Relevant bibliographies by topics / Nationalism – Serbia and Montenegro

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Nationalism – Serbia and Montenegro'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023
Last updated: 19 July 2025

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Nationalism – Serbia and Montenegro.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Journal articles on the topic "Nationalism – Serbia and Montenegro"

1

MRDULJAŠ, Saša. "ON THE (IN)ABILITY TO DECLARE SERBIAN NATIONALITY ON CENSUSES IN MONTENEGRO DURING SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA." Lingua Montenegrina 31, no. 1 (2023): 293–325. https://doi.org/10.46584/lm.v31i1.985.

Full text
Abstract:
During socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1991), the vast majority of the (traditionally) Orthodox population in Montenegro identified themselves as Montenegrins in the population censuses in 1948, 1953, 1961, 1971, 1981, 1991. However, after the breakup of Yugoslavia in the conditions of impending dissolution of the state union of Serbia and Montenegro, almost a third of the Montenegrin population identified themselves as Serbs in the 2003 census. To a somewhat lesser extent, this type of declaration reoccurred in independent Montenegro during the 2011 census. The mass “outflow” of former national Montenegrins into the framework of national Serbs certainly requires an explanation. In the Serbian milieu, the phenomenon is often explained by the claim that in socialist Yugoslavia it was not possible to freely express the Serbian national identity in Montenegro and that national Serbs declared themselves as Montenegrins as a result. In this paper, based on the analysis of data on the declaration of Serbian identity in Montenegro and Montenegrin identity on the territory of Serbia in the censuses conducted in 1948-1991, we will try to determine whether the stated claims are well-founded or perhaps the explanation of the said phenomenon should be sought in the exposure of Montenegrin society to other, significantly more complex (historical) processes.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Hayden, Robert M. "Constitutional Nationalism in the Formerly Yugoslav Republics." Slavic Review 51, no. 4 (1992): 654–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500130.

Full text
Abstract:
The results of the first free elections in Yugoslavia since World War II, held in 1990, set the stage for the civil war that broke out in summer and fall 1991. In those elections, strongly nationalist parties or coalitions won in each of the republics. In Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and to some extent in Macedonia, nationalists asserted anticommunism in order to bolster their appeal and their legitimacy internationally, while the new Socialist Party of Serbia (nee the League of Communists of Serbia) and the League of Communists in Montenegro effected Ceausescu-like transformations by turning nominally socialist parties into openly nationalist ones.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Biserko, Sonya. "HEGEMONIC NATIONALIST MATRICES OF THE PAST AND THE FUTURE OF THE BALKANS." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 84–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.04.

Full text
Abstract:
The article examines the features of public attitudes, national consciousness and foreign policy of Serbia in the context of its relationship with the countries of the Western Balkans. On the basis of modern Serbian scientific literature and opinion piece, the author analyzes the current crisis state of Serbian society, which was the result of the policy of S. Milošević and the heirs of the ideas of Serbian nationalism. The main attention is paid to Serbia’s relations with the newly formed states after the collapse of the SFRY - Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro and North Macedonia - from the point of view of the problem of joining of these countries the EU and NATO. The author analyzes the political and psychological atmosphere in Serbian society, the moods and plans of the authorities of modern Serbia, as well as the views of the right-wing nationalist politicians and scientists in relation to neighboring states. The study acquaints the reader with Serbia’s foreign policy plans and their results in the context of the formation of a new national identity based on the «Saint Sava myth», Serbian Orthodoxy and Serbian ethnic nationalism. An important place in the formation of Serbian identity is occupied by the revision of the concept of the history of Yugoslavia, which leads to the deformation of historical consciousness and the dominance of ethno-national identity over all other types of identity, and above all, over civic identity. The author believes that the new identity now being formed in Serbia leads to the rejection of modern reforms based on the rule of law, human rights, pluralism and tolerance. The author concludes that for stabilization in the Balkans it is necessary to find a point of integration common to all peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina, regardless of their nationality. Bosnia and Herzegovina is a key link in the process of stabilizing the region. But all the other states of the Western Balkans are facing the same task. The researcher examines the role of Russia in the domestic life and foreign policy of Serbia and, in general, in the Western Balkans region, which has not yet resolved the problems of the transition period.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Hladonik, Gergely. "A kisebbségek anyanyelven történő oktatásához való jog Szerbiában és Montenegróban a két ország szétválását követően." Fórum Társadalomtudományi Szemle 27, no. 1 (2025): 115–31. https://doi.org/10.61795/fssr.v27y2025i1.10.

Full text
Abstract:
The Right to Education of National Minorities in the Mother Tongue in Serbia and Montenegro After the Separation of the Two Countries Keywords: minorities; language rights; language policy; education rights; Serbia; Montenegro The study discusses the issue of the right of minorities to education in their mother tongue in Serbia and Montenegro, with a special focus on the period following the separation of the two countries. The study shows how language policy in the newly independent states has changed, highlighting the rise of nationalist sentiment and related language issues that have affected education and language rights of ethnic minorities. Recognition and safeguarding of language rights in both Serbia and Montenegro has shown progress, although a number of obstacles remain in practice. The analysis specifically addresses the situation of Albanian, Bosnian, Croatian and Roma languages, which are present in both Serbia and Montenegro but benefit from different levels of state support.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Jagiełło-Szostak, Anna. "Nacjonalizm w przemówieniach Slobodana Miloševicia." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 41 (February 13, 2022): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2012.030.

Full text
Abstract:
Nationalism in Slobodan Milošević’s SpeechesThe fall of Yugoslavia showed economic, national, ideological and political problems. Thus, there was a strong rise of hidden nationalisms among nations living on the same territory, such as Slovenian, Croatian, Bosnian, Serbian, Montenegrin and Macedonian from the 1980s.The aim of the article is to show how Slobodan Milošević’s nationalism was rising in his speeches in the period between 1988 (when he came to power) and 1992 (when the new constitution of FRY was adopted). The author analyzed eleven speeches made during the debates in the Serbian Parliament, during sessions of the Socialist Party of Serbia and during meetings with people in such cities as Gazimestan, Belgrade, Novi Sad, Bor and Niš. In his speeches Milošević raised such subjects as the question of Yugoslavia, the question of Serbian nation living on the whole territory of Yugoslavia, the role of Serbia in the creation of Yugoslavia. Additionally, he was blaming “enemies” (such as Slovenia, Croatia, Albanians from Kosovo) for the collapse of Yugoslavia and the war in the 1990s. He was using a language of populism and propaganda to enhance his goals and tried to be emotionally close to his nation.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Sergey, Asaturov, and Martynov Andrei. "THE RESURGENCE OF NATIONALISM: THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA." EUREKA: Social and Humanities, no. 5 (September 30, 2020): 39–42. https://doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2020.001440.

Full text
Abstract:
The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia's defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a "Greater Serbia" led to the country's territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the European Union must finally close the "Balkan window" of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. For more than three decades, the EU has been pursuing a policy of human rights, the rule of law, democracy and economic development in the Balkans. The region remains vulnerable to the influences of non-European geopolitical powers: the United States, Russia, Turkey, and China. The further scenario of the great Balkan geopolitical game mainly depends on the pro-European national consolidation of the Balkan peoples and the effectiveness of the European Union's strategy in the Balkans.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Asaturov, Sergey, and Andrei Martynov. "THE RESURGENCE OF NATIONALISM: THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA." EUREKA: Social and Humanities, no. 5 (October 11, 2020): 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2020.001440.

Full text
Abstract:
The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia's defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a "Greater Serbia" led to the country's territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the European Union must finally close the "Balkan window" of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. For more than three decades, the EU has been pursuing a policy of human rights, the rule of law, democracy and economic development in the Balkans. The region remains vulnerable to the influences of non-European geopolitical powers: the United States, Russia, Turkey, and China. The further scenario of the great Balkan geopolitical game mainly depends on the pro-European national consolidation of the Balkan peoples and the effectiveness of the European Union's strategy in the Balkans.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Jovanović, Srđan M. "The Discursive Creation of the ‘Montenegrin Language’ and Montenegrin Linguistic Nationalism in the 21st Century." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 13, no. 1 (2018): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2018-0005.

Full text
Abstract:
Abstract The Serbo-Croatian language was but one of the casualties of the wars of the Yugoslav secession, as it was discursively forcefully split into first two, then three, and recently four allegedly separate languages. The first line of division was promoted by Serbian and Croatian nationalist linguists during the early nineties, soon to be followed by the invention of a standalone Bosnian language, even though contemporary linguistics agrees that Serbo-Croatian, with its regional varieties (as a standardized polycentric language), is a single language. Coming late into the fray, nationally-minded linguists from Montenegro achieved the state-driven proclamation of Montenegrin as a separate language to be in official use within the state only in 2007. Backed by the state, a coterie of nationalist literary theorists and linguists started discursively promoting Montenegrin in academic and public spaces, mostly via the dubious quasi-academic journal titled Lingua Montenegrina. This article explores the manners in which Montenegrin nationalist linguists discursively created what they dub to be a language entirely separate from all variants of Serbo-Croatian, which are mostly contained in encomiastic texts about key nationalists, attempts to classify several allophones and phonemes as well as to assert the purported primordial character of the language.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Houliston, Linda, Stanislav Ivanov, and Craig Webster. "Nationalism in Official Tourism Websites of Balkan Countries." Tourism 69, no. 1 (2021): 83–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.37741/t.69.1.7.

Full text
Abstract:
This paper investigates the official tourism websites for the Balkan countries of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia, and Turkey to learn about its depiction of the nation for an international tourism market. The research combines Pauwels’ (2012) multimodal discourse analysis method designed for cultural websites with Smith’s (1998) six main institutional dimensions to seek out potential nationalistic patterns involving the state, territory, language, religion, history, and rites and ceremonies. The findings mostly involve verbal and visual signifiers that have a historical context to them such as antiquity, communism, Yugoslavia, religion, irredentism, the Ottoman Empire, and national identity. The findings illustrate that official websites, while being sensitive not to alienate international tourists, portray a sense of nationalism but do so in a different way, based upon the historical experiences and unique features of each country surveyed.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Archer, Rory. "“Antibureaucratism” as a Yugoslav Phenomenon: The View from Northwest Croatia." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 4 (2019): 562–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.40.

Full text
Abstract:
AbstractMost studies of the antibureaucratic revolution have focused on political elites and activists in Serbia, Montenegro, and the autonomous provinces of Vojvodina and Kosovo. Recent scholarship has focused on individual participants, often workers, and takes their agency seriously. Building upon such research, this article explores the antibureaucratic revolution as a particular manifestation of a larger sociocultural process, constitutive of long-term structural changes across the whole of Yugoslavia. An analysis of workplace documents and local newspapers in northwest Croatia demonstrates that antibureaucratic sentiment was not the prerogative of Serbian and Montenegrins but of Yugoslav citizens more generally. Yugoslavs were conditioned by the party-state to be critical of bureaucracy. Workers began to admonish the expansion of administrative positions, which they blamed for their falling living standards. Despite decentralizing and autarkic tendencies in political and economic life in late socialist Yugoslavia, working class discontents (and representations of it) remained remarkably similar across republican boundaries. In Rijeka and its environs, a shift does not occur until in mid-1988. Condemnations of nationalism become more urgent and a skepticism toward the mass protests occurring in Serbia is palpable from this point onward.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Nationalism – Serbia and Montenegro"

1

Vaschenko, Vitalii. "Analysis of the modern inter-ethnic conflict : case study of Kosovo /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FVaschenko.pdf.

Full text
Abstract:
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-67). Also available online.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Tarquinto, Michael S. "Serbia and Montenegro : together forever or one-night stand? /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FTarquinto.pdf.

Full text
Abstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): John Leslie, Stephen Garrett. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-79). Also available online.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Ardolic, Mimoza. "Kosovo & Montenegro : Why Different Outcomes?" Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1911.

Full text
Abstract:
<p>Abstract</p><p>University of Växjö, School of Social Sciences</p><p>Course: PO 5363, Political Science</p><p>Title: Kosovo & Montenegro – Why Different Outcomes?</p><p>Author: Mimoza Ardolic</p><p>Supervisor: Lennart Bergfeldt</p><p>Date: 2008-01-15</p><p>The purpose of this study has been to assess why the pursuit for independence turned out to be a matter of such difficulty in the case of Kosovo and not in Montenegro, seeing as they are two apparent similar cases.</p><p>The research questions are:</p><p> How can it be that two analogous situations where two regions (Kosovo and Montenegro), quite similar in several aspects, want independence from the same country (Serbia) result in so different outcomes?</p><p> Why has Kosovo’s attempt to achieve self-government been such a difficulty?</p><p> Why did Montenegro manage to achieve autonomy without (great) difficulties?</p><p>The findings are that despite the similarity between these two cases, they have ample differing characteristics as well. The factors detected are that whilst the Kosovo conflict is characterized by: a troublesome history, no common ground, an existing deep hatred, Russian opposition and the nationalist Milošević; the Montenegrin case is set apart by: an intertwining, rather peaceful history, friendly relations, Russian cordiality and the nationalist Djukanović.</p><p>The interpretation of these elements according to the nationalist theory is as follows: Milošević and Djukanović (and their ideology: nationalism) are the real causes. The other elements are mere means to their ambition for nation building. The difference between these two men and the elements (their means) explains the different outcomes in the two cases.</p>
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Vladisavljevic, Nebosa. "Serbia in turmoil : the collapse of Communism, mobilization and nationalism." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.415502.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Bozeva-Abazi, Katrin. "The shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian national identities, 1800s-1900s." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=19473.

Full text
Abstract:
The nation-state is now the dominant form of sovereign statehood, however, a century and a half ago the political map of Europe comprised only a handful of sovereign states, very few of them nations in the modern sense. Balkan historiography often tends to minimize the complexity of nation-building, either by referring to the national community as to a monolithic and homogenous unit, or simply by neglecting different social groups whose consciousness varied depending on region, gender and generation. Further, Bulgarian and Serbian historiography pay far more attention to the problem of "how" and "why" certain events have happened than to the emergence of national consciousness of the Balkan peoples as a complex and durable process of mental evolution. This dissertation on the concept of nationality in which most Bulgarians and Serbs were educated and socialized examines how the modern idea of nationhood was disseminated among the ordinary people and it presents the complicated process of national indoctrination carried out by various state institutions. The historical data examined demonstrate that before the establishment of their sovereign states ordinary Serbs and Bulgarians had only a vague idea, if any, of their national identity. The peasantry was accustomed to defining itself in terms of religion, locality and occupation, not in terms of nationality. Once the nation state was established peasants had to be indoctrinated in nationalism. The inculcation was executed through the schooling system, military conscription, the Christian Orthodox Church, and the press. It was through the channels of these state institutions that a national identity came into existence.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Asplund, Malin. "The Legitimacy of Secession and the Case of Montenegro." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-667.

Full text
Abstract:
<p>Rätten till självbestämmande har traditionellt sett inneburit att staters suveränitet respekterats. Konceptet har dock kommit att applicerats på andra plan i större utsträckning, då man har argumenterat för rätten till nationellt självbestämmande. En gemensam kultur, eller liknande, har på så vis fungerat som underlag för secessionsrörelser. Secession kan ha allvarliga konsekvenser för de involverade politiska enheterna. Det kan även vara ett koncept svårt att implementera i verkligheten då det berör territoriella aspekter såväl som ifrågasätter vilka som hör till den utbrytande rörelsen. En teoretisk ram användbar för utvärdering av secession har därför sammanställts i denna uppsats, baserad på tre typer av secessionsteorier som applicerats på och jämförts med fallet Montenegro. Ramen bygger på en teoretisk diskussion rörande definitioner av nationalism, nationer och identitet. Dessa definitioner grundas på en civil och medborgerlig förståelse av nationalism, där identitet beskrivs som en dynamisk företeelse. Secessionsramen har därefter applicerats på fallet Montenegro som nyligen blivit en självständig stat. En utvärdering av fallet har sedan bedrivits, baserad på en historisk översikt av landet. För att understryka komplexiteten med secession presenteras sedan argument mot secession som inte bör betraktas som en lösning på etniska konflikter. Alternativa lösningar på sådana presenteras därefter vilket ger en insikt i multiculturalism. Sådana lösningar innebär alla en risk för att etniska gränser etsas fast istället för löses upp. Montenegros secession kan dock betraktas som legitim då relativts stabila demokratiska och liberala institutioner gått att finna även innan secessionen. Folkomröstningen var även den legitim och influerad av medborgarskap snarare än etnicitet.</p><br><p>The principle of self-determination traditionally refers to respect for state sovereignty. It has been increasingly employed to lower level communities as they have argued their right to national self-determination. National groups have, based on a common culture or likewise, made claims to secession. Secession can have severe consequences for either one of the two political units. It can also be extremely difficult to implement as it involves territorial aspects and the fundamental question of who belongs to the national group wishing to secede. A framework for evaluating the legitimacy of secession is developed in this thesis, based on three general types of secession theories applied and compared to the case of Montenegro. The framework builds upon a theoretical background defining what is meant by nationalism, nations and identity. The language used in this essay is therefore that of constructivism, rooted in the civic idea of nationalism. The belief that human identities are dynamic and subject to change is a crucial assumption. With the aid of an historical presentation of Montenegro, an evaluation of the region’s independence is made. To underline why secession should be implemented with care, arguments against secession are then presented. Secession should not be confused with a solution to ethnical tensions. Alternatives to secession are thus demonstrated, showing the complexity of the multiculturalist field in general. Multicultural policies risk fixing ethnical lines rather than dissolving them. The secession of Montenegro is legitimate as relatively stable democratic and liberal tradition existed prior to independence. The referendum in Montenegro was, more over, determined by a well organised referendum where civil elements dominated over</p>
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Kissopoulos, Lisa. "Nationalist Conflict and Elite Manipulation in Serbia and India." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1186753678.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Merry, Adrienne. "Socio-cultural aspects of functional regionalization in the cross-border area between Montenegro, Albania, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia (SCAFRB)." Thesis, Lille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LIL1A025.

Full text
Abstract:
Une nouvelle régulation macroéconomique et socio-économique dans la région centrale des Balkans conduisant à accélérer la croissance économique est à la fois nécessaire et possible. À partir d'une revue de littérature sur les différentes théories des développements macroéconomiques et en particulier les théories de la localisation, cette étude montre que du point de vue de la plupart des démocraties occidentales la région centrale des Balkans est toujours une région très instable en Europe. Une régionalisation fonctionnelle des Balkans est une énigme du point du développement, aussi bien pour les Balkans que pour l'Europe. De plus, pour l'Europe le défi est de former une communauté fonctionnelle dans une zone composée d'un grand nombre de communautés nationales qui ont connu des conflits nationaux très intense ces dernières décennies et dont les traces sont toujours très présentes aujourd'hui. Le défi pour les instances gouvernementales et de gestion des communautés locales est de savoir comment construire une transition viable pour passer d'une communauté qui dysfonctionne sur le plan socioculturel a un système intègre un système intégré et fonctionnel permettant un développement socioculturel et économique. L'étude analyse les forces et faiblesses d'une région particulière des Balkans, la région des montagnes du Sharr, et les possibilités de mettre en place une coopération transfrontalière entre différentes cités de manière à catalyser le développement socio-économique. Plusieurs projets auxquels a participé l'auteur de l'étude sont présentés. Les enjeux sont importants et les défis très incertains<br>New social-economic macro-regionalization in the Central Balkans, leading to accelerating the pace of economic growth in the monitored area, is both necessary and possible. From a review of the literature it is clear that in the view of most western democracies the Central Balkans still remains the most unstable region in the western world. Functional regionalization of the Balkans is a developmental enigma for the Balkans as well as for Europe. Secondly, for Europe, the challenge is to form a functioning community originally in an area composed of a number of different national communities that have recently been in the most harmful national conflict. The challenge of local government community is how best to construct a viable transition from a dysfunctional socio-cultural community to an integrated functional global socio-cultural system.The study analyses the strengths and weaknesses of a particular Balkan area, the Shaar Mountains area, and the possibilities to set up trans-borders cooperation between several cities in order to enhance socio-economic development. Several projects the author has participated to are presented. The stakes are high, and the challenges still uncertain
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Guzina, Dejan. "Nationalism in the context of an illiberal multination state, the case of Serbia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ52322.pdf.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Guzina, Dejan Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "Nationalism in the context of an illiberal multination state; the case of Serbia." Ottawa, 2000.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Books on the topic "Nationalism – Serbia and Montenegro"

1

Marat, Terterov, ed. Doing business with Serbia & Montenegro. 2nd ed. GMB Pub. Limited, 2006.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Economist Intelligence Unit (Great Britain). Yugoslavia (Serbia-Montenegro) 1998-99. Economist Intelligence Unit, 1998.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Jovanović, Aleksandra. Transition report for Serbia and Montenegro. G17 Institute, 2005.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Marat, Terterov, ed. Doing business with Serbia and Montenegro. Kogan Page, 2004.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Dragica, Vujadinović, ed. Between authoritarianism and democracy: Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia. CEDET, 2005.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Lazarsfeld-Gesellschaft, Paul. Opinion before and after Serbia and Montenegro. University of Strathclyde, 2001.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Argent, Tom. East of Bosnia: Refugees in Serbia and Montenegro. U.S. Committee for Refugees, 1993.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Haaverstad, Terje. Forsvarsrettet sikkerhetssektorreform: Norsk sikkerhetspolitisk bistand til Serbia og Montenegro. Institutt for forvarsstudier, 2012.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Živanović, Branko. Moja životna staza. B. Živanović, 1995.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service, ed. Serbia, Montenegro ("Federal Republic of Yugoslavia"): Background and current issues. Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1993.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Book chapters on the topic "Nationalism – Serbia and Montenegro"

1

Kostadinov, Stanimir, Miodrag Zlatić, Nada Dragović, and Zoran Gavrilović. "Serbia and Montenegro." In Soil Erosion in Europe. John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/0470859202.ch22.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Turner, Barry. "Serbia and Montenegro." In The Statesman’s Yearbook 2005. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230271333_257.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Turner, Barry. "Serbia and Montenegro." In The Statesman’s Yearbook. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230271340_261.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Turner, Barry. "Serbia and Montenegro." In The Statesman’s Yearbook 2007. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230271357_263.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Samardžić, Slobodan, and Duško Lopandić. "Serbia and Montenegro." In The Impact of EU Accession on the Legal Orders of New EU Member States and (Pre-)Candidate Countries. T.M.C. Asser Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-465-3_5.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Zečević, Nada, and Nenad Ristović. "Classical Reception in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia, and Montenegro." In A Handbook to Classical Reception in Eastern and Central Europe. John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118832813.ch27.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Sorescu-Marinković, Annemarie, and Monica Huţanu. "Standardizing Vlach Romanian in Eastern Serbia." In Languages and Nationalism Instead of Empires. Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034025-17.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Williamson, Samuel R. "The Monarchy’s Enemies: Serbia, Montenegro and the Triple Entente." In Austria-Hungary and the Origins of the First World War. Macmillan Education UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21163-0_7.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Luis Díez Plaza, César. "Lectorados de español en Serbia y Montenegro (1991–2019)". У Хиспанско наслеђе у мултикултуралном свету. Филолошки факултет Универзитета у Београду, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/legado_hispanico.2020.ch22.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Pasvolsky, Leo. "Rumania and Serbia Before and after the War." In Economic Nationalism of the Danubian States. Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003558606-4.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Conference papers on the topic "Nationalism – Serbia and Montenegro"

1

Doderović, Miroslav, and Ivan Mijanović. "ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS STRUCTURE OF MONTENEGRO’S POPULATION." In Book of Abstracts and Contributed Papers. Geographical Institute "Jovan Cvijić" SASA, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/csge5.34md.

Full text
Abstract:
The population by nationality in Montenegro cannot be tracked in the first half of the 20th century, specifically until the census conducted after World War II. In the censuses of 1921 and 1931, the population was not categorized by nationality, but only by religion, language, and similar characteristics. Additionally, for comparing the population by national groups, the 1961 Census is the most suitable starting point, as it allows tracking the most numerous national groups according to the 2011 Census of population, households, and dwellings. For example, according to the 1953 Census, almost 2% of Montenegro’s population identified as Yugoslavs, while there were no inhabitants who identified as Muslims, a significant national group in Montenegro that began to officially declare themselves as such starting from 1961. The 2011 Census in Montenegro revealed a population of approximately 625,000 people, with 45% identifying as Montenegrins, 28% as Serbs, about 9% as Bosnians, 5% as Albanians, and 1% as Croats. The results indicate that the Montenegrin population is growing, while the number of Serbs has decreased. The largest group is Montenegrins at 45%, while Serbs make up 29%, showing an increase of 2% in those identifying as Montenegrins and a decrease of over 3% in those identifying as Serbs compared to the 2003 census. The proportion of Serbs in Montenegro increased significantly from 3.3% in 1981 to nearly 33% in 2003. In 2011, slightly under 43% of Montenegrin citizens spoke Serbian, whereas nearly 37% spoke Montenegrin. This reflects a 20% decrease in the proportion of citizens listing Serbian as their mother tongue since 2003, alongside a corresponding increase in those speaking Montenegrin. Despite this trend, 6% more citizens still speak Serbian. The 2023 census results show that 38% of the population identifies as Serbs, and around 52% speak Serbian as their mother tongue. This is a significantly higher percentage compared to the 2011 census. On the other hand, it suggests that the number of those identifying as Montenegrins decreased compared to the 2011 data when 43% of the citizens identified as Montenegrins. By religion, Montenegrin citizens are divided into: 72% Orthodox, 19% Muslim, and 3.5% Catholic. The remaining and atheist individuals each make up a little over one percent.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Šćepanović, Mihailo. "OGLUŠENjE O SRPSKI JEZIK." In IDENTITETSKE promene: srpski jezik i književnost u doba tranzicije. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Edaucatin in Jagodina, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zip21.187q.

Full text
Abstract:
The paper is based on the analysis of the relationship between the history of standardization of the Serbian language and its, as Dragoljub Petrović would say, sprouts, among which the Montenegrin language also appears. The author shows here in what way, after 30 years of scientific interventions of Serbian linguists, the so-called Montenegrin language is represented as “endangered” in the Serbian scientific public by the Serbian and Montenegrin nationalists. The paper proves that this book would be more adequately titled Montenegrin language = nationalism
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Donia, Robert. "The Forgotten Thousands: The Historiography of World War II Rescues of Allied Airmen in Yugoslavia." In Međunaordna naučno-kulturološka konferencija “Istoriografija o BiH (2001–2017 )”. Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/pi2020.186.11.

Full text
Abstract:
During World War II, Allied bombing of German-controlled petroleum refineries in Ploesti, Romania, diminished Axis fuel production but cost the Allies hundreds of planes and thousands of lives. Crews of many damaged planes flew partway back to Italy but were forced to crash-land their craft or bail out over Yugoslavia, where many landed on territory controlled by Partisans or Chetniks. Local Yugoslavs (mainly peasants), as well as both Chetniks and Partisans, welcomed them and gave them shelter. They were then evacuated by Allied transport aircraft (principally C-47s) that landed on makeshift airstrips maintained by Partisans or Chetniks. The historiography of these rescues may be divided into document-based studies, prepared principally by US military personnel based on official records; and memory-based studies by pro-Mihailović authors based principally on participant memoirs. Whereas memory-based studies uniformly adopted a Serb nationalist viewpoint, document-based studies showed no favoritism and portrayed various factions working in parallel to rescue Allied airmen. After Milošević fell in 2000, the Foreign Minister of Serbia and Montenegro, Vuk Drašković, in cooperation with the US Embassy, united the movement to valorize downed airmen and local efforts to rehabilitate Mihailović. Whether deliberately or not, US officials thereby undercut human rights activists in Serbia, and non-Serbs throughout the former Yugoslavia, who saw Mihailović as a war criminal, collaborator, and inspiration for war crimes and genocide in the wars of the 1990s.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Kaličanin, Kristina, Ivica Terzić, Piotr Luty, and Branko Barjaktarović. "Concentration Level in the Banking Industry: Serbia, Croatia and Montenegro." In FINIZ 2022. Singidunum University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15308/finiz-2022-9-14.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Markovic, Vera. "IEEE in Serbia and Montenegro — A 46 year-long history." In 2017 6th Mediterranean Conference on Embedded Computing (MECO). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/meco.2017.7977121.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Đorđević, Slavko. "PUNOMOĆJE DATO U INOSTRANSTVU ZA ZAKLjUČENjE UGOVORA O PROMETU NEPOKRETNOSTI KOJA SE NALAZI U DOMAĆOJ DRŽAVI – NEKOLIKO NAPOMENA IZ UGLA MEĐUNARODNOG PRIVATNOG PRAVA SRBIJE I MEĐUNARODNOG PRIVATNOG PRAVA CRNE GORE." In XIX majsko savetovanje. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Law, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/xixmajsko.991dj.

Full text
Abstract:
Serbian and Montenegrin notaries deal very often with documents which were made abroad before foreign notary and in which the authority of an agent for conclusion of contracts for transfer of immovable property located in Serbia/Montenegro was embedded. This paper discusses the issue whether such documents are valid in respect of form (formal validity), since the rules on form of foreign law may differ from those of the laws of Serbia and Montenegro. In order to solve this issue, Serbian/Montenegrin notaries have to determine the law applicable to the form of agency. Considering that the PIL Act of Serbia and the PIL Act of Montenegro contain different conflict-of-law rules on agency and their substantive laws differently regulate the form in which agent’s authority for conclusion of such contracts has to be given, the issue is discussed from the point of view of each country respectively.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Gökçek Karaca, Nuray, and Semra Saruç. "International Migration Trends in Turkey and European Union Candidate Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00871.

Full text
Abstract:
In this study, international migration trends were evaluated in Turkey and European Union (EU) Candidate Transition Economies by means of data obtained from HDI Report developed by UNDP. The aim of this study is analyzing international migration trends in relation with other dimension of integration such as economics, social protection and social policy. In this study, the subject was carried out through comparative relation scanning model and literature model, the sample group was established EU candidate transition economies (Montenegro, The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Serbia, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina) with Turkey. The research data was collected by means of data from HDI Report developed by UNDP. The findings from this study revealed that the population of Montenegro and Serbia among EU candidate transition economies less emigrated and more immigrated than other countries. It can also be concluded that the emigration trend of Turkey presents similar tendency with Montenegro and Serbia whereas immigration rate of Turkey is lower than the other countries except for Bosnia Herzegovina.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Dimkić, Dejan, Marko Babalj, Darko Kovač, and Mira Papović. "Non-Revenue Water in Water Supply Systems of Serbia and Montenegro." In EWaS5. MDPI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/environsciproc2022021010.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Popović, Filip J., Tanja B. Trakić, Mirjana M. Stojanović, and Jovana M. Sekulić. "A new record of Dendrobaena Serbica karaman, 1973 (Clitellata; Lumbricidae) from Serbia." In 2nd International Conference on Chemo and Bioinformatics. Institute for Information Technologies, University of Kragujevac, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/iccbi23.284p.

Full text
Abstract:
The new records of the little-known Balkan endemic species Dendrobaena serbica Karaman, 1973 from Kopaonik Mountain, Serbia, are reported. So far, the species has been recorded at four localities: three localities in Serbia (Čakor, Kragujevac, Niš) and one locality in Montenegro (Prokletije Mountain). The first records were from 1973 from the locality in southwestern Serbia (Čakor, Prokletije). A review of the geographical distribution of D. serbica is presented. The confirmed geographical distribution of the species includes only the territories of the Republic of Serbia and Montenegro. Also, its distinction from the taxonomic similar congeners Dendrobaena illyrica (Cognetti de Martiis, 1906), Dendrobaena sasensis Šapkarev 1983 and Dendrobaena vejdovskyi (Černosvitov, 1935) is discussed. Further, the habitats of this species are restricted to the uppermost litter layer in forest soil and humid forests near stream banks. This paper summarized the knowledge of the taxonomy, ecology, and distribution of a little-known Balkan endemic species D. serbica.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Torabi, Roham, Nikola Sahovic, Sandy Rodrigues, Herlander Mata-Lima, and F. Morgado-Dias. "Cost-effectiveness analysis of roof-top PV systems in Montenegro and Serbia." In 2016 4th International Symposium on Environmental Friendly Energies and Applications (EFEA). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/efea.2016.7748773.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Reports on the topic "Nationalism – Serbia and Montenegro"

1

Gajić, Nikola. The Position of the Serbian Orthodox Church and the Serbian State Regarding the Montenegrin Law on Religious Freedom. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2021.73.

Full text
Abstract:
This study analyzes the role of religion in Orthodox countries, where religion plays an important role when it comes to national identity, focusing on Serbia and Montenegro. Apart from analyzing this specific connection, the paper addresses the politicization of religion by both the state and religious institutions during the turbulent events in Montenegro between 2019 and 2020. Critical discourse analysis and the Discourse-Historical Approach is used to analyze the potential but significant shift in the ethnoreligious and nationalist discourse of Serbian Orthodox Church officials. These methodological tools are used to observe the phenomenon of politicization of religion and frame the discourse of the two actors of this process, the Serbian state and the Serbian Orthodox Church. The paper concludes that the Serbian state has to “defend” the influential position of the Serbian Church due to their historical connection. By protecting the Church, the state is showing its dedication to the preservation of the Serbian national identity.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Schuch, Klaus. Patterns of Geographical Mobility of Researchers from Six Western Balkan Countries in Regional and European Mobility Based Training Programmes. Fteval - Austrian Platform for Research and Technology Policy Evaluation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22163/fteval.2021.516.

Full text
Abstract:
The aim of this paper is to analyse the mobility of researchers from the six Western Balkan Countries, Albania, Bosnia and Herzego-vina, Kosovo*1, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia (abbr. WB6) within structured regional and European mobility programmes. We want to identify geographical patterns with a view on mobility-based training from the WB6 region to the EU, but also within the WB6 region. The following structured regional European programmes provide the basis for this comparative analysis • CEEPUS • ERASMUS + • Marie Skłodowska-Curie Actions (MSCA) • COST
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
You might also be interested in the extended bibliographies on the topic 'Nationalism – Serbia and Montenegro' for particular source types:
Journal articles Dissertations / Theses Books
We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!

To the bibliography