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Journal articles on the topic 'Nationalism – Zimbabwe'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Perman, Tony. "Muchongoyo and Mugabeism in Zimbabwe." African Studies Review 60, no. 1 (2017): 145–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.4.

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Abstract:This article explores the influence of nationalism and modernity in contemporary Zimbabwe and on the musical lives of Zimbabweans through an examination ofmuchongoyo, the signature dance–drumming tradition of Zimbabwe’s Ndau communities. Invoking the concept of “Mugabeism,” it illustrates how Shona nationalism and expectations of modernity have partially reshapedmuchongoyoin the turmoil of contemporary Zimbabwe. As indigenous practices serve political ends, their values shift. Consequently, there are now twomuchongoyos: one rooted in the unique history and values of Zimbabwe’s Ndau co

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2

MSINDO, ENOCENT. "ETHNICITY AND NATIONALISM IN URBAN COLONIAL ZIMBABWE: BULAWAYO, 1950 TO 1963." Journal of African History 48, no. 2 (2007): 267–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853707002538.

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ABSTRACTZimbabwean historians have not yet fully assessed the interaction of two problematic identities, ethnicity and nationalism, to determine whether the two can work as partners and successfully co-exist. This essay argues that, in Bulawayo during the period studied, ethnicity co-existed with and complemented nationalism rather than the two working as polar opposite identities. Ethnic groups provided both the required leaders who became prominent nationalist figures and the precolonial history, personalities and monuments that sparked the nationalist imagination. From the 1950s, ethnic gro

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3

Munochiveyi, Munyaradzi B. "Becoming Zimbabwe From Below: Multiple Narratives of Zimbabwean Nationalism." Critical African Studies 4, no. 6 (2011): 84–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20407211.2011.10530767.

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4

Mlambo, Alois S. "Becoming Zimbabwe or Becoming Zimbabwean: Identity, Nationalism and State-building." Africa Spectrum 48, no. 1 (2013): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971304800103.

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This lecture explores the processes of identity-making and state-building in a multi-ethnic and multiracial society recently emerging from a protracted armed struggle against racially ordered, settler-colonial domination. It explores the extent to which historical factors, such as the nature of the state, the prevailing national political economy, and regional and international forces and developments have shaped notions of belonging and citizenship over time and have affected state-building efforts. The role of the postcolonial state and economy, political developments and the land question i

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5

Tendi, Miles. "Nationalism and the Betrayed Revolution in Zimbabwe." Journal of Southern African Studies 44, no. 1 (2017): 192–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2018.1403225.

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6

Saunders, Richard. "Zimbabwe: liberation nationalism – old and born-again." Review of African Political Economy 38, no. 127 (2011): 123–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2011.552695.

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7

Hodgkinson, Dan. "Nationalists with no nation: oral history, ZANU(PF) and the meanings of Rhodesian student activism in Zimbabwe." Africa 89, S1 (2019): S40—S64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000906.

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AbstractIn Zimbabwe after 2000, ZANU(PF) leaders’ past experiences of student activism in Rhodesia were celebrated by the state-owned media as personifications of anti-colonial, nationalist leadership in the struggle to liberate the country. This article examines the history behind this narrative by exploring the entangled realities of student activism in Rhodesia throughout the 1960s and 1970s and its role as a mechanism of elite formation in ZANU(PF). Building on the historiography of African student movements, I show how the persistence of nationalist anti-colonial organizing and liberal tr

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8

Maxwell, David. "‘Catch the Cockerel Before Dawn’: Pentecostalism and Politics in Post-Colonial Zimbabwe." Africa 70, no. 2 (2000): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2000.70.2.249.

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AbstractThe article examines relations between pentecostalism and politics in post-colonial Zimbabwe through a case study of one of Africa’s largest pentecostal movements, Zimbabwe Assemblies of God, Africa (ZAOGA). The Church’s relations with the state change considerably from the colonial to the post-colonial era. The movement began as a sectarian township-based organisation which eschewed politics but used white Rhodesian and American contacts to gain resources and modernise. In the first decade of independence the leadership embraced the dominant discourses of cultural nationalism and deve

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9

Mahomva, Richard. "Umdala wethu legacy: The contested memories and the fatherhead role of Joshua Nkomo in Zimbabwe." DANDE Journal of Social Sciences and Communication 2, no. 2 (2018): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15641/dande.v2i2.47.

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his paper revisits the under-currencies of the normative and empirical motivations of the official iconic ornamentation of Joshua Nkomo’s legacy during the Mugabe era. The urgency of this analysis is justified by how the ruling and Zimbabwe’s former Head of State, Robert Gabriel Mugabe, strategically exploited the memorialization of Joshua Nkomo for political expedience. This was orchestrated through the state’s Umdala wethu ‘cultural nationalism’ since 1999 as well as the infrastructural immortalisation of Umdala wethu in 2013. The state’s monopoly over Nkomo’s legacy competed with the anti-e

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10

Rakhman, Reza Aulia. "Di Balik Ketergantungan Zimbabwe terhadap Investasi Tiongkok Pasca Nasionalisasi Yuan sebagai Mata Uang Zimbabwe." Jurnal Sentris 1, no. 1 (2020): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v1i1.4191.30-39.

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On December 22nd 2015, President Zimbabwe Robert Mugabe officially declared that Zimbabwe will nationalize Yuan as official national currency. This policy is being done in order to solve default against Zimbabwe's debt to China. In return, China will pay off Zimbabwe's debt. By having this policy, foreign direct investment (FDI) as a foreign aid given by China will impact the economy development of Zimbabwe. This paper will examine Zimbabwe’s interdependence to China’s investment after nationalize Yuan as Zimbabwe’s currency with Theory of Foreign Capital Dependence and Development: A New Dire

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11

Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Sabelo J. "Africa for Africans or Africa for “Natives” Only? “New Nationalism” and Nativism in Zimbabwe and South Africa." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 1 (2009): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400105.

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This article makes historical sense of the recent signs of the metamorphosis of nationalism into nativism in Zimbabwe and South Africa. The central thesis of the article is that the resurgence of Afro-radicalism and nativism in post-settler and post-apartheid societies partly reflected deep-rooted antinomies of black liberation thought and partly current ideological conundrums linked to the limits of both the African national project and global liberal democracy. Dismissals and sententious approaches towards nativism do not help in understanding the current issues in Zimbabwe and South Africa.

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12

WEST, MICHAEL O. "Nationalism, Race, and Gender: The Politics of Family Planning in Zimbabwe, 1957–1990." Social History of Medicine 7, no. 3 (1994): 447–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/7.3.447.

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13

Fontein, Joost. "Shared Legacies of the War: Spirit Mediums and War Veterans in Southern Zimbabwe." Journal of Religion in Africa 36, no. 2 (2006): 167–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006606777070687.

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AbstractThis paper explores the nature of ongoing relationships between war veterans and spirit mediums in Zimbabwe, as well as the continuing salience of a shared chimurenga legacy of co-operation by these two groups, and how it has been put to use, and acted out by both in the context of Zimbabwe's recent fast track land reform project. In emphasising this continuity, the paper also considers whether a corresponding disparity between the ideology of the ruling political elite and the practices, experiences and performances of guerrillas, spirit mediums and others acting on the ground, which

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14

Dube, Bekithemba. "‘To Hell with Bishops’: Rethinking the Nexus of State, Law and Religion in Times of Crisis in Zimbabwe." Religions 12, no. 5 (2021): 304. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12050304.

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The article addresses the responses of the government of Zimbabwe and its proxies to a letter issued by Catholic bishops on 14 August 2020, entitled ‘The march is not ended’. The response to the letter presents an ambivalent view of the nexus of the state, law and religion in Zimbabwe, which needs to be teased out and challenged in order to reinvent a democratic nation. This theoretical article taps into decoloniality theory to problematise state responses to the letter. The articles discuss responses by government actors, such as Monica Mutswanga and Nick Magwana, and regime enablers, such as

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15

Ncube, Lyton. "‘Highlander Ithimu yezwe lonke!’: intersections of Highlanders FC fandom and Ndebele ethnic nationalism in Zimbabwe." Sport in Society 21, no. 9 (2017): 1364–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17430437.2017.1388788.

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16

Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Sabelo J., and Wendy Willems. "Making Sense of Cultural Nationalism and the Politics of Commemoration under the Third Chimurenga in Zimbabwe**." Journal of Southern African Studies 35, no. 4 (2009): 945–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070903314226.

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17

Munochiveyi, Munyaradzi B. "“We do not want to be ruled by foreigners”: Oral Histories of Nationalism in Colonial Zimbabwe." Historian 73, no. 1 (2011): 65–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.2010.00286.x.

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18

Ojakorotu, Victor, and Rumbidzai Kamidza. "Look East Policy: The Case of Zimbabwe–China Political and Economic Relations Since 2000." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 74, no. 1 (2018): 17–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928417749642.

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This article maps the evolution of Zimbabwe’s Look East Policy (LEP) and specifically the bilateral relationship with China through the lens of Zimbabwe’s domestic politics. It argues that political elite in Zimbabwe has a vested interest in a close economic and political relationship with China at the cost of the interests of the people of Zimbabwe. The author establishes that Zimbabwe’s LEP was intended to respond to the economic sanctions imposed on it by Western nations. From the descriptive account of the LEP provided in the article, it appears that the LEP has been successful in doing th

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19

Epprecht, Marc. "The Gay Oral History Project in Zimbabwe: Black Empowerment, Human Rights, and the Research Process." History in Africa 26 (January 1999): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172136.

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This paper discusses an attempt to apply historical research directly to the development of a culture of human rights and democracy in Zimbabwe. The research concerns sensitive and controversial issues around sexuality, race, and nationalism that are important in and of themselves. What I would like to argue here, however, is that the method used to design and carry out the research project is at least as interesting. This holds true from the point of view of both professional historians like myself and community activists—two perspectives that are often difficult to reconcile in practice. In

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20

Jones, Oliver R., and Chido Dunn. "Legal Documents Relating to Land Reform in Zimbabwe." International Legal Materials 49, no. 5 (2010): 1380–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.49.5.1380.

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In Gramara (Private) Ltd. & Others v. Government of Zimbabwe & Others (‘‘Gramara’’)1 and Von Abo v. Government of South Africa (‘‘Von Abo’’),2 the legitimacy of Zimbabwe’s land reform program has once again come under the judicial microscope. In Gramara, Judge Patel of the Zimbabwean High Court refused to enforce a decision of the Southern African Development Community (‘‘SADC’’) Tribunal that declared the program inconsistent with a range of human rights protections. By contrast, in Von Abo, Judge Prinsloo of the South African High Court virulently condemned the South African governme

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21

Hodgkinson, Dan. "POLITICS ON LIBERATION'S FRONTIERS: STUDENT ACTIVIST REFUGEES, INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY, AND THE STRUGGLE FOR ZIMBABWE, 1965–79." Journal of African History 62, no. 1 (2021): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853721000268.

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AbstractDuring Zimbabwe's struggle for national liberation, thousands of black African students fled Rhodesia to universities across the world on refugee scholarship schemes. To these young people, university student activism had historically provided a stable route into political relevance and nationalist leadership. But at foreign universities, many of which were vibrant centres for student mobilisations in the 1960s and 1970s and located far from Zimbabwean liberation movements’ organising structures, student refugees were confronted with the dilemma of what their role and future in the lib

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22

Raftopoulos, Brian. "Zimbabwean Politics in the Post-2013 Election Period." Africa Spectrum 49, no. 2 (2014): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971404900205.

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The 2013 elections in Zimbabwe confirmed the grip of Mugabe and ZANU-PF on Zimbabwean politics. The electoral outcome was the result of a combination of factors that included not only the long-term legacy of ZANU-PF's coercive politics, constructed through a radical nationalist discourse, but also the changes in the social structure of the country as a result of the reconfiguration of Zimbabwe's political economy since the late 1990s. In the aftermath of the 2013 elections, the enormous economic constraints confronting the country have forced the Mugabe regime to take a more conciliatory tone

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23

Moyo, Sam, and Paris Yeros. "Intervention The Zimbabwe Question and the Two Lefts." Historical Materialism 15, no. 3 (2007): 171–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920607x225924.

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AbstractThis article identifies the two currents that have divided the Left over the Zimbabwe question. It argues that in the course of the radicalisation of the Zimbabwean state, 'Two Lefts' emerged, the so-called 'internationalist' and the 'nationalist', to take up opposite positions over a series of political questions, most notably the agrarian question and the national question. The article defends the nationalist Left and offers a critique of the 'internationalist' Left through a discussion of contemporary imperialism, the neocolonial state, and civil society.

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24

Ngoshi, Hazel Tafadzwa. "PORTRAIT OF A POLITICAL LIBERATION THEOLOGIAN: LIBERATION THEOLOGY AND THE MAKING OF ABEL MUZOREWA’S AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SUBJECTIVITY IN RISE UP AND WALK." Imbizo 5, no. 1 (2017): 97–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2078-9785/2833.

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Autobiographical subjects are products of their experiential histories, memories, agency and the discourses of their time lived and time of textual production. This article explores the religious and political discursive economy in which Abel Muzorewa (former Prime Minister of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia) narrates the story of his life and how this discursive context constructs his autobiographical subjectivity. The article examines how Muzorewa’s religious beliefs – combined with his experiential history of being a colonial subject – are deployed as a strategy of constructing his subjectivity. I argue

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25

Woyo, Erisher, and Edith Woyo. "Towards the development of cultural tourism as an alternative for tourism growth in Northern Zimbabwe." Journal of Cultural Heritage Management and Sustainable Development 9, no. 1 (2019): 74–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jchmsd-08-2016-0048.

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Purpose Zimbabwean tourism, whose draw-card is wildlife, has been on the decline since land invasions that occurred in 2000. Due to the farm invasions, wildlife-based tourism is no longer a viable option. In cases where traditional industries are declining, cultural tourism has been found to be an effective alternative source of revenue. Cultural and heritage tourism represents a growing special interest market whose demand is very high; however, this sector is yet to be sufficiently explored in the empirical context of Northern Zimbabwe. The purpose of this paper is to explore the development

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26

GOULBOURNE, HARRY. "Zimbabwe: race and nationalism in a post-colonial state by BRIAN RAFTOPOLOUS Oxford: Southern Africa Printing and Publishing House, 1997. Pp. 26. £3.25 (pbk.)." Journal of Modern African Studies 38, no. 4 (2000): 713–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00413509.

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27

Mushore, Washington. "YOUTH AND INDIGENISATION IN THE ZIMBABWEAN PRINT MEDIA." Commonwealth Youth and Development 14, no. 1 (2017): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1727-7140/1383.

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The main purpose of the indigenisation policy in Zimbabwe, according to Masunungure and Koga (2013), was to empower the historically disadvantaged groups in Zimbabwe after the nationalist government had recognised that the inherited colonial systems were unsustainable and a sure recipe for future social and political instability. Although the indigenisation policy was a very noble idea, there was no consensus â€“ especially at the political level â€“ on how empowerment was going to be achieved. The ruling party (ZANU-PF) saw empowerment as being best achieved through the compulsory takeover of

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28

SCARNECCHIA, TIM. "LIBERATION WITHOUT LIBERTY? The Historical Dimensions of Democracy and Human Rights in Zimbabwe, II: Nationalism, Democracy and Human Rights. Edited by TERENCE RANGER. Harare: University of Zimbabwe Publications, 2003 (distributed outside Africa by African Books Collective, Oxford). Pp. 196. No price given (ISBN 1-7792-001-3)." Journal of African History 46, no. 3 (2005): 539–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853705431333.

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29

Niemann, Michael. "Terence Ranger. The Historical Dimensions of Democracy and Human Rights in Zimbabwe. Volume 2: Nationalism, Democracy and Human Rights. Harare: University of Zimbabwe Press, 2003. Distributed by African Books Collective Ltd., The Jam Factory, 27 Park End St., Oxford OX1 1HU. 196 pp. Select Bibliography. Index. $29.95. Paper." African Studies Review 48, no. 3 (2005): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2006.0035.

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30

MLAMBO, ALOIS S. "PAROCHIAL NATIONALISM - Imagining a Nation: History and Memory in Making Zimbabwe. By Ruramisai Charumbira . Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press, 2015. Pp. xvii + 280. $45.00, hardback (ISBN 978-0-8139-3822-6)." Journal of African History 58, no. 1 (2017): 163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853716000827.

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31

Stapleton, Tim. "The Composition of the Rhodesia Native Regiment during the First World War: A Look at the Evidence." History in Africa 30 (2003): 283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003259.

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Several scholars of the First World War in Southern Africa have briefly looked at the composition of the Rhodesia Native Regiment (RNR), which was formed in Southern Rhodesia in 1916 and fought in the German East Africa campaign until the armistice in November 1918. According to Peter McLaughlin, who has written the most about Zimbabwe and the Great War, “[b]y 1918 seventy-five per cent of the 2360 who passed through the ranks of the regiment were ‘aliens;’ over 1000 came from Nyasaland. The Rhodesia Native Regiment had thus lost its essentially ‘Rhodesian’ character.” This would seem to sugge

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32

Muwati, I., D. E. Mutasa, and M. L. Bopape. "The Zimbabwean liberation war: contesting representations of nation and nationalism in historical fiction." Literator 31, no. 1 (2010): 147–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v31i1.41.

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This article examines the array of macro and micro historical factors that stirred historical agency in the 1970s war against colonial settlerism as depicted in selected liberation war fiction. This war eventually led to a negotiated independence in April 1980. Historical fiction in the early 1980s is characterised by an abundance of fictional images that give expression to the macrofactors, while historical fiction in the late 1980s onwards parades a plethora of images which prioritise the microhistorical factors. Against this background, the article problematises the discussion of these fact

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33

Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Sabelo J. "Rethinking Chimurenga and Gukurahundi in Zimbabwe: A Critique of Partisan National History." African Studies Review 55, no. 3 (2012): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600007186.

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Abstract:This article examines how the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) sought to inscribe a nationalist monologic history in Zimbabwe in order prop up its claim to be the progenitor and guardian of the postcolonial nation. Since its formation in 1963, it has worked tirelessly to claim to be the only authentic force with a sacred historic mission to deliver the colonized people from settler colonial rule. To achieve this objective, ZANU-PF has deployed the ideology of chimurenga in combination with the strategy of gukurahundi as well as a politics of memorialization to

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34

White, Bob W. "Nationalists, Cosmopolitans, and Popular Music in Zimbabwe." American Ethnologist 29, no. 2 (2002): 464–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.2002.29.2.464.

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35

Bratton, Michael, and Marion E. Doro. "Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. A Bibliographic Guide to the Nationalist Period." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 19, no. 3 (1985): 651. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/484528.

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36

Palmer, Robin, Judy Palmer, and Marion E. Doro. "Rhodesia/Zimbabwe: A Bibliographic Guide to the Nationalist Period." International Journal of African Historical Studies 18, no. 2 (1985): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/217766.

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37

Mphande, Lupenga. "Nationalists, Cosmopolitans, and Popular Music in Zimbabwe (review)." Research in African Literatures 32, no. 2 (2001): 209–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ral.2001.0054.

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38

Allen, Lara. "Nationalists, Cosmopolitans, and Popular Music in Zimbabwe (review)." Notes 58, no. 2 (2001): 378–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.2001.0176.

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39

Klotz, Audie. "Race and nationalism in Zimbabwean foreign policy." Round Table 82, no. 327 (1993): 255–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358539308454162.

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40

Maundeni, Zibani. "State culture and development in Botswana and Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 40, no. 1 (2002): 105–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003834.

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This article makes two major claims. The first is that independent Botswana was able to generate and sustain a type of developmental state because of the presence of an indigenous initiator state culture that was preserved by the Protectorate state and was inherited by the post-colonial state elites. The second is that the non-emergence of the developmental state in post-colonial Zimbabwe is explained by the presence of a non-initiator indigenous state culture which was preserved by the Rhodesian colonial state and was inherited by the post-colonial state elites. The article briefly reviews th

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41

Panganayi, More, and Tendayi Marovah. "Soft-balancing: SADC Former Liberation Movements’ Responses to the Imposition of Sanctions on Zimbabwe 2002 -2015." Quest Journal of Management and Social Sciences 2, no. 1 (2020): 116–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/qjmss.v2i1.29027.

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Background: This paper addresses a popular dichotomous African nationalist and independentist approaches to foreign policy mainly characterised by soft balancing and quiet diplomacy. This dichotomous approach has been dominated by the need to maintain independence from resurgent neo-colonial claws by promoting African agenda. The African nationalist and independentist prism are used to interrogate the misconceptions created by the resurgence of meetings of former liberation movements in Southern Africa. Objective: This paper aims to proffer alternative political survival tools that can b

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42

Hunter, Eva. "Zimbabwean Nationalism and Motherhood in Yvonne Vera's Butterfly Burning." African Studies 59, no. 2 (2000): 229–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020180020011203.

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43

Gonye, Jairos. "Mobilizing Dance/Traumatizing Dance:Kongonyaand the Politics of Zimbabwe." Dance Research Journal 45, no. 1 (2013): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767712000277.

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The article analyzeskongonyadance as it occurs in everyday Zimbabwean spaces. Tracing its origins, utility, and metamorphosis, I studiedkongonyadance in its performed world; observedkongonyabeing danced at a pungwe, a gala, and a political function; and watchedkongonyabeing performed on state television. Through participant-observations, respondent testimonies, and personal interviews of dancers and nondancers for all these contexts, pertinent data onkongonyawere collected. The article contends thatkongonyahas both a human and inhuman face, having been transformed from a dance for the people i

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44

Fontein, Joost. "Languages of land, water and ‘tradition’ around Lake Mutirikwi in southern Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 44, no. 2 (2006): 223–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x06001613.

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This paper focuses on the deployment of a vocabulary of water and land in the rhetoric of power, resistance, and the politics of identity of clans and individuals around Lake Mutirikwi in southern Zimbabwe. When the Mutirikwi (Kyle) Dam was built during the colonial period of the 1960s, local communities lost a great deal of land, both beneath it and around it. Peoples' memories and claims over land that has, in effect, disappeared – alienated by water or appropriated to become commercial farms, a recreational park and game reserve – have not been obliterated. In recent years, disputes over th

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45

Parpart, Jane L. "Militarized masculinities, heroes and gender inequality during and after the nationalist struggle in Zimbabwe." NORMA 10, no. 3-4 (2015): 312–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18902138.2015.1110434.

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46

Ndhlovu, Finex. "The politics of language and nationality in Zimbabwe: Nation building or empire building?" South African Journal of African Languages 28, no. 1 (2008): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.2008.10587297.

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Mpofu, Shepherd. "Toxification of national holidays and national identity in Zimbabwe's post-2000 nationalism." Journal of African Cultural Studies 28, no. 1 (2015): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13696815.2015.1062354.

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48

Hungwe, Kedmon. "A decade of science education in Zimbabwe (1980‐1990): nationalist vision and post‐colonial realities." Journal of Curriculum Studies 26, no. 1 (1994): 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0022027940260105.

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49

McDowell, Matthew L. "Scottish Football and Colonial Zimbabwe: Sport, the Scottish Diaspora, and ‘White Africa’." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 37, no. 1 (2017): 73–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2017.0203.

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In 1969 and 1970 respectively, Clyde and Kilmarnock Football Clubs embarked on highly controversial tours of Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), then in conflict with the UK over its failure to enact a timetable for majority, non-white rule, and its 1965 unilateral declaration of independence to protect such a system. Despite defying the wishes of the UK Government, these tours were covered very little in Scottish newspapers, and there was little sustained public outcry. This article examines the uneven Scottish and Westminster reactions to the tours (in particular, Kilmarnock's) in the context of broade

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West, Michael O. "“Equal Rights for all Civilized Men”:." International Review of Social History 37, no. 3 (1992): 376–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000111344.

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SummaryBetween 1924 and 1961 elite Africans in Southern Rhodesia (colonial Zimbabwe) waged a protracted political struggle for the right legally to drink “European” liquor, which had been banned to colonized Africans under the Brussels Treaty of 1890. Refusing to be lumped with the black masses and basing their claim on the notion that there should be “equal rights for all civilized men”, elite Africans argued that they had attained a cultural level comparable to that of the dominant European settlers and should therefore be exempt from the liquor ban. This struggle, which ended successfully i

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