives and oral history, the paper highlights two unknown personalities from the history of video games in Québec: Christian Boutin and I-Grec. These portraits contribute to diversify the “indie” narrative and reconsider it as part of a longer history.
2
Akimov, Yury G. "Coalition Avenir Québec’s Politics: Autonomism, Nationalism and Pragmatism." USA & Canada Economics – Politics – Culture, no. 9 (December 15, 2023): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2686673023090079.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the mainstreams of Quebec politics under Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) government headed by François Legault (from 2018 to the present). It is noted that the CAQ represents a new political force in provincial politics, offering the québécois society a middle/intermediate path of development between the Liberals (federalists) and the Pequist (supporters of sovereignty). The distinctive features of this path are the desire to strengthen autonomy of Quebec in Canadian Federation, reliance on québécois nationalism, consistent and tough defense of the dominant position of the French language in the province, as well as protection and promotion of Quebec values. At the same time, Legault policy is characterized by pragmatism and a generally balanced approach to socio-economic and environmental issues. The article discusses the Act respecting the laicity of the State (Bill 21) and the Act Respecting French, the Official and Common Language of Quebec (Bill 96), adopted under the CAQ Government. It also highlights the effectiveness of the Legault government’s actions during the COVID-19 pandemic and compares the results of the 2018 and 2022 provincial elections.
3
Guentzel, Ralph. "The Centrale de l'Enseignement du Québec and Quebec Separatist Nationalism, 1960-80." Canadian Historical Review 80, no. 1 (March 1999): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr.80.1.61.
Full text
4
Laczko, Leslie. "Minority nationalism and welfare state attitudes: Québec and Scotland compared." British Journal of Canadian Studies 18, no. 2 (September 2005): 292–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bjcs.18.2.6.
Full text
5
Sackett, R. E. "The Local Politics of the Prussian State: Nation-Building in Kempen of the Rhine Province, 1833–48." Central European History 21, no. 1 (March 1988): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012656.
Full textAbstract:
Virtually all studies of the rise of nationalism in modern Germany relate their subject in some way to the history of the state. There was, for example, a profusion of national feeling in German society in the later nineteenth century, and it has been seen as an outgrowth of the aggrandizement of state power in Prussia. German nationalism in the Age of Napoleon has been viewed as the nation's response to her subjugation by France, which in turn the Revolution made possible by enlarging the social base of French rule. So-called high politics—these central relations of power in or among particular states—indeed produced stimuli for the growth of German national sentiment. However, due in part to modernization theory, the connection between nationalism and the state now appears in another light. Interest in the state has come to include the administration, a less exalted form of politics but no less crucial to the process of nation-building.
6
Winsor, Chris, and Alonzo LeBlanc. "A Certain Number of Choices: Nationalism and Theatre in Quebec." Canadian Theatre Review 62 (March 1990): 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.62.005.
Full textAbstract:
Almost as if it is a sign of the times, the stop sign in front of the Grand Théâtre de Québec has been defaced by the addition of a few deft strokes of red spray paint which reduce “STOP” to “101,” a reference to the province’s controversial sign law. Throughout the province, the French and the English seem to be living as if to verify that Quebec is two solitudes. In Montreal, for example, an education law, 178, so incensed Montreal’s anglophone community that they elected four members of the newly formed Equality Party to deliver this message to the provincial government. Although Quebec has re-elected Bourassa’s new-deal federalist Liberals for a second consecutive four-year term, the percentage of Parti Québecois support remains at the referendum level of forty per cent. In addition, the separatist position articulated by P.Q. leader Jacques Parizeau in this election was far more extreme than that maintained by former premier and P. Q. leader René Lévesque. The Meech Lake constitutional accord, the deadline for ratification fast approaching, is all but dead. The political project of confederation now seems to be entering difficult times.
7
Smyth, Elizabeth, and Thérère Hamel. "THE HISTORY OF INITIAL TEACHER EDUCATION IN CANADA: QUÉBEC AND ONTARIO." Educação & Formação 1, no. 1 jan/abr (June 8, 2018): 88–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.25053/edufor.v1i1.1606.
Full textAbstract:
This article traces the history of teacher education in Canada from the seventeenth century to the present by focusing on teacher education in the English-language dominant province of Ontario and the French-language dominant province of Québec. Because of the decentralized nature of education in Canada, it is at the provincial, not at the national level, where policies and practices for teacher education are developed and delivered. Like the history of Canada itself, the history of teacher education is marked by conflicts of gender, religion, power, class, race, language and ethnicity as teacher education struggled to claim a space itself in the academy and exercise its authority within the ivory tower. The article considers how the historical struggles and successes can both inform and cause us to critically reflect our current practice.
8
Laforest, Guy. "Letter from the Other Canada." Government and Opposition 25, no. 2 (April 1, 1990): 231–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00758.x.
Full textAbstract:
LESS THAN TWO YEARS AGO, THE READERS OFGovernment and Oppositionhad reasons to be moderately optimistic concerning the future of our country. If their judgment was based on George Feaver's ‘Letter from Canada’, it appeared prudent to conclude that it was no small achievement for Canada to have persisted as a state in the face of tremendous adversity. These readers may have also trusted some distinguished experts on Canadian history and politics. Donald Smiley recently wrote that he had ’very much over-estimated the strength of Québec nationalism and provincialist influences elsewhere in the country and very much under-estimated the capacity of the system to respond effectively to such divisive pressures’. Smiley's judgment was supported by Kenneth McRoberts: ‘Canada's most serious political crisis, which originated in the political modernization of the Quiet Revolution and saw the election of a Québec government formally committed to Québec sovereignty, appears to have run its course.’
9
Bouchard, Gérard. "Current Issues and New Prospects for Computerized Record Linkage in the Province of Québec." Historical Methods: A Journal of Quantitative and Interdisciplinary History 25, no. 2 (April 1992): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01615440.1992.9956344.
Full text
10
Grenier, Benoît. "Sur les traces de la mémoire seigneuriale au Québec : identité et transmission au sein des familles d’ascendance seigneuriale1." Revue d’histoire de l’Amérique française 72, no. 3 (May 27, 2019): 5–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1059979ar.
Full textAbstract:
Aboli en 1854, le régime seigneurial a laissé une empreinte considérable dans la province de Québec en perpétuant rentes et propriétés seigneuriales. La relation seigneur/censitaire et le mode de vie seigneurial ont persisté jusque tard au XXe siècle dans bon nombre de communautés. Le présent article s’inscrit dans une recherche sur les persistances seigneuriales dans le Québec contemporain et a pour objectif d’analyser la mémoire seigneuriale. Il émane d’une enquête d’histoire orale menée auprès de familles seigneuriales provenant des quatre coins de la vallée du Saint-Laurent. Il postule l’existence d’une culture familiale distinctive se caractérisant notamment par le maintien de pratiques et d’usages seigneuriaux, d’un rapport d’altérité dans les campagnes québécoises, mais aussi par une mémoire familiale révélant des valeurs seigneuriales portées et transmises par les descendants de ces familles, nobles ou roturières, francophones ou anglophones.
11
Lavoie, Pierre, and Anton Wagner. "Pour suivre le théâtre au Québec: les ressources documentaires." Canadian Theatre Review 44 (September 1985): 139–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.44.019.
Full textAbstract:
Pierre Lavoie’s Pour suivre le théâtre au Québec: les ressources documentaires is both an extremely useful and timely publication. Lavoie’s annotated bibliography of print and audiovisual sources pertaining to theatre production and dramatic writing in Quebec will not only further stimulate the already impressive ongoing theatre history research within that province; it will also greatly facilitate research on Québécois theatre and drama in English Canada and thus contribute to the dialogue now beginning between our two main theatrical cultures.
12
Bonenfant, Jean-Charles. "Les douze circonscriptions électorales « privilégiées » du Québec." Cahiers de géographie du Québec 6, no. 12 (April 12, 2005): 161–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/020378ar.
Full textAbstract:
Article 80 of the British North America Act expressly disallows any modification of the boundaries of twelve of the electoral districts of the province of Québec (all located in the Eastern Townships and along the north shore of the Ottawa River) without the majority consent of the deputies representing these districts. In 1867 the districts were predominantly English-speaking but most now contain a French-speaking majority. The author traces the history of application of Article 80 from 1867 to the present, and by citing numerous boundary changes that have occurred shows that the Article has been more honoured in the breach than the observance. The author concludes that the Article is obsolete and antidemocratic. He then outlines some of the procedural difficulties involved in a possible repeal of the Article.
13
Zayarnyuk, Andriy. "Mapping Identities: The Popular Base of Galician Russophilism in the 1890s." Austrian History Yearbook 41 (April 2010): 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237809990117.
Full textAbstract:
Since the 1980s, the eastern part of the nineteenth-century Habsburg province of Galicia has served as a testing ground for constructivist theories of nationalism and national identity. Historians who used these theories developed a variety of tools to analyze the practices and discourses that had allegedly created national communities. Galicia presented these historians many opportunities to weigh the value of “constructivist” theories by offering a rich supply of local empirical material. The Greek-Catholic or “Ruthenian” part of the Galician population has proved to be an especially gratifying object of investigation for these scholars.
14
Abu-Manneh, Butrus. "The Province of Syria and the Mutasarrifiyya of Mount Lebanon (1866-1880)." Turkish Historical Review 4, no. 2 (2013): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-00402001.
Full textAbstract:
The establishment of the autonomous Mutasarrifiyya of Mount Lebanon in 1861 introduced a major factor into the political life of Syria. The Porte under Ali and Fuad Paşas responded to the challenge that the Mutasarrifiyya posed by uniting the two provinces of Damascus and Saida into one. Appointed governor general Mehmed Rashid Paşa aimed to bring the province and the Mutasarrifiyya closer. Rashid stimulated the “Nahda” and helped to promote the concept of Syria as a fatherland. After the death of Ali Paşa in 1871 Rashid was recalled and the behaviour of the new governors general resulted in disaffection and agitation for joining the Mutasarrifiyya or having a similar status, as is clear in the placards of 1880. Antonius regarded these placards as evidence of the rise of Arab nationalism. Actually, they were no more than agitation against mal-administration and a wish to join the Mountain.
15
Malik, Hafeez, and Stephen Alan Rittenberg. "Ethnicity, Nationalism, and the Pakhtuns: The Independence Movement in India's North-West Frontier Province." American Historical Review 95, no. 3 (June 1990): 892. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164443.
Full text
16
Iya, Palmo. "PATỦK: Caviteño Brigands’ Legacy in History." Academia Lasalliana Journal of Education and Humanities 4, no. 2 (June 2023): 133–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.55902/qdvi6818.
Full textAbstract:
Patúk is the term of the Ivatans for hammer which is a certain tool used for beating metals or driving nails. It is also similar with the words “pukpok” (beat/hit), “bayo” (pound), or “dikdik” (smash) which denote hitting or beating something with force in order to bury or fix it. The term patúk was used to draw the acronym of the study on Pamana ng mga Tulisang Kabitenyo sa Kasaysayan (Caviteño Brigands’ Legacy in History). Cavite is known not only as a province of gallant revolutionaries who fought for Philippine independence but as a province with the widest record of banditry in Philippine history. Labeled as “ladrones” (thieves or robbers), “bandido” (bandits), “malefactors,” and “outsiders,” the brigands in Cavite gave headache to the government not only during the colonial periods but in this contemporary period as well. However, like patúk (hammer) that can cause pain to the carpenter’s hand once he misses his target but still so essential for him to be able to construct a house or any furniture, banditry in Cavite also left a positive legacy in the history of the province and the nation. This paper aims to discuss and understand the legacies of Caviteño brigands, first in the field of “bayanihan” (cooperation/solidarity) and their contribution in the development of Philippine nationalism.
17
Marcotte, Sophie. "Fictional representations of rural Québec in The Night Manager, Autour d’Éva and Sur la 132." British Journal of Canadian Studies: Volume 33, Issue 2 33, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 209–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bjcs.2021.14.
Full textAbstract:
In John le Carré’s The Night Manager (1993), the main character, Jonathan Pine, after fleeing Cairo and having resided in Zurich and Cornwall, retreats for several months to a remote mining community called Espérance, in the Abitibi region, north of Val d’Or, in the province of Québec. Pine, hiding under the alias of Jacques Beauregard, is hired as a cook at the Château Babette hotel. His stay in Abitibi covers the whole of Chapter 9. He will later pursue his mission in the Bahamas. Le Carré’s humoristic representation of regional Québec contrasts with his darker caricatures of Switzerland, and especially the Bahamas. It also contrasts with the dark portrayal of Québec’s rural regions in Québec novels Autour d’Éva (2016), by Louis Hamelin, and Sur la 132 (2012), by Gabriel Anctil.
18
Quesney, Chantale. "« Un foyer pour chaque enfant ! »." Revue d’histoire de l’Amérique française 65, no. 2-3 (August 29, 2013): 257–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1018246ar.
Full textAbstract:
La Société d’adoption et de protection de l’enfance à Montréal fut, de 1937 à 1972, la plus importante agence de placement « hors murs » de la province. Pionnière dans le domaine au Québec, elle aura oeuvré à l’implantation des conditions légales et minimales nécessaires à la désinstitutionnalisation adéquate des enfants sans famille. De fait, le passage du placement asilaire comme mode de protection privilégié à celui en foyer d’accueil ou d’adoption, soulève des enjeux juridiques nouveaux tout comme il appelle la mise en place de pratiques et de savoirs inédits. Dans le cadre de cet article, nous nous concentrons sur deux de ceux-ci, à savoir la tutelle tierce et la technique du casework.
19
Duquette, Catherine, Félix Bouvier, Lilianne Portelance, Stéphane Martineau, Annie Malo, and Joséphine Mékamurera. "L’influence de l’expérience professionnelle sur l’enseignement par concepts en histoire : Une réflexion théorique." Didactica Historica 3, no. 1 (2017): 71–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33055/didacticahistorica.2017.003.01.71.
Full textAbstract:
he History and Citizenship Education curriculum (HEC) currently in place in the province of Quebec requires teachers to teach the discipline using a concept-based approach. How do teachers adapt their teaching to this particular demand? Is there a significant difference between how experienced teachers incorporate concept-based learning to their usual teaching and how novice teachers deal with the same demands. To our knowledge, no study has examined, to this day, the influence of teaching experience on the integration of a concept-based approach in History class. In this article, we discuss the theoretical foundations on which this question is based and propose an illustration of the influence of experience on the implementation of a concepts-based approach in the particular context of the province of Québec.
20
Duquette, Catherine, Félix Bouvier, Lilianne Portelance, Stéphane Martineau, Annie Malo, and Joséphine Mékamurera. "L’influence de l’expérience professionnelle sur l’enseignement par concepts en histoire : une réflexion théorique." Didactica Historica 3, no. 1 (2017): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.33055/didacticahistorica.2017.003.01.71.long.
Full textAbstract:
The History and Citizenship Education curriculum (HEC) currently in place in the province of Quebec requires teachers to teach the discipline using a concept-based approach. How do teachers adapt their teaching to this particular demand? Is there a significant difference between how experienced teachers incorporate concept-based learning to their usual teaching and how novice teachers deal with the same demands. To our knowledge, no study has examined, to this day, the influence of teaching experience on the integration of a concept-based approach in History class. In this article, we discuss the theoretical foundations on which this question is based and propose an illustration of the influence of experience on the implementation of a concepts-based approach in the particular context of the province of Québec.
21
Zaheer, Muhammad Akram, and Muhammad Asim. "The Ethnic Dilemma in Balochistan with More Focusing Upon Intra-Provincial Conflicts under CPEC Scenario." Journal of South Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (February 23, 2021): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.009.01.3619.
Full textAbstract:
Balochistan exists in a state of conflict since the partition but, initially, the nature of the conflict was based upon the future of princely states that led to the insurgency against the federation of Pakistan in 1948, 1958, and 1963. After the emergence of Balochistan as a full province, the nature of conflict shifted towards Baloch ethnic nationalism that directed insurgencies during 1973 and 2004. The government of Pakistan claims that all the waves of insurgencies have huge foreign funding by rival states. While the concerns of major powers on re-constructing Kasghar-Gwadar Road plan 2004 (renamed as China-Pakistan Economic Corridor [CPEC] in 2013) triggered Baloch ethnic nationalism and already existed intra-provincial conflicts once again that led Pashtun-Brahui, Brahui-Baloch, and Baloch-Pashtun differences. However, a detailed briefing by Chinese Ambassador Zhao Lijian has undermined all the concerns of ethnic communities in entire Pakistan including Balochistan. However, there are still some voices for insecurity and predicted economic deprivation in the province. This study tries to describe the history of ethnic dilemma in Balochistan along with demographic structure, CPEC related projects in the province, and the rival states’ nexus for triggering ethnonational separatism and intra-provincial conflicts against Pakistan. While the issue is rising by Baloch nationalists regarding preferring the eastern, western, or central route of CPEC is being discussed in the last.
22
Miles, William F. S. "Between Ashkenaz and Québécois: Fifty Years of Francophone Sephardim in Montréal." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 16, no. 1-2 (March 2012): 29–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.16.1-2.29.
Full textAbstract:
As a result of its historical cleavage on the basis of language (English and French) and the continuing importance of a majoritarian Francophone province (Québec), Canada is proactive about protecting communal identity. This double context of a proactive Canadian commitment to identity and Québécois commitment to Francophonie inadvertently encourages the preservation of ethnolinguistic distinctions within the Jewish community. Diasporic Jewish experience in Canada is thus intrinsically different from what prevails in the United States, particularly as it relates to Francophone Jewry. In Montréal, the religious ideal of klal Yisrael—unity of the Jewish people— is significantly tempered by the bilingual host environment. Canadian multiculturalism serves as a buffer for the ethnic identity of Jews from North Africa, while Montréal bilingualism encourages Frenchspeaking Jews to preserve their identity as Francophones. Ideal notions thus operate in contradiction with social fact: the ethnoreligious ideal of a single Jewish people transcending all sub-group divergences versus the lived reality that Ashkenazim and Sephardim are distanced by divergent histories, traits, languages, and rites. This surrounding national (and, in Québec, sub-national) context fosters— indeed, encourages—the preservation of ethnolinguistic distinctions within the Jewish community. In this way, the Québec Jewish experience differs substantially from both Israel (where language is no longer a significant differentiator between Ashkenazim and Sephardim) and the United States. These conclusions remain salient fifty years after the Sephardic community first began its collective emigration to Québec.
23
Matthiesen, Toby. "Migration, Minorities, and Radical Networks: Labour Movements and Opposition Groups in Saudi Arabia, 1950–1975." International Review of Social History 59, no. 3 (December 2014): 473–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859014000455.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article shows how ideas of Arab nationalism, socialism, and communism spread to the Arab Gulf states. It outlines how migrant workers, teachers, students returning from abroad, and the emergence of a print culture filled with Arab nationalist and leftist ideas in the 1940s created the basis for widespread political mobilization in the oil-rich Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia. After major strikes in 1953 and 1956 and a harsh crackdown, leftist activists moved underground and into exile. They continued to be active clandestinely and gathered in various capitals in the region. Members of the Shia Muslim minority in the Eastern Province played a special role in the labour movement and secular opposition groups. The latter promised the Shia inclusion in a larger political project and thus they were seen as an antidote to sectarian discrimination against this minority. The article emphasizes the importance of transnational networks, organizational resources such as libraries and social clubs, and a radicalized public sphere for political mobilization.
24
Hamelin, Louis-Edmond. "Bibliographie annotée concernant la pénétration de la géographie dans le Québec." Cahiers de géographie du Québec 4, no. 8 (April 12, 2005): 345–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/020223ar.
Full textAbstract:
As a first step towards a historical study of Geography in the Province of Québec, the author bas first gathered an abundant bibliography, the first part of which concerns the geography textbooks which have been used in Québec. Since 1804, there have been more than 300 editions or reprints of Canadian books which have been used as geography textbooks. The history of these textbooks may be divided in three periods : 1. 1804-1830, the first textbooks ; 2. 1830-1900, when the main textbooks were those by Holmes, la Société d'Education, les Frères des Écoles chrétiennes, F.-X. Toussaint and Hodgins-Lovell ; 3. the xx th century, which bas known two main collections, one by the Marist Brothers and one by uni-versity geographers. The characteristics of these textbooks are presented and the author concludes by giving a list of the textbooks that remain to be written to meet the present needs.
25
Rannou, Maël. "Pow Pow, itinéraire d’un éditeur quadricéphale." Revue française d'histoire du livre 143 (January 26, 2023): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.47421/rfhl143_71-82.
Full textAbstract:
Fondées en 2010, les éditions Pow Pow sont devenues un acteur majeur de l’édition de bande dessinée québécoise. L’article propose de revenir sur leur catalogue pour en identifier les stratégies éditoriales. Celle de la publication de bande dessinée d’auteurs québécois à destination du public québécois est assez classique, tout comme l’export vers l’Europe francophone. De manière plus originale, Pow Pow a aussi traduit ses propres livres pour le marché intérieur canadien, mais aussi acheté les droits pour le Québec d’albums francophones européens pour les diffuser dans la province. Une approche quadricéphale assez unique, illustrant la souplesse et les particularités du marché québécois.
26
Harpelle, Ronald N. "Racism and Nationalism in the Creation of Costa Rica's Pacific Coast Banana Enclave." Americas 56, no. 3 (January 2000): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500029515.
Full textAbstract:
The creation of the new banana enclave on Costa Rica's Pacific coast in the 1920s marks a significant watershed in the social and political history of race relations in the country. The culminating event in what was a lengthy battle over the composition of the workforce on the new plantations was the signing of the 1934 banana contract between the government of Costa Rica and the United Fruit Company. In addition to allowing for the continued growth of the industry in Costa Rica, the agreement took aim at the West Indian immigrant by prohibiting “people of colour” from working for United Fruit on the Pacific coast. Subsequent to the agreement, the state made a conscious effort to force the integration of the West Indian community. The government closed English schools, pushed farmers off their land, and deported West Indians in order to purge the province of Limón of people who were not citizens, but who belonged to a well-established immigrant community. As a result, resident West Indians were forced to re-examine their relationship with the country and they engaged in a protracted struggle to overcome heightened levels of discrimination.
27
Camacho, Julia Maríía Schiavone. "Crossing Boundaries, Claiming a Homeland: The Mexican Chinese Transpacific Journey to Becoming Mexican, 1930s––1960s." Pacific Historical Review 78, no. 4 (November 1, 2009): 545–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2009.78.4.545.
Full textAbstract:
This article follows Mexican Chinese families from Mexico, across the Mexican-U.S. border, to China, and back to Mexico. Settling in northern Mexico in the nineteenth century, Chinese formed multiple ties with Mexicans. An anti-Chinese movement emerged during the Mexican Revolution and peaked during the Great Depression. The Mexican government deported several thousand Chinese men and their Mexican-origin families from Sonora and neighboring Sinaloa, some directly to China and others to the United States, whose immigration agents also deported the families to China. They arrived in Guangdong (Canton) Province but eventually congregated in Macau where they forged a coherent Mexican Chinese enclave. Developing a strategic Mexican nationalism, they appealed for repatriation. The Mexican Chinese "became Mexican" only after authorities compelled them to struggle for years from abroad for the inclusion of their mixed-race families in the nation. They became diasporic citizens and fashioned hybrid identities to survive in Mexico and China.
28
Popa, Ion. "Nationalism, Conspiracy Theories, and Antisemitism in the Transylvanian Greek Catholic Newspaper Dumineca on the Eve of the Holocaust (1936–1940)." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 34, no. 1 (2020): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcaa005.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In the first half of the twentieth century churches in Eastern Europe often promoted extreme nationalism and antisemitism. Their very effectiveness discouraged many bystanders from helping Jews during the Holocaust. Here the author studies a little-known journal published by the Greek Catholic (Uniate) bishopric of Maramureş, a Transylvanian province of Romania (and Hungary from 1940 to 1944) with a significant Jewish population. This journal contributed to a climate in which the Christian population would look on with equanimity or even assist as the Nazi New Order pursued the mass murder of all Jews.
29
Baddak, Kristanto V., Yulia Yustha, and Manya Manya. "Studi Pemanfaatan Huma Betang Tumbang Anoi sebagai Sumber Pembelajaran Sejarah Lokal di Kalimantan Tengah." Anterior Jurnal 19, no. 1 (December 22, 2019): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.33084/anterior.v19i1.1169.
Full textAbstract:
A qualitative study has been carried out to determine the role of Betang Tumbang Anoi as a source of local history learning in Central Kalimantan Province. The study was conducted in Palangka Raya City and Gunung Mas Regency with respondents coming from high school history teachers in both regions. The results show that local history material is very important and although it is not explicitly contained in the K 13 curriculum, it can be given. Local history material does not conflict with the K 13 curriculum and even becomes part of K curriculum 13. Local history is important to be taught so that the younger generation is more familiar with their identities and increases their sense of nationality through local characters who are more down to earth. Learning local history also brings positive changes in students by introducing local history, among others, the growth of nationalism and historical awareness. Betang Tumbang Anoi as a peaceful meeting place Tumbang Anoi can be used as a source of local history learning in Central Kalimantan Province, but its use directly faces obstacles in the form of remote geographical location, poor transportation infrastructure and expensive travel costs. The use of Betoi Tumbang Anoi as a source of local history learning uses tools in the form of pictures or photographs obtained through the internet which are proven to be able to increase students' level of understanding.
30
Curtis, Bruce. "State of the Nation or Community of Spirit? Schooling for Civic and Ethnic-Religious Nationalism in Insurrectionary Canada." History of Education Quarterly 43, no. 3 (2003): 325–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2003.tb00125.x.
Full textAbstract:
This article focuses on the two leading projects in the educational “struggle for the hearts and minds” of the people in the British North American colony of Lower Canada (currently the southern portion of the Canadian Province of Quebec) in the wake of the insurrectionary struggles and armed border incursions of 1837–38. (See Figure 1.) English Radicals and Whigs, with some Canadian allies, promoted a broad-ranging reconstruction of colonial government and legal and cultural institutions. The educational component of their project centered on the “nationalization” of the French- and English-speaking populations through the attendance of young people in common schools, where they would be instructed in a nonsectarian civil religion later known as “our Common Christianity.” The cooperative management of such schools by adult male property holders would train men in the operations of local representative self-government. Most of those involved in promoting this project for a new form of community understood it to be aimed at the assimilation of French Canadians to a broadly “British” nationality.
31
Kozlowski, Gregory C. "Reviews of Books:Ethnicity, Islam and Nationalism: Muslim Politics in the North-West Frontier Province 1937-1947 Sayed Wiqar Ali Shah." American Historical Review 107, no. 3 (June 2002): 868–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/532524.
Full text
32
Irwan, Irwan, Zusmelia Zusmelia, and Felia Siska. "Portrait of t Democracy Practice and the Identity (Ethnic) Politics Struggle in the Local Political Arena: A Sociology and History Review." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Mamangan 11, no. 1 (May 31, 2022): 64–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22202/mamangan.v11i1.5797.
Full textAbstract:
The period of social, economic and political transition is closely related to the collapse of the Suharto regime and the reformtion. This condition is signed by various kinds of conflicts , starting in the national and local political arena. Political propaganda at that time occured when the country was still in the authoritarian and centralistic spirit of the Suharto government. In fact, local actors and national politics are moving the issue to take power. This study focuses on the analysis of Indonesia democratic struggles in the dynamics of identity politics, the practice of identity politics during the New Order era was given the space in carrying out the movements and compared to the reformation period in Riau Province and the process of strengthening identity politics in the local sphere in Riau Province. This study used literature study in analyzing with sociological and historical theory. The results of this study showed that identity politics in Riau Province during the New Order and Reformation eras was different. During the New Order era, identity politics had no space and local people were shifted or removed, while during the reformation period, identity politics was open and expanded the contents of local people to become leader so it emerges the conflicts and presenting cases at the local level. This study brings out the term symbolic power in the local democratic process and carries the value of the nationalism spirit in local communities
33
Mossière, Géraldine. "L’Église, la femme et l’affect : récits sur la désirabilité du modèle laïc au Québec ou comment fabriquer un projet politique en contexte séculier?" Social Compass 67, no. 1 (January 23, 2020): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768619894511.
Full textAbstract:
This article is based on life stories collected between 2014 and 2018 among a population of baby boomers of French Canadian descent, whose personal path echoes the social and political history of the province. Following their socialization in a Catholic context, this generation has known a rapid phase of secularization, modernization and diversification that, since the end of the 1960s, have impacted the local social and political landscape of the province. The entanglement between individual and collective experiences shapes a particular rhetoric on the « laïc » (secularist) project in Quebec that hinges on memories of Catholicism, concern for gender equity and pluralist ethics. Drawing on Maclure and Taylor’s model of open and closed secularism, the author discuss the means and ends of the moral principles underlying baby boomers’ narratives.
34
Jacobs, Justin M. "Nationalist China's “Great Game”: Leveraging Foreign Explorers in Xinjiang, 1927–1935." Journal of Asian Studies 73, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911813001721.
Full textAbstract:
The expeditions of foreign explorers and archaeologists along China's borderlands during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries have long been a lightning rod for debates over cultural sovereignty, imperialism, and nationalism. This study attempts to move beyond such cultural and moral glosses by placing the expeditions of Aurel Stein and Sven Hedin to the northwestern province of Xinjiang back into the domestic geopolitical context of the Nanjing Decade (1927–37). Newly available archival material demonstrates how the discourse of cultural sovereignty, far from sabotaging such expeditions, instead became the handmaiden of domestic geopolitical competitors who attempted to turn Stein and Hedin into exploitable resources for their own agendas. The logistical pragmatism revealed in these sources relegates principled nationalist intellectuals and their imperialist targets to the background, and shows how a new approach to a familiar topic can help paint a fuller portrait of some of the most contested episodes of transnational cultural interactions throughout Eurasia.
35
Dwijayanto, Arik, and Yusmicha Ulya Afif. "A Religious State (A Study of Hasyim Asyari and Muhammad Iqbal's Thought on the Relation of Religion, State and Nationalism)." JUSPI (Jurnal Sejarah Peradaban Islam) 3, no. 2 (January 26, 2020): 226. http://dx.doi.org/10.30829/juspi.v3i2.6778.
Full textAbstract:
<p><em>This article explores the concept of a religious state proposed by two Muslim leaders: Hasyim Asyari (1871-1947), an Indonesian Muslim leader and Muhammad Iqbal (1873-1938), an Indian Muslim leader. Both of them represented the early generation when the emerging revolution for the independence of Indonesia (1945) from the Dutch colonialism and India-Pakistan (1947) from the British Imperialism. In doing so, they argued that the religious state is compatible with the plural nation that has diverse cultures, faiths, and ethnicities. They also argued that Islam as religion should involve the establishment of a nation-state. But under certain circumstances, they changed their thinking. Hasyim changed his thought that Islam in Indonesia should not be dominated by a single religion and state ideology. Hasyim regarded religiosity in Indonesia as vital in nation-building within a multi-religious society. While Iqbal changed from Indian loyalist to Islamist loyalist after he studied and lived in the West. The desire of Iqbal to establish the own state for the Indian Muslims separated from Hindus was first promulgated in 1930 when he was a President of the Muslim League. Iqbal expressed the hope of seeing Punjab, the North West province, Sind and Balukhistan being one in a single state, having self-government outside the British empire. In particular, the two Muslim leaders used religious legitimacy to establish political identity. By using historical approach (intellectual history), the relationship between religion, state, and nationalism based on the thinking of the two Muslim leaders can be concluded that Hasyim Asyari more prioritizes Islam as the ethical value to build state ideology and nationalism otherwise Muhammad Iqbal tends to make Islam as the main principle in establishment of state ideology and nationalism.</em></p><em>Keywords: Hasyim Asyari, Muhammad Iqbal, religion, state, nationalism.</em>
36
Abbasi, Azhar Mahmood, Muhammad Shoaib Malik, and Syed Hamid Mahmood Bukhari. "Ethnic Fault Lines and the Case for The Creation of New Provinces in Pakistan: An Appraisal." Global Regional Review VI, no. I (March 30, 2021): 174–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2021(vi-i).19.
Full textAbstract:
This article seeks to analyze the discourse around the creation of new provinces in Pakistan. The demand for carving out new federating units is a popular and long-standing proposal in some areas of the country with a long history of ethnic sub-nationalism fuelled by the real and imagined sense of political alienation and economic deprivation. This demand has been raised from time to time based on the distribution of national resources, and on ethnic grounds, and sometimes on the basis of socio-economic backwardness of the relevant areas. The demand for a 'Saraiki Province', 'Bahawalpur Province', 'Hazara Province are some major cases. This case study will focus on the different factors, including, most importantly, the constitutional setup and role of different political parties of Pakistan in the making of new provinces. The Following three basic questions are the major concerns of the rigorous academic endeavour taken up in the paper. First, what has been the basis of demands for the creation of new provinces in Pakistan? Second, what are the main hurdles in making new provinces in Pakistan and what urged the re-demarcation of state in Pakistan? Third, what has been the stance of various political Parties about the creation of new provinces in Pakistan?
37
Leclerc, Jean-François. "La Sûreté du Québec des origines à nos jours : quelques repères historiques." Criminologie 22, no. 2 (August 16, 2005): 107–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/017284ar.
Full textAbstract:
The history of the police in Canada is a field that has been little explored. This is all the more so in the case of the police corps of Quebec, the only valid monograph on the subject being one on the Montreal police. This article gives a general outline of the administrative history of the provincial police of Quebec, the “Sûreté du Québec”, since its creation in 1870 by the provincial government. The idea of creating a police force under State control was not new, going back to the first «modern» police established in 1838 in Quebec city and Montreal during a time of rebellion, by an Order in Council of governor Durham. An unsuccessful attempt was made to establish one during the 1850s. It was in 1870 that the «provincial police» were set up in Quebec City, the capital, mainly to have a force to intervene in riots and strikes. Municipalities requiring them could also obtain their services. This police corps was reduced after 1878 to become a mere guard of the Parliament which also served the Department of the Attorney General. After that, great changes were made with the integration of other police and government services : the Bureau of Provincial Detectives of Montreal in 1922, the liquor and highway police in 1934 and 1936, which in 1938 become branches of the Provincial Police. In 1938, the Duplessis government undertook to extend the provincial police by opening up stations throughout the province. After 1960, the Lesage government completed the merging of the various branches, sought to eliminate political influence in the hiring of police and opened the first training school for policemen. The Provincial Police became the Sûreté du Québec in 1968, when an administrative restructuring was started, inspired by the methods used in private enterprise, which gave its form to today's Sûreté.
38
McCormick, Peter. "JUDGING SELECTION: APPOINTING CANADIAN JUDGES." Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice 30, no. 2 (October 1, 2012): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/wyaj.v30i2.4368.
Full textAbstract:
Since the 1970s, the appointment of trial judges in Canada has generally involved an arms-length committee of professionals, although the structure of these committees and their role in the process has varied from province to province, as well as evolving over time. Yet these “new” structures and “new” processes did not prevent a major judicial appointment scandal in the province of Quebec in 2010, culminating in the formation of the Bastarache Committee to recommend changes. This paper summarizes the forty-year history of Canadian judicial appointment committees, identifies the major challenges that face those committees, and suggests the basic values toward which reforms to the appointment process might be directed.Depuis les années 1970, la nomination des juges de première instance au Canada a généralement mis à contribution un comité de professionnels indépendants, bien que la structure de ce comité et son rôle dans le processus de nomination aient varié d’une province à l’autre et évolué avec le temps. Ces « nouvelles » structures et « nouveaux » processus n’ont certes pas empêché l’éclatement du scandale sur la nomination des juges au Québec en 2010. Ce scandale a donné lieu à la formation de la Commission Bastarache qui avait notamment le mandat de recommander des changements. La présent document résume les quarante ans d’histoire des comités canadiens de nomination des juges, recense les principaux défis que ces comités doivent relever, et propose les valeurs fondamentales qui devraient inspirer les réformes du processus de nomination.
39
CHAKRAVARTTY, ARYENDRA. "Provincial Pasts and National Histories: Territorial self-fashioning in twentieth-century Bihar." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 4 (April 2, 2018): 1347–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000561.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article explores how local lived experiences and nationalist sentiments converged to shape a regional literati's conception of the province of Bihar in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century colonial India. Following the formation of the separate province of Bihar in 1912, certain very powerful Indian-nationalist and cultural-historical factors were deployed to create a much-needed cultural-historical past for Bihar. In this project of territorial self-fashioning, institutions such as the Bihar and Orissa Research Society (1915) and the Patna Museum (1917) became crucial to the new political-cultural configuration of the region. Additionally, they also made Bihar's ancient past visible in a deliberately nationalist narrative. Projecting its rich ancient past onto a national framework provided Bihar with the possibility of overcoming its characterization as ‘backward’ and provincial. This article therefore moves beyond analytic frameworks of nationalism which emphasize particularities of regional identity by framing them in perpetual antagonism to the efforts of Indian national integration. By looking at the construction of narratives of an ancient past that straddled the region and the nation, I argue that the emergence of an entity called Bihar was braided into India's nationalist imagination.
40
Colley, Linda. "WHAT HAPPENS WHEN A WRITTEN CONSTITUTION IS PRINTED? A HISTORY ACROSS BOUNDARIES." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 31 (November 8, 2021): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440121000049.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAfter 1750, the rate at which new political constitutions were generated increased relentlessly. By the First World War, written and published devices of this sort already operated in parts of every continent outside Antarctica. Yet for all the scale and speed of this transformation, approaches to the history of written constitutions have often been selective. Although they spread rapidly across maritime and land frontiers, constitutions are still usually examined in the context of individual countries. Although they could function as tools of empire, constitutions have generally been interpreted only in terms of the making of nations and nationalism. And although these are authored texts, written constitutions rarely attract the attention of literary scholars. Instead, these documents have become largely the province of legal experts and students of constitutional history, itself an increasingly unfashionable discipline. In this lecture, I examine the vital and various links between constitutions and print culture as a means of resurrecting and exploring some of the transnational and transcontinental exchanges and discourses involved in the early spread of these instruments. I also touch on the challenges posed to written constitutions – now embedded in all but three of the world's countries – by the coming of a digital age.1
41
Joo, Dongbin. "Colonial Bureaucrat Shinoda Jisaku's Perceptions and Policymaking in South Pyongan Province and Pyongyang (1910-1923)." Korean Society of the History of Historiography 48 (December 31, 2023): 425–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.29186/kjhh.2023.48.425.
Full textAbstract:
This article focuses on Shinoda Jisaku(篠田治策, 1872-1946)'s 13 years of service in South Pyongan Province to examine the place of the localities of the province and Pyongyang city in the history of colonial policy before and after the March 1st Movement of 1919. First, by viewing Manchuria and Russian Far East as buffer zones and the 39th parallel (Pyongyang-Wonsan line) as a potential buffer zone we identified a narrative casting of Pyongyang's local history that linked the Korean people's consciousness of recovering their northern territories with Japanese theories of continental aggression. Second, it is shown that Shinoda was the only person to be “promoted” from his longtime post in the provincial governor's reshuffle immediately after the March 1st Movement, and that he was appointed in the course of dealing with the local Korean national liberation movements linked with those of Manchuria and Russian Far East. Third, as the governor he proposed policies such as expanding elementary education for Koreans, overhauling rural terminal organizations, and encouraging “state-owned” company-led development which includes vague inducements for Koreans in Pyongyang. Shinoda would spend the rest of his career on the other side of the cultural frontier from colonial Korean nationalism. However, the argument of Korean-led local development and autonomy remained and gradually gained strength in Pyongyang.
42
Levesque, Benoît, Jean-François Duchesne, Suzanne Gingras, Pierre Allard, Edgar Delvin, Jacinthe Aubin, Marc Rhainds, Pierre Lajoie, and Pierre Ernst. "Total and Specific Immunoglobulin E and Their Relationship to Respiratory Symptoms in Quebec Children and Adolescents." Canadian Respiratory Journal 12, no. 8 (2005): 426–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2005/248714.
Full textAbstract:
BACKGROUND: Respiratory disease is a major cause of morbidity in young people. It is now recognized that atopy plays an important role in the development of chronic respiratory symptoms in children.OBJECTIVE: To examine the determinants and consequences of serum total and specific immunoglobulin E (IgE) in a general population sample of Québec children and adolescents.METHODS: In 1999, 2349 children and adolescents (nine, 13 or 16 years of age) who had participated in a respiratory symptom and disease questionnaire had their total IgE measured. Of these participants, a subsample of 451 children and adolescents was analyzed to detect antibodies to eight specific allergens (ie, allergens of dust mites [Dermatophagoides farinae and Dermatophagoides pteronyssinus], cat, dog, ragweed, Timothy grass, mould [alternaria] and cockroach).RESULTS: The geometric mean of the total IgE was 44.4 U/mL among all participants. Concentrations were higher in boys and increased with age. More than 41% of the participants were sensitized to at least one specific allergen. Such sensitization was strongly associated with the occurrence of respiratory conditions and symptoms, namely asthma, wheezing and rhinitis. Family history, school location and ethnic origin had an impact on the prevalence of atopy and total IgE levels.CONCLUSIONS: Allergic sensitization is a major determinant in the development of asthma, wheezing and rhinitis in children and adolescents in the province of Québec.
43
Watenpaugh, Keith D. "“Creating Phantoms”: Zaki al-Arsuzi, the Alexandretta Crisis, and the Formation of Modern Arab Nationalism in Syria." International Journal of Middle East Studies 28, no. 3 (August 1996): 363–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800063509.
Full textAbstract:
This quotation may be nothing more than a well-turned phrase by its author, Zaki al-Arsuzi. Nonetheless, it illustrates a dilemma that young men like him faced in the troubled years preceding Syrian independence: As French-educated young men, should they take their places as minor functionaries in the colonial machine and accept the promise of a comfortable and privileged life, or should they join the growing political and ideological struggle to found an independent, national statein Syria? Al-Arsuzi, who is venerated by the current regime in Damascus as the ideological father of Baʾthism, went on to answer this question by spending the next eight years in and out ofthe former Ottoman province of Alexandretta, working in support of the Arab-nationalist cause. Both his contemporary writings and later recollections of the period reveal a growing political consciousness and the formulation of a complex Arabism that was at odds with the dominant ideology emanating from the large cities of Syria. This ideology, as embodied by the National Bloc government in Damascus, was personality-based, hamstrung by European colonial interests, and unable to arouse any sustained political sensibility in the broader population; it centered its political legitimacy and parochial brand of nationalism on opposition to the French occupation. Al-Arsuzi and others, recognizing the weakness inherent in this form of nationalism, drew away from its leadership in the course of the 1930s and moved to create other, more radical and militant Pan-Arabist groups.
44
BEREND, IVAN T. "The Kosovo Trap." European Review 14, no. 4 (September 8, 2006): 413–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798706000445.
Full textAbstract:
In February 2006, talks began in Vienna to decide the status of Kosovo. The solution was forecast in several statements: instead of officially remaining a province of Serbia, considering that 90% of the population of the area is Albanian, mostly Muslim, and want independence, independent statehood might be granted to Kosovo. Kosovo enjoyed an autonomous status under Tito (abolished by Milošević) and thus has the legal right to decide on independence.Serbia wants to keep its authority over the province, which is considered to be the ‘cradle of Serbia,’ a sacrosanct place in Serbian history. However, the Serb population has gradually decreased and become a small minority. This happened due to a huge Serb emigration after the Ottoman conquest of the region, a spontaneous, sometimes forced emigration, which gained special impetus during the Second World War, when the region became part of ‘Great Albania,’ and Serbs were killed and chased out of the province. The tension and violence of the post-war decades made emigration advisable for Serbs. Milošević's Kosovo war-and-rape campaign made the Kosovars victims of exalted Serb nationalism in the late 1990s. The NATO bombing stopped this but the Serb minority declined into an unbearable situation. The Kosovo Liberation Army's violent actions, killing Serbs, burning their houses, shooting at school buses, continued until recently and led to the flight of half of the remaining Serb population, and ‘cleansed’ Kosovo of 80% of the Roma population.
45
Trbovich, Ana. "Nation-building under the Austro-Hungarian sceptre Croat-Serb antagonism and cooperation." Balcanica, no. 37 (2006): 195–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637195t.
Full textAbstract:
In the nineteenth century many European nations, including Serbs and Croats became politically conscious of their "nationhood", which became a contributory factor in the crumbling of the two great empires in Central-East Europe - the Habsburg and the Ottoman - at the beginning of the following century. The Serbs had, since medieval times, an awareness of their long history and tradition, great medieval civilization and cultural unity regardless of the fact that they lived under several different adminis?trations. As in the case of Habsburg Serbs, language and literature became building blocks of Croat national consciousness in the nineteenth century. Unlike Serb nationalism centred on people, Croat nationalism was mainly territory-related. Since both Serbs and Croats inhabited the Austro-Hungarian provinces claimed by the Croats as their "historical Right" (absorption in 1097 of the small medieval Croat state by the Hungarians is interpreted, by many Croat historians, as a voluntary act of union), the different conceptions of nationalism resulted in competing claims. Croatian politics became one of opposing any recognition of Serbian institutions and cultural characteristics without Serbs previously accepting the concept that the only "political nation" in the Austro-Hungarian Province of Croatia was Croatian. Nonetheless, Croats compromised when in need of Serb assistance in opposing Hungarian domination. In turn, Serb politics was divided between those supporting cooperation with the Croats in order to achieve greater autonomy from the Hungarians in the Dual Monarchy, and those who supported some cooperation but insisted on forming an entity separate from the Croats in the future and joining with the Kingdom of Serbia, which regained its independence in 1878. The ensuing world and civil wars brought the Croato-Serb conflict to the fore, with the first and the second Yugoslavia failing to accommodate the two nations' opposing aspirations.
46
Mirkova, Anna M. "“Population Politics” at the End of Empire: Migration and Sovereignty in Ottoman Eastern Rumelia, 1877–1886." Comparative Studies in Society and History 55, no. 4 (September 19, 2013): 955–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417513000479.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article explores the migrations of Turkish Muslims after the 1878 Peace Treaty of Berlin, which severed much of the Balkans from the Ottoman Empire as fully independent nation-states or as nominally dependent polities in the borderlands of the empire. I focus on one such polity—the administratively autonomous Ottoman province of Eastern Rumelia—which, in wrestling to reconcile liberal principles of equality and political representation understood in ethno-religious terms, prompted emigration of Turkish Muslims while enabling Bulgarian Christian hegemony. Scholars have studied Muslim emigration from the Balkans as the Ottoman Empire gradually lost hold of the region, emphasizing deleterious effects of nationalism and aggressive state-building in the region. Here I look at migration at empire's end, and more specifically at the management of migration as constitutive of sovereignty. The Ottoman government asserted its suzerainty by claiming to protect the rights of Eastern Rumelia's Muslims. The Bulgarian dominated administration of Eastern Rumelia claimed not only administrative but also political autonomy by trying to contain the grievances of Turkish Muslims as a domestic issue abused by ill-meaning outsiders, all the while insisting that the province protected the rights of all subjects. Ultimately, a “corporatist” model of subjecthood obtained in Eastern Rumelia, which fused the traditional religious categorization of Ottoman subjects with an ethnic one under the umbrella of representative government. The tension between group belonging and individual politicization that began unfolding in Eastern Rumelia became a major dilemma of the post-Ottoman world and other post-imperial societies after World War I.
47
Supriatna, Encep. "THE IMPLEMENTATION OF RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL-BASED HISTORY LEARNING IN ANCIENT BANTEN." Historia: Jurnal Pendidik dan Peneliti Sejarah 13, no. 1 (July 26, 2017): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/historia.v13i1.7698.
Full textAbstract:
The background of this study is the educational concern towards the Indonesian school students/young generation, who are being pulled back and forth, between their national identity and the external force of global culture. The Government tries to amend this situation by recommending to infuse character building into teaching and learning. History is the ideal subject to instill nationalism and patriotism among the student, beside to teach the past and the common heritage of their nation, and therefore suitable to the government intention. Banten, formerly a western part of the West Java Province, now a self governing new province, during the 17th and 19th century had her own glorious history of kingdoms. It was from these periods that Banten inherited her own political and cultural identities and values different from other provinces in Indonesia. To discover whether these identities and values are still maintaind among the students/young generation’s lifes today, this research is conducted working together with the High school students from SMAN I, II, and III Serang particularly in the area of ancient Banten (Banten Lama), their teachers and Headmasters, using the naturalistic inquiry method. To gather the data, attending and observing the history classes and the extracurriculum activities are the most important source, supported by the interviews with the key informants, and the use of their daily educational document. Observations are conducted also to gather data from the cultural events among the population of the surrounding areas, among those are the celebration of the Prophet’s Birthday (Maulud Nabi), which are still strongly uphold by these peoples. The result of the study showed, that although the students are still following their family’s instruction in Islamis religious values and ethnic cultural values, they have also to prepare themselves to face their impending future, to study or to work in a modern society. The national curriculum (KTSP) prepare them to adjust and to combine the basic and the more pragmatic education for their time to come.
48
Berthiaume, Richard, Christian Hébert, Alain Dupont, Martin Charest, and Éric Bauce. "The spruce budworm, a potential threat for Norway spruce in eastern Canada?" Forestry Chronicle 96, no. 01 (May 2020): 71–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5558/tfc2020-009.
Full textAbstract:
Norway spruce, an exotic tree species in North America, was largely used in reforestation programs in the province of Québec between 1972 and 1990. Several of these plantations are now reaching their commercial maturity and the resurgence of spruce budworm outbreak is a reminder that the potential threat of this damaging defoliator for Norway spruce still remains unknown. We used two life-history traits, pupal weight and overwintered larval (L2) weight, to compare spruce budworm biological performance on Norway spruce, white spruce and black spruce. Pupae collected on Norway spruce and overwintered larvae produced by parents that fed on Norway spruce were heavier than those coming from black spruce. Spruce budworm performance was similar on Norway and white spruce, showing similar suitability and suggesting that it can represent a potential threat for Norway spruce plantations established after the last spruce budworm outbreak in eastern North America.
49
Breon, Robin. "Noises Off-Right: Theatre in the Toronto Region." Canadian Theatre Review 93 (December 1997): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.93.003.
Full textAbstract:
In their two-volume chronicle of the history and evolution of the theatre in Ontario from the early 1800s to the early 1970s, aptly titled Early Stages (volume 1) and Later Stages (volume 2), editors Ann Saddlemyer and Richard Plant have constructed a rich collection of essays that traces the development of theatre in the province, beginning with the early, mainly imported touring troupes which led to the advent of early indigenous theatricals produced by numerous amateur companies. These travelling companies explored the theatrical landscape of the period and led the way for the development of plays, playwrights and the birth of a professional Canadian theatre in Ontario. This history ends with the burgeoning of cultural nationalism in the mid-1960s and early ’70s. These two volumes are indispensable guide-posts for anyone attempting a reading of the state of our theatre in 1998. If Early Stages and Later Stages tell us anything about the present stage, it is that Toronto seems to have been destined to become a major centre for theatrical production.
50
Brunette, Victor. "Woodlot owner organizations in Québec adjusting to changes in primary products." Forestry Chronicle 70, no. 3 (June 1, 1994): 265–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5558/tfc70265-3.
Full textAbstract:
In Quebec, where the resource based industry has prevailed for many decades, a good portion of history is based on forestry and agriculture. Farmers and woodlot owners have been involved with primary products marketing structures for more than 25 years. Forest policy development for non industrial private forests has evolved in different ways in neighbouring provinces but intrinsic problems related to forest management, forest harvesting and products marketing are quite similar for all woodlot owners.The area under small private ownership in Québec covers only 9 per cent of the productive forest land. These woodlots nonetheless supply each year about 18 per cent of the timber needed by the wood using industry. The revenue of wood sales, the financial value of forest management, the upkeep of 10,000 jobs and the purchase of goods and services contribute 400 million dollars to the provincial economy. The annual harvest on private woodlots yields a final processed value of more than 1.5 billion dollars of forest products.Private woodlots are located along major waterways, in the southern part of the province, where growing conditions are the most suitable to forest crops. The woodlot sector benefits from the availability of a qualified and motivated labour force, from a well-developed road network and other infrastructures. Forest cover is 60 per cent hardwoods and 40 per cent softwoods. Only 24 per cent of the growing stock is spruce, fir, and jack pine, species which have traditionally been in strong demand for the pulp and paper industry. (FPBQ, 1989).There are inherent disadvantages to private forestry in Quebec such as the great dispersion of the individual woodlots and the small area of each woodlot (107 hectares for active pulpwood producers; 60 hectares per owner). The development of these forests must also overcome other disadvantages including the great number of owners (120,000) and the fact that many of these owners sometimes lack information and incentive.