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1
Kazakov, Emil. "La nation bulgare au XXe siècle : permanences géopolitiques." Paris 8, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA082090.
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Etude des continuités géopolitiques (représentations et facteurs "matériels") qui ont modelé la politique bulgare de la Libération du pays de la domination ottomane en 1878 à la fin de la période postcommuniste en 1997-2000. . .
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Shtalbi, Haki. "L'Albanie et les Balkans occidentaux : du processus d'intégration régionale aux perspectives d'adhésion à l'Union européenne." Paris 8, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA083991.
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Abordant une problématique européenne dont l’objet se focalise sur le difficile processus des Balkans occidentaux, y compris l’Albanie, vers leur rapprochement avec l’Union européenne, cette thèse est orientée selon deux grands axes de recherche pour mieux valoriser les hypothèses et les réponses données à diverses questions. Le premier axe porte sur l’Union européenne, sa mission, ses ambitions, ses visions et le deuxième sur l’Albanie, sa place, ses démarches, ses perspectives. Une autre dimension - l’approche régionale - croise ces deux axes sur des problématiques spécifiques de l’intégration des Balkans occidentaux. À partir du Pacte de stabilité pour l’Europe du Sud-Est lancée en 1999, l’Union européenne développe une approche régionale mieux définie et diversifie son rôle dans la région. Le sommet UE-Balkans de Zagreb en 2000 et le Conseil européen de Thessalonique en 2003 offrent aux Balkans occidentaux une perspective européenne. Bien que le nationalisme soit une réalité prégnante, la forte aspiration des peuples balkaniques à faire partie de la famille européenne est parmi les facteurs qui ont conduit l’Union européenne à s’investir dans la région. D’une région ravagée par les guerres, elle s’est transformée en une zone de plus en plus stable. Le processus d’élargissement s’effectue dans un contexte lourd de conséquences. Face à la crise de l’Europe, ce processus comprend des défis considérables et sa profondeur conduit l’Union européenne à repenser le rapport entre élargissement et approfondissement. D’autre part, pour les pays des Balkans occidentaux, même si de multiples difficultés transitoires existent, l’intégration européenne reste une chance historiqueAddressing a European issue that puts an emphasis on the difficult process of the Western Balkans, including Albania, towards their approximation to the European Union, this thesis is oriented along two main lines of research to further develop the assumptions and answers to various questions. The first area focuses on the European Union, its mission, its ambitions, its visions and the second one on Albania, its place, its progress, its prospects. Another dimension - the regional approach - crosses both areas on specific issues of the integration of the Western Balkans. From the Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe launched in 1999, the European Union is developing a more defined regional approach and diversifying its role in the region. The EU-Balkans summit in Zagreb in 2000 and the Thessaloniki European Council in 2003 offer the Western Balkans a European perspective. Although nationalism is a present reality, the strong aspiration of the Balkan peoples to join the European family is among the factors that led the European Union to invest in the region. From a region ravaged by wars, it turned into an ever-increasing stability area. The enlargement process takes place in a context fraught with consequences. Faced with the crisis of Europe, this process involves considerable challenges and its depth leads the European Union to rethink the relationship between enlargement and deepening. On the other hand, for the Western Balkan countries, even if multiple transitional difficulties exist, European integration remains a historic opportunity
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Gelez, Philippe. "Safvet-beg Bašagić (1870-1934) : aux racines intellectuelles de la pensée nationale chez les musulmans de Bosnie-Herzégovine." Paris 4, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA040068.
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À travers son œuvre littéraire, historique et politique, Safvet-beg Bašagić (1870-1934) a formulé les grandes problématiques du nationalisme bosno-musulman, alors que sa communauté reculait devant les exigences de modernisation qu'imposait la présence austro-hongroise depuis le Congrès de Berlin de 1878. Inspiré par les mouvements nationaux ottoman, croate et serbe du XIXe s. , il a voulu établir une identité distincte de celles qu'ils fondaient en affirmant la spécificité religieuse et culturelle de ses coreligionnaires et compatriotes. Ces engagements étaient étroitement liés à la question agraire en Bosnie-Herzégovine : Bašagić a œuvré en conservateur, soulignant que la propriété de la terre était un droit historique du beylicat local, auquel il appartenait. De son vivant, il n'a pas joui de l'audition qu'il aurait espérée ; mais l'essentiel de ses thèses, malgré leur peu de sérieux scientifique, a fait florès aujourd'huiThrough his literary, historical and political work, Safvet-beg Bašagić (1870-1934) outlined the major issues of Bosnian-Muslim nationalism while his community was backing down in the face of the demands for modernisation imposed by the Austro-Hungarian presence after the Berlin Congress of 1878. Inspired by the Ottoman, Croatian and Serbian nationalist movements of the C. 19th, he wanted to establish an identity which was distinct from those that they represented, by affirming the religious and cultural specificity of his coreligionists and compatriots. These engagements were closely linked to the agrarian question in Bosnia Herzegovina : as a conservative, Bašagić worked to underline the fact that land ownership was a historical right of the local beylicat, to which he belonged. He failed to find the audience he had hoped for during his lifetime but, although unreliable on a scientific level, the bulk of his theories are in vogue today
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Ellyson, Thomas. "Construire une nation : le cas du Kosovo dans Wikipédia." Mémoire, Université de Sherbrooke, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11143/6508.
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Avec la venue du web 2.0 et de la généralisation de l'usage de l'internet, une nouvelle tranche de la population s'immisce dans les usages de l'histoire. Partant du cas du Kosovo dans l'encyclopédie Wikipédia , il est possible d'observer comment l'usage des nouveaux médias contribue à la construction de la perception et de la représentation des récits nationaux. Quels sont les effets d'une participation par la population générale sur les représentations des nouvelles nations? L'encyclopédie Wikipédia est un symbole du web 2.0 et le Kosovo un exemple de cheminement national actuel avec la proclamation d'indépendance du 17 février 2008. Ceci est sans compter tout le passé récent des Balkans. Cette étude permet d'affirmer que les nouveaux médias de communication ne changent pas la manière d'élaborer les récits nationaux et que l'accroissement de la participation s'inscrit encore dans les théories actuelles dominantes de l'historiographie de ce sujet. Par contre, le web devient essentiel et une vitrine incontournable dans le portrait médiatique actuel pour transmettre ces messages et ainsi influencer la perception des internautes sur la validité ou non d'une indépendance.
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Gangloff, Sylvie. "La Turquie et les Balkans depuis 1990 : relations bilatérales, politique régionale et influences extérieures." Phd thesis, Paris 1, 2000. https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00592243.
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Les balkans occupent une place particuliere dans l'histoire de la turquie. L'empire ottoman a longtemps domine cet espace et les problemes rencontres par cet empire au xixeme siecle y trouvaient en grande partie leurs origines. Comment la turquie a-t-elle donc pu apprehender cette region ou elle a laisse de nombreuses traces et des souvenirs qui pesent negativement sur son image ? y joue-t-elle ce role primordial qu'on lui prete souvent ? depuis 1991, les balkans se sont plutot illustres par une certaine instabilite, par un complexe jeu d'antagonismes locaux qui malheureusement a pu connaitre des denouements assez sanglants. Cette instabilite a largement pese sur les formes d'intervention de la turquie dans la region. Elle a ainsi pu beneficier de l'isolement de certains pays ou, au contraire, se trouver marginalisee dans cette recomposition des amities/inimities regionales. Dans l'ensemble, la turquie a plutot reussi son retour dans les balkans. Sa politique fut relativement prudente, et bien souvent menee, de concert avec son allie americain. D'autre part, si les facteurs d'ordre religieux et ethnique (la fraternite musulmane ou turque) ont pu faire l'objet d'une instrumentalisation dans le discours electoral de certains partis ou personnalites politiques turcs, ils n'ont aucunement pris le dessus sur les priorites d'ordre politique. Enfin, l'analyse de la politique de la turquie dans la region ne peut se limiter au cadre turco-balkanique stricto sensu. C'est, non seulement les politiques des puissances occidentales qu'il faut prendre en compte mais egalement les politiques dans une vaste zone couvrant grosso modo le pourtour de la mer noire et plus largement ce que l'on appelle aujourd'hui l'eurasie. Le jeu de la russie, la question des pipelines acheminant les energies du bassin caspien vers l'europe, les reseaux de transport, en gestation ou encore la creation d'une zone de cooperation economique de la mer noire generent d'intenses interactions politiques croisees dans cet espace et ont de nombreuses repercussions sur la diplomatie balkanique de la turquie.
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Vagneux, Stéphanie. "Analyse des représentations des transformations historiques des Balkans survenues après 1989 dans les films "Le regard d'Ulysse", "Before the rain" et "Underground"." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ56777.pdf.
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Zeren, Baris. "The Formation of Constitutional Rule : the Politics of Ottomanism between de jure and de facto (1908-1913)." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0056.
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La présente thèse vise à étudier le fonctionnement et les résultats d'une expérience constitutionnelle orientée pour surmonter "l'ancien régime" et pour former une identité nationale ottomane par les promesses de l’état de droit et du respect des procédures parlementaires. À cet égard, l’étude se concentre sur une série des pratiques administratives et législatives au début de l'époque de Meşrutiyet entre les années 1908 et 1913.La thèse observe les processus de la promulgation et l’application des lois critiques pour créer une unification nationale, notamment la loi martiale et la loi de la conscription militaire des non-musulmanes ottomanes surtout en relation avec les réseaux politiques des Bulgares Macédoniens et Helléniques. En traçant le développement des tensions autour de ces lois à Istanbul et en Roumélie, la thèse expose les déviations dans l’interprétation de Kanun-i Esasi par les représentants des divers factions sociopolitiques, l’hétérogénéité dans les attitudes des acteurs locaux et centraux et le rôle déterminant des rivalités locales dans la formation d’un corpus juridique en particulier et une souveraineté constitutionnelle en généralThe dissertation examines the functioning of Ottoman constitutional rule born in 1908 which aimed at forming a new body politic, an Ottoman nation, on the sociopolitical structure inherited from the "old regime.” As this Ottomanism, which was officially and publicly referred as "the unity of elements" (ittihad-ı anasır), was closely related with the promise of parliamentarianism and the rule of constitutional norms, the dissertation focuses on the legislative and administrative practices starting in Spring 1909 until the outbreak of the Balkan Wars. To this end, the study follows the enactment and application phases of certain critical laws in creating such a national unification — the martial law and the law on the conscription of non-Muslims to the Ottoman army — with specific emphasis on Macedonian-Bulgarian and Hellenist political networks. Tracing the development of tensions and strategies among official and civil political actors in Istanbul and Rumelia evolving around these laws, the dissertation demonstrates deviations in the interpretation of the Kanun-ı Esasi by various representatives of sociopolitical factions, the heterogeneity of attitudes of central and local political actors, and the effective role of local struggles in the development of constitutional sovereignty
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Pavloudis, Christos. "Nationalism and ethnic conflict in southern Balkans." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FPavloudis.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs and M.A. in International Security and Civil Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Thomas Bruneau. Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-97). Also available online.
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Hatzopoulos, Paul. "Non-nationalist ideologies in the Balkans : the interwar years." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.483666.
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Ardolic, Mimoza. "Greater Albania - The Next Crisis in the Balkans?" Thesis, Växjö University, Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5430.
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The Balkans has suffered from quite a few problems as a result of the countless ambitious endeavors for great states of the ethnic groups residing in the Peninsula. The most recent great state idea to have caused troubles in the region is the Serbs’ Great Serbia (i.e. Yugoslvia), which caused a cycle of wars, the latest one being the war in Kosovo in the late 1990s. This thesis attempts to evaluate the rumors of yet another great state in the making – or rather awakening again: the attempt at a Greater Albania, and whether the Albanians in the Balkans are still harboring the idea of any such state. Particular emphasis is placed upon the following questions:
- Where does the idea of a Greater Albania stem from?
- Is a Greater Albania today still on the Albanians’ agenda as a real political plan?
- What speaks for and against a Greater Albania? Is the idea even feasible?
The findings indicate that none of the Albanian communities residing in the Balkan region wish for a Greater Albania, nor do their leaders. The Serbs nonetheless maintain that an Albanian threat exists and has done so ever since 1878 when the idea of a Greater Albania first arose. However, according to the results of this study, their claims lack credibility. Everything indicates that today, and with Albania striving for membership in the European Union, the idea of a Greater Albania has been left in the past.
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MacDonald, David Bruce. "Balkan holocausts? : comparing genocide myths and historical revisionism in Serbian and Croatian nationalist writing, 1986-1999." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1652/.
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This thesis explores, from both a theoretical and practical basis, how and why Serbian and Croatian nationalist elites used victim centred propaganda to legitimate new state creation during the collapse of Communist Yugoslavia (1986-1999). This often involved applying imagery from the Jewish Holocaust, with overt comparisons between Jewish suffering and the imagined genocides of Serbs and Croats. Chapters 'One' and 'Two' discuss why a rhetoric of victimisation and persecution has been an enduring aspect of national identity, from the ancient Hebrews onwards. This theoretical section develops a model for analysing nationalist teleology, comprising a Golden Age, a Fall from grace, and a Redemption. It also provides a critique of nationalism theory, analysing its successes and failures in understanding the importance of victim centred propaganda and the Holocaust in nationalism writings. Chapters 'Three' to 'Nine' examine how a fear of genocide was used by Serbian and Croatian nationalists to push their people into wars of "self defence". Through a detailed examination of primary source material, these chapters dissect many of the arguments advanced during the conflicts in, Kosovo, Croatia, and Bosnia-Hercegovina. Important comparisons can be made about how history was revised and what purpose these revisions served. Serbian and Croatian propaganda is divided into specific time periods. The time periods examined include the earliest eras, from the 3rd to the 15th centuries AD, followed by the medieval era, and the 19th century. The 20th century is divided into several periods, beginning with the first kingdom of Yugoslavia (1918), World War II, Communist Yugoslavia, the breakdown of the Federation, and the rise of nationalism and violence. A chapter on Bosnia-Hercegovina and the Bosnian Moslems demonstrates how effectively Serbian and Croatian propaganda was applied to a third party.
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Previsic, Ivana. "Migrating “Otherness”: Serbian Ethnic Media amid Nationalism and Multiculturalism." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20235.
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The thesis explores the ways in which Serbian ethnic media in Canada represent their own group and “Others”, specifically Croats, Slovenians and Catholics, Bosniaks, Albanians and Muslims, Montenegrins and the West. The research investigates the convergence of these representations with Canadian multiculturalism. The thesis epistemologically feeds from Jean Jacques Rousseau’s 18th century theories of recognition and patriotism, Stuart Hall’s (1997) theory of representation and identity and Edward Said’s (1978) theory of Orientalism, and is further guided by the theoretical frameworks of Charles Taylor’s (1994) politics of recognition, Benedict Anderson’s (1992) long-distance nationalism and Maria Todorova’s (1994) Balkanism. Qualitative content analysis through purposive and sequential sampling of Serbian ethnic broadcasting is conducted to gauge the programs’ representations of the “Self” and “Others”. Ethnic media provide a method to promote a minority group’s heritage, but also to facilitate communication between various cultural, ethnic, religious and racial groups. In the age of an increased critique of multiculturalism, the role of ethnic media rises in importance. The findings of the thesis show that Serbian ethnic media employ Canadian multiculturalism to promote Serbian heritage, but also to stereotype other groups. Applying the theoretical juxtaposition of multiculturalism, nationalism and “Othering”, this research argues that through negative identification of “Others”, Serbian ethnic media deviate from Canadian multiculturalism that calls for a positive recognition of all Canadian groups.
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Bock-Luna, Birgit. "The past in exile : Serbian long-distance nationalism and identity in the wake of the Third Balkan War /." Berlin [u.a.] : LIT, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=016030649&line_number=0004&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Cenaki, Marco. "Bal.Kan - Europe´s Demonized Other." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22861.
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Huennekens, John Preston. "The Serbian Paradox: The Cost of Integration into the European Union." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/83453.
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This project addresses the Republic of Serbia’s current accession negotiations with the European Union, and asks how the country’s long and often turbulent history affects that dialogue. Using Filip Ejdus’ concept of historical memory and Benedict Anderson’s “imagined community” theory of nationalism, this paper discusses how Serbia has reached a critical moment in its history by pursuing European integration. This contradicts their historical pull towards their longtime ally Russia. What role does historical memory play in these negotiations, and is integration truly possible? Additionally, how is Serbia’s powerful president, Aleksandar Vucic, using the Europeanization process to strengthen his hand domestically?Master of Arts
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Krijestorac, Mirsad. "Nationalism as a Process for Making the Desired Identity Salient: Bosnian Muslims Become Bosniaks." FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3004.
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This study is concerned with the particular relationship between the process of nationalism and a group’s salient identity. It proposes that nationalism as the independent variable serves as a principal factor and facilitator for a change of identity, which is seen as the dependent variable. The Bosnian Muslim emergence as an independent nation with the new salient Bosniak identity was used as a case study to test the main proposition.
The inquiry was completed through a mixed research method, using grounded theory and the historic process tracing technique, a large survey analysis collected specifically for this study, and a logistic regression as a concluding test. The historic process tracing method describes the Bosnian Muslim group’s development from a distinct Balkan Ottoman religious millet group, through a stage of its own ethno-religious cultural crystallization, another stage of nationality during the Communist era, to an independent nation that now shares the country of Bosnia-Herzegovina with two other nations. Through their struggle to survive and re-assert themselves as an important local political entity, Bosniaks built their nationalism upon three important themes: B-H integrity, Bosnian Islam, and the Bosnian language. A 68-question survey regarding these three themes designed specifically for this study was conducted, and 670 survey responses were collected from the Bosnian Muslim diaspora population living throughout the Midwestern and Eastern U.S. in their Appadurai-type neighborhoods. The data collected from those surveys were manipulated in preparation for a final analysis. The two nationalism indexes measuring intensity and type, and six categories of Bosniak identity, were constructed to observe interactions between nationalism and identity.
As the final step, a statistical analysis with multinomial logistic regression confirmed the proposition and showed that the factor which stimulates selection of a new desired salient identity is intensity of nationalism, not type of nationalism .
This work contributes to the ongoing discussion on the true role of nationalism as a collective action. At the same time, it provides the field of comparative politics with a comprehensive description of the emergence of Bosnian Muslims as a nation, and with details of their nationalism project and their now salient Bosniak identity.
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Ignatidou, Artemis. "Four short (hi)stories of a 19th century Greek-European musical interaction, and the cultural outcomes thereof." Thesis, Brunel University, 2017. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/16094.
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The thesis investigates the impact of western art music ('classical') upon the construction of Greek-European identity in the 19th century. Through the examination of institutions such as the Theatre of Athens that hosted the Italian opera for the better part of the 19th century, the Conservatory of Athens (1873), the Conservatory of Thessaloniki (1914), various 19th century literary societies, press content, scores, publications on music, and state regulations on education, the thesis utilizes both musical, as well as extra-musical material to construct a cultural and social history of Greece's understanding of the 'European' in relation to local Greek society through music between 1840 and 1914. At the same time, it highlights the importance of transnational institutional and interpersonal musical networks between Greece and Europe (mainly England, France, and Germany), to demonstrate how political and aesthetic preferences influenced long-term policy, cultural practice, and musical tradition. While examining the 19th century diplomatic, political, and cultural practices of the expanding 19th century Greek Kingdom, the thesis traces the development of western musical taste and practice in Balkan Greece in relation to the local modernizing society. It highlights the importance of local and European artistic agents and networks, identifies the tension between the projection of European identity and raw acoustic divergence, argues for about the contribution of music to the construction of Greek-European identity, and examines the cultural and political negotiations about the conflicting relationship between Byzantine-Hellenic-European-Modern Greek, as expressed through music and debates on music. The last part of the thesis assembles the 19th century material to explain the relationship between nationalism and musical practice at the turn of the 20th century, and as such the long-term influence of western art music upon the construction of Greek-European national identity.
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Gawrys, Michaela Lynn. "The Implications of Changing Border Structure: A Case Study in Kosovo." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1614975636475224.
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Gillet, Olivier. "L'Eglise orthodoxe et l'Etat communiste roumain, 1948-1989: étude de l'idéologie de l'Eglise orthodoxe :entre traditions byzantines et national-communisme." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212518.
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Dans quelle mesure les traditions de l’Église orthodoxe, héritière d’un modèle byzantin imprégné de césaropapisme qui ignorait donc la séparation des pouvoirs temporels et spirituels, ont-elles influencé les comportements démocratiques dans les pays d’Europe où elle est dominante ?Le cas particulier de la Roumanie depuis 1948.Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Borčak, Fedja. "A Children’s Literature? : Subversive Infantilisation in Contemporary Bosnian-Herzegovinian Fiction." Doctoral thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för film och litteratur (IFL), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-58269.
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The past two decades of political and social disintegration in Bosnia and Herzegovina have given birth to literary counterreactions against hegemonic ways of imagining social life in the country. This thesis deals with a particular practice in BosnianHerzegovinian war and post-war literature, which uses infantile perspectives to critically address issues related to the socialist history of Bosnia as part of Yugoslavia, the war in the 1990s, and the socalled transitional post-war period. Drawing on an old Western literary tradition of using the child character to estrange conventional experiences of the world, the texts (by authors such as Miljenko Jergović, Nenad Veličković, Alma Lazarevska, Aleksandar Hemon, and Saša Stanišić) use the skewing and dislocating outlook associated with the infantile subject to expose and undermine perceivably problematic mechanisms in socialist, ethnonationalist, and Western liberal hegemonic discourses. In contrast to previous research on the topic, which has primarily focussed upon the narratological conditions for the infantile perspective, the focus here is on the subversive infantilisation of hegemonic discourse—that is, the very discursive act of representing and contesting dominant concepts, narratives, and representations. The texts are seen as transitional areas through which input from the social world passes and, in this process, is restructured and ultimately transformed into a configuration slightly or radically different from the original input. Theoretically inspired by discourse theory and ideas from New Historicism, the study isolates and investigates a set of techniques through which this reconfiguration occurs. Apart from discussing the use of the basic infantile perspective as such a technique, the study also considers how the notion of the infantile influences techniques of dichotomisation (the production of positional counterpoints), appropriation (the critical subsuming of dominant discourse), and blending (the mixing of dominant and childish imagery). The thesis also addresses the possible political implications of the strategy of subversive infantilisation. Here the approach is influenced by the political philosophy of Jacques Rancière, which enables an understanding of the aesthetic reconfiguration of how Bosnian social life is imagined as a way of constituting a new form of subjectivity that evades the excluding and oppressive framework of hegemonic discourse.
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Jovanovic, Daniella. "Mémoires blessées des Balkans : la paix aux frontières de l'ethnicité en ex-Yougoslavie." Mémoire, 2008. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/1576/1/M10573.pdf.
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Depuis la fin des guerres qui ont touché l'ex-Yougoslavie durant les années 90, la paix est maintenue de gré ou de force. Une constellation d'acteurs internationaux issus de l'Union européenne, de l'ONU et de l'OTAN entrecroisent ainsi leur expertise depuis plus d'une décennie, pour préserver un semblant de stabilité dans une région aux frontières encore changeantes. En se transformant en plusieurs États-nations, l'ancienne Fédération yougoslave a validé le principe démocratique qui affirme que chaque peuple a droit à son État et son territoire. Cependant, produit d'une mosaïque multiethnique et muiti-confessionnelle ancestrale, l'ex-Yougoslavie se retrouve aujourd'hui devant le dilemme inextricable de chercher à re-territorialiser ses communautés à l'intérieur de leurs nouvelles frontières, tout en essayant de préserver le caractère multiethnique de ses récents États. Avancé par les discours de paix internationaux, le principe de la multiethnicité parvient néanmoins difficilement à trouver un écho en terrain, où les relations interethniques tendent plutôt à se radicaliser. Dans un contexte de réaffirmation identitaire, le sentiment de l'appartenance ethnique reprend une vigueur jusque-là non avenue, avec la survalorisation et la construction de marqueurs identitaires, tels que le mythe des origines, la langue ou la religion, au nom d'une mémoire «bafouée» qui reprend le devant de la scène. Devant la montée de cet ethnonationalisme, la communauté internationale tente d'appliquer des stratégies de réconciliation, qui ne semblent pourtant pas répondre à la réalité du construit ethnique. L'impasse qui se joue dès lors entre les politiques de consolidation de paix et la résurgence de l'ethnicité, valide la construction de deux systèmes parallèles, manifestement peu influents l'un sur l'autre. La fracture qui en ressort laisse présumer l'existence d'un enjeu plus large quant au maintien d'une paix durablement fragile sur le territoire: une région indéfiniment placée sous protectorat, où se maintiennent deux charpentes idéologiques, celle de l'application d'une démocratie moderne et celle d'une mémoire atavique re-mobilisée. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Ex-Yougoslavie, Kosovo, Consolidation de paix, Réconciliation, Organisations internationales, Ethnicité, Ethnonationalisme, Mythes nationaux, Mémoire, Constructivisme.
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Theurillat-Cloutier, Fanny. "Une analyse sociohistorique des communautés imaginées des Balkans aux XIXe et XXe siècles." Mémoire, 2010. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/3757/1/M11647.pdf.
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C'est au travers du prisme nationaliste qu'on a tâché de comprendre et de résoudre les conflits en ex-Yougoslavie, étudiés souvent comme des conflits entre Serbes, Croates, Bosniaques, Albanais, etc. Mais qui sont au juste les fameux « groupes nationaux » dont il est question? Le sociologue américain Rogers Brubaker dirait qu'on a fait acte ici de groupisme (groupism) en prenant pour acquis des groupes dont les clôtures sociales sont loin d'être incontestées. Pour reprendre une idée d'Etienne Balibar, il a bien fallu « instituer dans le réel cette unité imaginaire contre d'autres unités possibles ». Ce mémoire se propose de relire comment se sont construites les clôtures sociales nationalistes dans les Balkans occidentaux tout au long du XIXe et du XXe siècle et contre quels autres types de clôtures sociales concurrentes. L'objectif est de jeter un regard nouveau sur le nationalisme à partir d'une approche moderniste, tout en dépassant ses limites habituelles que sont les modèles trop généraux et la réification des groupes nationaux. Pour ce faire, notre démarche combine l'approche de Rogers Brubaker avec celle de la théorie des relations sociales de propriété. Une hypothèse centrale est que ce processus est intrinsèquement lié aux conflits sociaux autour de l'appropriation des surplus politiques, économiques et culturels. Nous voulons repenser l'imbrication dynamique des institutions, des rapports de pouvoir, des relations sociales d'appropriation et de la constitution d'une identité collective. Les communautés imaginées nationales ont progressivement pris la place prépondérante face à d'autres formes d'appartenance. Tout d'abord inexistantes dans l'Empire ottoman, d'un côté elles se sont par la suite constituées sur la base des Églises auto-céphales serbe et grecque. De l'autre, elles ont permis à la petite noblesse et la bourgeoisie croate de s'affirmer face aux nationalistes hongrois. Sous la première Yougoslavie, les discriminations vécues principalement par les populations non-slaves cristallisent pour la première fois le sentiment d'appartenance nationaliste chez les classes dominées. Ainsi, à la création de la deuxième Yougoslavie, une structure fédérale sur des bases nationalistes est négociée et c'est le long de ces lignes qu'elle finira par imploser, du fait d'inégalités politiques et économiques. Durant la période couverte, les définitions des divers groupes nationaux ont connu maintes transformations, que ce soit au niveau des marqueurs de la nationalité (langue, religion, ethnicité, etc.), des populations incluses et exclues et des objectifs poursuivis par la clôture sociale nationalitaire. Aujourd'hui, après avoir redéfini les clôtures sociales au profit des élites locales, les catégories nationales sont la référence douloureuse à un passé récent qui a reconfiguré la région en homogénéisant le territoire, mais aussi le sentiment d'appartenance.
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MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Balkans, Brubaker, catégories nationales, communautés imaginées, nationalisme, relations sociales d'appropriation, sociologie historique, Yougoslavie, XIXe siècle, XXe siècle.
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Bardos, Gordon. "Ethnoconfessional Nationalism in the Balkans: Analysis, Manifestations and Management." Thesis, 2013. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8ZP4D94.
Full textAbstract:
For at least the past two hundred years, ethnoconfessional nationalism has been the most powerful ideology and force shaping political and social developments in southeastern Europe. This dissertation argues that Balkan ethnoconfessional nationalism is such an important element in southeastern Europe because it is a collective, chronic and non-economic phenomenon which transcends other political ideologies, generations, or socio-economic classes. As such, conventional Marxist-based approaches to understanding the phenomenon of nationalism, and their intellectual descendants such as the more materially-based forms of social constructivism and instrumentalism, consistently fail to both understand and predict its appeal and success in southeastern Europe. The dissertation concludes by arguing that there are severe limitations to the extent to which outsiders can manage the outcome of ethnoconfessional conflicts; hence, in terms of policy prescriptions, the analysis provided in this dissertation argues for a cautious and modest understanding of the extent to which intervention by the international community can transform Balkans states and societies.
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Gallagher, Tom G. P. "Outcast Europe: The Balkans, 1789-1989, From the Ottomans To Milosevi¿." 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3825.
Full textAbstract:
NoExamining two centuries of Balkan politics, from the emergence of nationalism to the retreat of Communist power in 1989, this is the first book to systematically argue that many of the region's problems are external in origin. A decade of instability in the Balkan states of southeast Europe has given the region one of the worst images in world politics. The Balkans has become synonymous with chaos and extremism. Balkanization, meaning conflict arising from the fragmentation of political power, is a condition feared across the globe. This new text assesses the key issues of Balkan politics, showing how the development of exclusive nationalism has prevented the region¿s human and material resources from being harnessed in a constructive way. It argues that the proximity of the Balkans to the great powers is the main reason for instability and decline. Britain, Russia, Austria-Hungary, France and finally the USA had conflicting ambitions and interests in the region. Russia had imperial designs before and after the 1917 Revolution. The Western powers sometimes tolerated these or encouraged undemocratic local forces to exercise control in order to block further Soviet expansion. Leading authority Tom Gallagher examines the origins of these Western prejudices towards the Balkans, tracing the damaging effects of policies based on Western lethargy and cynicism, and reassesses the negative image of the region, its citizens, their leadership skills and their potential to overcome crucial problems.
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Gallagher, Tom G. P. "The Balkans in the New Millennium: In The Shadow of Peace and War." 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4089.
Full textAbstract:
NoCan the Balkans ever become a peaceful penisula like that of Scandinavia? With enlightened backing, can it ever make common cause with the rest of Europe rather than being an arena of periodic conflicts, political misrule, and economic misery? In the last years of the twentieth century, Western states watched with alarm as a wave of conflicts swept over much of the Balkans. Ethno-nationalist disputes, often stoked by unprincipled leaders, plunged Yugoslavia into bloody warfare. Romania, Bulgaria and Albania struggled to find stability as they reeled from the collapse of the communist social system and even Greece became embroiled in the Yugoslav tragedy. This new book examines the politics and international relations of the Balkans during a decade of mounting external involvement in its affairs.
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Brnovic, Marija. "The rise of nationalism in times of crisis : the case of Yugoslavia." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-351218.
Full textAbstract:
In this thesis, we aim to find the relationship between the economic crisis and the rise of nationalism in Yugoslavia. In addition, we focus on the political framework, as defined by the 1974 Constitution, which significantly changed the course of Yugoslav institutions after the death of Tito. We find that the rising levels of debt and economic misbalance across republics were key contributors to increasing tensions between republics. We conclude that the combination of these factors with the lack of political will, stemming from decentralization and increased power to republics, as the main culprits behind the rise of nationalism. We build on the existing literature, contributing to the further cross-examination of reasons behind the dissolution of Yugoslavia. The importance of this thesis is related to the political elite, who can apply key takeaways from the case of Yugoslavia to the modern geopolitical context dealing with economic and political crises.
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Hrušík, Michal. "Vliv medzinárodního společenství na etnické konflikty západního Balkánu." Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-312088.
Full textAbstract:
The dissertation is aimed at the analysis of various strategies and approaches of the international community in solving conflicts having originated due to the dissolution of former Yugoslavia since 1991. It is divided into two sections - the former being devoted to the historiographical description of events taking place in the particular countries with main focus on various peace plans and other initiatives proposed and suggested by the international community, while the latter emphasizes potential security threats that might be faced by the region. At the same time it is trying to offer lessons from the mistakes and failures made in the past, since these could become relevant for the international community when dealing with potential new conflicts. Current probability of the origin of new security threats in the form of ethnic conflicts was selected as the main criterion for the selection of countries analyzed in the dissertation - this is also why Croatia is excluded; although it was a significant player of ethnic conflict in 1991-95, due to considerable elimination of Serbian minority representation as a result of the Operation Storm this country does not further constitute a relevant melting pot, where ethnically motivated tensions could rise again. Hence, the analysis is targeted at two...
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Filippou, Fotini A. "The nationalistic visions and the educational policy of Ioannis Kapodistrias within the framework of the enlightenment, 1800-1827." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/2583.
Full textAbstract:
M.A.The first section relates to the period of the 18th century Europe, during which the Enlightenment movement matured, followed by the description of the process of how the new philosophy of the Enlightenment affected the united orthodox countries of the Balkans.The reaffirmation which these ideas brought to the Mediterranean in the context of intellectual, social and political life, contributed to the formation of the Modern Greek Enlightenment period, which resulted in the creation of the modern political Greek state. In the second section, the aims of the Education are presented, in the state of the Hellenic Education is shown during the period of the Modern Greek Enlightenment. The education struggle, together with other sectors, prepared the Hellenes, intellectually, morally, and socially to undertake the liberation struggle of 1821. The third section deals with the life of Ioannis Kapodistrias with reference to his youth studies and early activities. Thereafter, follows and analysis of the political, social and intellectual state of the Ionian Islands during the period of the Modern Greek Enlightenment. The free Eptanisa State, where Ioannis Kapodistrias revealed his political aptitude and diplomatic abilities, is also examined. Particular emphasis is given to Ioannis Kapodistrias’s efforts and endeavours for education in the Ionian State. This effort culminated in the establishment and functioning of the Tenedos College. The section ends with the departure of Ioannis Kapodistrias for Petroupolis (Saint Petersburg). The fourth section initially deals with the development of the diplomatic career of Ioannis Kapodistrias in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Russia, which was interrupted by the Greek Revolution and after unsuccessfully exhausting all efforts to involve tsar Alexandros I in action against Turkey. After his final resignation in 1827, Ioannis Kapodistrias accepts Greece’s appeal to involve himself actively in the revolution. The fourth section includes, as well, Kapodistrias’s educational policy and activities during this period. This valuable developments result in the establishment of the Filomoussos Society of Vienna whose goal was to educate the Hellenic youth of the time and also to emphasize Greece’s national problem. The fifth section refers to the nationalistic visions of Ioannis Kapodistrias regarding the political restoration of the Hellenes, as well as to his educational policies, his legacy to the Hellenic Nation and the recognition of his contribution.
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Sousa, Ricardo Alexandre Encarnação. "Yugoslavia: from wars to European integration: perspectives from university students in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Serbia and Kosovo." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/15130.
Full textAbstract:
What are the conditions for meaningful reconciliation in post-conflict societies? This was the
departure research question for this research project focusing on the former Yugoslavia, in
particular on the territories of the three largest former republics: Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Croatia, Serbia, and Kosovo, due to the latter’s respective specificities.
Starting out from a general hypothesis: the fulfilment of a set of political, social and
economic conditions fosters and enables tolerant and peaceful coexistence among the peoples
of the former Yugoslavia, this then shaped and thus defined the main research objectives:
understanding the way in which the post-war educational systems have or have not
contributed to reconciliation between the various nations and peoples of the region; the
prospects of European integration as an engine for pacification; the role of hate speech
formulated in the media and culture and as well as the means of overcoming it.
Through research that interweaves with the professional activity of the author – a
journalist with extensive experience in coverage of the region – and deploying a combination
of qualitative and quantitative methods (a survey answered by over 270 students from the
countries under study), this dissertation strives to provide new clues for approaching
nationalist phenomena and perspectives (taking into account the responses of students to the
survey this thesis put forward) on reconstructing post-conflict societies and furthermore
identifying a set of conditions that must first be verified before ever achieving what this
dissertation defines as reconcivicnation, a civic reconciliation of nations.Quais as condições para a reconciliação em sociedades pós-conflito? Esta foi a pergunta central de partida que orientou a investigação, que incide sobre a antiga Jugoslávia, em particular sobre os territórios das três maiores antigas repúblicas: Bósnia-Herzegovina, Croácia, Sérvia, acrescentando o Kosovo, pelas especificidades que encerra. Partindo de uma hipótese geral: a concretização de um conjunto de condições políticas, sociais e económicas permitirá um convívio mais tolerante e pacífico entre os povos da antiga Jugoslávia, foram considerados e definidos os objetivos principais da pesquisa: a compreensão da forma como a educação – o sistema educativo dos vários países e entidades constituintes – contribuiu ou não, após as guerras, para a reconciliação entre as várias nações e povos da região; as perspetivas de integração europeia como motor, ou não, de pacificação da região; o papel do discurso do ódio formulado nos media e na cultura e formas de o superar. Através de uma investigação que se cruza com a actividade profissional do autor – jornalista com vasta experiência na cobertura da região – e utilizando uma combinação de métodos qualitativos e quantitativos (um inquérito que foi respondido por mais de 270 estudantes dos países em estudo), esta dissertação pretende trazer novas pistas para a abordagem dos fenómenos nacionalistas e perspectivas de reconstrução de sociedades pósconflito, considerando as perspetivas dos estudantes que responderam ao inquérito e apontando um conjunto de condições que se devem verificar para que seja atingido aquilo que esta dissertação definirá como “reconcivicnation”, uma reconciliação cívica das nações.
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Skenderija, Ivana. "Srbská krsna slava v Bosně a Hercegovině." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-339553.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis focuses on issues of multi-layered identities within a social space. It analyzes ritual (or ceremony) as one of the codified displays of culture within which collective ideas and attitudes regarding identity are manifested, shared, and strengthened. Bosnian Serbs - due to political and social change - were forced to redefine their position in society, as well as their (collective) identities and social ties. Slava is a fundamental ritual seen as an attribute of "Serbianness", and in the context of this study, manifests itself as an indicator of establishment and validity of collective identities. Slava is a traditional celebration practiced by Orthodox believers in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Bulgary, Albania, and Macedonia. It is a festivity of either a family, village, or local church patron. At the center of this research will be an individual slava of a family patron saint, krsna slava, or krsno ime. For Bosnian Serbs, krsna slava is currently a revitalized ritual concurring with local tradition and convening with social ambitions of current inhabitants in the region (otherwise it would not be revitalized). The pertinence of this research subject is given by the nature of ritual itself as it is founded on collective sharing and the manifestation of common ideas1 ....