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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Nationalist elites'
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KISSOPOULOS, LISA. "HOW ELITES PERSUADE: CULTURE IN NATIONALIST CONFLICT, SERBIA AND BOSNIA 1988-1999." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1029335165.
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Pleic, Mate. "The "anti-bureaucratic revolution" the Yugoslav state elites' perception of and their reaction to the Serbian nationalist movement of 1988-1989 /." Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1798971541&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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ʻIzz, al-ʻArab ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz. "European control and Egypt's traditional elites : a case study in elite economic nationalism /." Lewiston (N.Y.) : Edwin Mellen Press, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb392521551.
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Texte remanié de: Diss. Ph. D.--Institute of Islamic Studies--McGill University, 2000. Titre de soutenance : Nineteenth century expressions of economic nationalism in Egypt.Bibliogr. p. 213-224. Index.
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Kissopoulos, Lisa. "Nationalist Conflict and Elite Manipulation in Serbia and India." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1186753678.
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Al, Zghayare Khouloud. "Les élites politiques syriennes (1946-1963) : discours et pratiques." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA068.
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Les élites politiques syriennes (1946-1963) : Discours et pratiques.Cette recherche porte sur l’analyse du discours des élites politiques syriennes qui ont dominé la scène politique pendant la période 1946 – 1963, c'est-à-dire de l’indépendance jusqu’à l’arrivée au pouvoir du comité militaire du Ba`ath. Pour comprendre comment le discours s’est construit et comment il a été mis en pratique sur le terrain, nous avons classé les élites en trois catégories : libérale, militaire et émergentes (nationaliste, islamiste et communiste). Ces élites sont traitées aux niveaux politique et historique, mais aussi social, à partir de leur discours : sa formation, sa constitution et sa mise en œuvre. Nous nous sommes donc appuyés sur les documents produits par et sur les leaders : mémoires, discours, articles de presse, déclarations, statuts des partis…L'approche analytique comparative que nous avons choisie, basée sur les théories de Foucault, Bourdieu et Keller, nous a aidés à faire le lien entre le texte des discours et les contextes politiques, économiques, culturels et sociaux où ils étaient produits. Notre approche méthodologique nous a permis d'étudier l'histoire et les mécanismes de la formation des élites, les « acteurs sociaux », d'analyser les discours et de les comparer au niveau des concepts, des slogans et des pratiques. Nous avons observé que si le discours des élites politiques syriennes se voulait attaché à la modernité (société et État), leurs pratiques politiques demeuraient fortement influencées par leurs formations socio-culturelles, locales, idéologiques et par les conditions de la lutte pour le pouvoir à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur de la Syrie. Ce discours fut « élitiste », notamment en ce qu’il incarnait les intérêts de la bourgeoisie et utilisé pour dissimuler la différence entre la théorie et la pratique. L’étude de cette période de l'histoire de la Syrie éclaire l’évolution de la situation du pays après le Printemps arabe de 2011. Elle aide ainsi à comprendre la réalité actuelle et contribue à répondre à certaines questions d’aujourd'hui à propos du conflit en cours en SyrieThis research focuses on the discourse of the Syrian political elite that dominated the political scene from 1946 to 1963, in other words, from Independence until the Ba`ath military committee came to power. To understand how this discourse has been built and how it has been put into practice, elites have been divided into three categories: Liberal, military and emergent (nationalist, islamist, and communist). These elites are viewed from a political and a historical perspective, as well as a social one based on their discourse: its creation, its constitution and its application. We therefore relied on documents produced by and about leaders, their memoirs, speeches, press articles, statements and parties’ legal statuses.This research utilizes comparative analytical approach. Based on the theories of Foucault, Bourdieu and Keller, which establishes a link between the text of the discourse and the political, economic and cultural contexts in which it has been produced. Moreover, the methodological approach allows one to study the history and the formation of the elites, the “social actors,” as well as, perform an analysis of discourses based on their different concepts, slogans and practices. This research showed that if the Syrian political elite’s discourse appears to be committed to modernity (society and State), their political practices remain strongly influenced by their socio-cultural, local and ideological constitution. It is also influenced by the requirements of the power struggle inside and outside of Syria. This discourse is “elitist” especially because it represents the interests of the upper class/bourgeoisie and further, it is used to conceal the difference between theory and practice. Studying this period of Syrian history creates an understanding of Syria’s evolution after the Arab Spring. It therefore helps in grasping the current situation and answering questions about the Syrian conflict
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Manzano-Guerrero, Orlando. "El desafio independentista de las élites nacionalistas catalanas : Analisis de un proceso inconcluso (2012-2017)." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019MON30015.
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Après avoir dominé presque sans interruption le paysage politique catalan et avoir contribué à la stabilité et à la gouvernance politiques du pays, les élites nationalistes conservatrices affiliées à la fédération Convergència i Unió opérèrent un changement de cap radical dans leur agenda politique, en promouvant depuis les institutions autonomes sous leur contrôle ce que l’on a appelé le processus souverainiste catalan. Pour le lancement de ce vaste mouvement de contestation politique et sociale, initié à la fin de l’année 2012, ses promoteurs firent valoir la nécessité de permettre aux Catalans de décider de leur avenir politique collectif dans le cadre d’une consultation populaire. Parallèlement, diverses mesures furent prises afin de préparer le terrain en vue de l’éventuelle création d’un État catalan souverain. Bien que le défi lancé par les élites nationalistes fût effectivement freiné par les autorités centrales de l’État à la fin de l’année 2017, aucune solution ne fut apportée aux graves problèmes à l’origine de la crise déclenchée dans la région. Leur projet bénéficie encore d’un large soutien au sein de la classe politique et l’opinion publique de la Communauté Autonome. Enfin, il est impossible d’affirmer que d’autres tentatives de rupture similaires ne se reproduiront pas dans un avenir proche. C’est pourquoi, le défi de l’Independence de la Catalogne est abordé ici comme un processus inachevé. Ce travail de recherche est essentiellement axé sur l’analyse des évènements qui eurent lieu pendant la période 2012-2017 et a pour but de contribuer à éclairer plusieurs points importants auxquels les études existantes sur la question n’apportent pas encore des réponses suffisamment satisfaisantesAfter dominating the region’s political landscape almost without interruption since the establishment of democracy in Spain and having played an important role in the political stability and governability of the country ever since, the Catalan nationalist elites affiliated with Convergència i Unió, a coalition of conservative parties, opted for a fundamental change of course in their political agenda, by promoting and undertaking – while still in power at regional level – what is commonly referred to as the Catalan independence process. It was a broad-based political and social protest movement aimed at allowing the Catalans to decide their collective future in a referendum. In parallel, various other measures were taken to pave the way for the potential creation of an independent Catalan state. Although the challenge laid down by the Catalan nationalist elites was effectively stopped towards the end of the year 2017, the significant problems that led to the current crisis have not been resolved. The independence project has still widespread political and public support in Catalonia. Finally, it is impossible to affirm that similar attempts to break away from Spain will not follow in the near future. That is why the independence challenge needs to be addressed – from our point of view – as an unfinished process. This research study focuses essentially in the analysis of the events that took place during the period between 2012 and 2017 and its main purpose is to highlight some important points to which the few existing studies on the subject do not provide yet complete responses
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Chai, Shaojin. "Taiwanese nationalism situation dependency and elite games /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2007. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?1446934.
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Mohsin, Amena. "The politics of nationalism : the case of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388423.
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Nambara, Makoto. "Economic plans and the evolution of economic nationalism." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286734.
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Wijetunge, M. N. R. "Domestic architecture of the Sinhalese elite in the age of nationalism." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2012. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/305/.
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Domestic architecture of the Sinhalese elites in Sri Lanka remained as unchartered territory until recently. Having focused on the period of nationalism, which indeed is an area in oblivion (both historically and architecturally), this research established that the elite are in a position to better represent/evoke the shifting political/social/cultural forces (i.e. periodic changes) through their architecture within the Ceylonese (Sri Lankan) society. This was the foremost research question tackled. Moreover, the works of the architects Geoffrey Bawa and Valentine Gunasekara were singled-out for being two most varying trajectories aimed at the elite; the background study of post-independence architecture having led the way. How they represented the aspirations of two differing elite groups - the 'governing elite' and the 'political-class' - was then confirmed having placed them against the extant elitist theories. Moreover, the cultural strands of the Ceylonese elite to survive from pre-colonial and colonial situations were identified, and how the articulations became evident in their domestic architectures was assessed through case studies. On the other hand, as broader aims, the applicability of the outcome of the main research question to contexts other than Sri Lanka, communities other than the Sinhalese, or time periods that draw their meanings for being historically/architecturally significant, were established. Other than the foregoing unique contributions to knowledge, the enquiry into the area of elitism was significant. While Western theories on elitism were considered to determine the most apposite, the under-studied sphere of Eastern elitism was tackled in its pre-modern and modern conditions in order to assess social stratifications for the periods in question - Kandyan, Dutch, British and post-independence. Based on social structures of these periods, their elitist positions were envisaged and domestic architectures identified for the results to be presented as a structural analysis. Within this process, more delicate differences such as typologies and phases were revealed, and included in a supplementary catalogue with a repository of new knowledge for future research to dwell on. Moreover, narration of the entire historical spectrum of the island's elite domestic architecture is noteworthy as an original exploration. Optimistically, the imperative findings of this study would open up paths for future researchers in the field.
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Kiralp, Sevki. "National identity and elite interests : Makarios and Greek Cypriot nationalism (1967-1974)." Thesis, Keele University, 2014. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/1214/.
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Within the field of Nationalism Studies, the relationship between “National Identity” and “ethnicity” has been widely studied. Likewise, the relationship between “National Identity”, “elite interests” and “ethnic conflicts” has also been investigated. In fact, there is a considerable amount of studies focused on the “inter-state” aspects of “National Identity”, “ethnicity” and “elite interests”, however, such studies tend to highlight the “elite” of the “homeland” as the political and social leaders of their ethnicity; seeing themselves responsible for defending the political interests of their ethnic relatives in transnational borders, or liberating them from other states via “secessionist” or “irredentist” policies. Nevertheless, an example of elite of “ethnic kin”, who dominates another state outside its “homeland”, has not yet been widely theorized academically, with a focus on “National Identity” and “elite interests”. This study aims to fill that gap within the literature through the example of President Makarios and Greek Cypriot nationalism. While Cyprus was a British colony, the Greek Cypriot community was mobilized to unify Cyprus with their “homeland” Greece. However, the result of such mobilization was the foundation of a Cypriot state, based on power-sharing between the Greek Cypriot majority and Turkish Cypriot minority. In the post-Independence era, particularly with the consolidation of the military dictatorship in Greece (1967), President Makarios abandoned the Enosis (unification of Cyprus with Greece) policies and made attempts to reconstruct the Greek Cypriot National Identity in favour of a Greek Cypriot-ruled independent Cypriot state. President Makarios also ignored Greek Junta's manipulations about the Cypriot politics. The subsequent struggle continued until the Athens-led coup d'état that overthrew the President (1974). This thesis shall follow Brass’ “Instrumentalist” theory and shall analyze the reconstruction of the Greek Cypriot National Identity. The thesis will also investigate the role played by the interests of both the President and the Greek Cypriots in constructing this new National Identity.
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Fedotov, Egor. "Ethnic politics in Europe : the impact of ideas and minority elite strategies." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2011. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=167964.
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The aim of this dissertation is to explore the dynamics of political change in minority language politics and policy in Europe. For this purpose, the study focuses on the Hungarian minorities in Romania and Slovakia, the Russian speakers in Ukraine, and the Carinthian Slovenes in Austria. One major finding is that the political strategies of minority elites that are sensitive to compromise and politically deemphasised solutions predict positive change in the political relations between language groups and in policy. Further, the political behaviour of minority elites is argued to be best explained by ideational as opposed to structural and institutional causes. While the latter certainly have some explanatory power, they nonetheless leave crucial variation in the behaviour of minority elites dependent on ideas which they carry in their heads and upon which they rely in order to analyse the surrounding structural conditions. The empirical analysis of the thesis exploits data from 30,000 press releases collected at Factiva and Lexis-Nexis Academic databases over the course of two years, 112 interviews conducted by the author over the course of one year in all the countries under study (including with 4 state leaders, 14 ministers, and 45 members of parliament), and extensive primary and secondary material in several foreign languages.
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Erdem, Muhammed F. "The Role of Elites in the Formation of National Identities: The Case of Montenegro." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7020.
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This study aims to answer two interlinked central questions with respect to Montenegrins’ divide over statehood and identity: Why and how Montenegrins, whom were once called ‘the purest and the best of Serbs’, sought to end their century-long common state experience with Serbia and instead establish their own nation-state in 2006, and what explains the rise of Montenegrin national identity and its transformation into nationalism? In attempting to answer these questions, it traces the historical development of Montenegrin national thought dating back to the early 20th century when Montenegro was annexed by the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. Through the use and examination of opinion polls, newspaper articles, political and ethno-cultural state policies implemented by the ruling political elites, and their interviews, public speeches, and press conferences, this study also seeks to unveil how Montenegrin-ness evolved over time.
The central argument running through this thesis is that Montenegrin nationalism as a political phenomenon was precipitated through elite competition. In their competition over social, political, or economic resources, the Montenegrin elites, through the implementation of political and ethno-cultural state policies and the active use of media outlets, managed to turn certain facts and events into points of reference for the citizens of Montenegro in the way they identify themselves. Thus, those events have become the basis of people’s belonging to a certain community and helped demarcate that specific community (Montenegrins) from that of Serbs. Backed by the reconstructed meaning of Montenegrin-ness, this emerging Montenegrin national consciousness facilitated the breakup with Serbia and the declaration of independence on 21 May 2006.
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Major, Angela L. "The interpretation of Islam and nationalism by the elite through the English language media in Pakistan." Thesis, University of Kent, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300942.
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Mitchell, Marybelle Carleton University Dissertation Sociology. "From talking chiefs to a native corporate elite; the birth of class and nationalism among Canadian Inuit." Ottawa, 1992.
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Zeno, Basil. "Nationalism, Identity, Social Media and Dominant Discourses in Post-Uprising Syria." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1439414162.
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Mu, Yang. "Political forces of party elites on nationalism and democratization in Hong Kong : a case study on the electoral reforms of the Legislative Council in 1984-2004 /." access abstract and table of contents access full-text, 2006. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/ezdb/thesis.pl?mphil-ss-b21471502a.pdf.
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Thesis (M.Phil.)--City University of Hong Kong, 2006."Submitted to Department of Applied Social Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy" Includes bibliographical references (leaves 113-133)
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Hernandez, Gonzalez Andrès Felipe. "Intellectuels et élites politiques : facteurs entropiques de la crise yougoslave : archives du Quai d'Orsay et témoignages sur un processus de longue durée (1966 - 1991)." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0127.
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Après 1966, l’inefficacité du système économique, politique et idéologique de la Fédération yougoslave amène la population à vivre une profonde crise morale, visible dans l’effondrement des idéaux titistes et dans l’incapacité des élites politiques à reconnaître leur échec dans la gestion de la société. Les dirigeants du système autogestionnaire ont toujours cru que les différents peuples qui composaient le pays pouvaient vivre en harmonie grâce à l’unité idéologique et au Parti. Pourtant, ces deux éléments sont plongés dans une crise profonde après la mort de Tito. À partir de 1980, les élites politiques et l’intelligentsia yougoslave jouent un rôle fondamental dans le processus de décomposition du pays, qui s’accélère avec l’explosion des conflits nationalistes, la disparition de la guerre froide et l’instauration de la nouvelle ère globaleAfter 1966, the inefficiency of the economic, political and ideological system of the Yugoslav Federation brought the population to a deep moral crisis. This is visible in the collapse of the Tito’s ideals and in the inability of the political elites to recognize their failure in the management of the society. The leaders of the self-management system had always believed that the various people who made up the country could live in harmony thanks to ideological unity and Communist Party. However, these two elements were plunged into a deep crisis after the death of Tito. Beginning in 1980, the political elites and the Yugoslav intelligentsia played a fundamental role in the country’s decomposition process, which accelerated with the explosion of nationalist conflicts, the disappearance of the Cold War and the establishment of the new global era
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Fageol, Pierre-Éric. "Le sentiment d'appartenance et de représentation nationale à La Réunion (1880-1950)." Thesis, La Réunion, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LARE0021.
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Le sentiment d'appartenance nationale au sein de la population réunionnaise semble une constante dans l'histoire de la colonie et n'a jamais été durablement remis en cause. Le travail proposé confirme pour la période étudiée sa vigueur, particulièrement à l'occasion des conflits coloniaux et mondiaux. Mais il montre aussi que cette adhésion inclut la conscience d'une singularité qui n'est pas seulement la conséquence de la géographie mais aussi le fruit de l'histoire. Le sujet permet de croiser une approche d'histoire sociale et d'histoire des représentations sur une séquence coloniale cohérente qui englobe les prémices de la Troisième République jusqu'au processus de départementalisation. En proposant de « dénationaliser le national » par le biais d'une étude se penchant sur les principes identitaires en situation coloniale, il s'agit de mettre en évidence la spécificité des processus d'acculturation en situation coloniale et l'interconnexion des territoires coloniaux (île Maurice et Madagascar) dans la définition d'un sentiment d'appartenance en cours de construction. La première partie sur le sentiment d'appartenance en situation coloniale cherche à poser les enjeux et la méthode de la recherche. La deuxième partie se penche sur les liens entre le colonialisme et le sentiment d'appartenance nationale en focalisant l'analyse sur l'impérialisme réunionnais comme vecteur d'une reconnaissance commune au reste de la Nation. La troisième partie prend en compte les différentes manifestations de patriotisme et leur influence sur la définition d'un sentiment d'appartenance nationale. Enfin, la quatrième partie se focalise sur les vecteurs de l'acculturation nationale en tenant compte du rôle de l'école, de l'église et de l'armée dans la construction d'un sentiment d'appartenance nationale spécifique à La Réunion, sentiment auquel les élites ont apporté leur concours tout en étant les principales bénéficiaires de la quête d'une reconnaissance de la NationThe feeling of national membership among the Reunionese population seems to be a regular fact in the colony history and has never been really questioned. This work confirms its strength in the period in study, and more particularly during the colonial and world conflicts. But it also shows that this support includes the conscience of a singular feeling, which is not only the consequence of geography, but also of history. This subject allows us to mix a social historical approach with a historical representation approach on a coherent colonial period, which goes from the beginning of the Third Republic up to the region establishment. By suggesting to « denationalise the national » through a study dealing with the identity principles in a colonial situation, we mean to focus on the particular acculturation processes in a colonial period and the interconnection of colonial territories (Mauritius, Madagascar) in defining a constructing feeling of membership. The first part deals with the feeling of membership in a colonial period and tries to analyse what is at stake in the research methods. The second part studies the links between colonialism and the feeling of national membership and focuses on Reunionese imperialism as a trigger to a recognition shared by the rest of the Nation. The third part takes into account the different signs of patriotism and their influence on the definition of what a feeling of national membership is about. Finally, the fourth part focuses on the triggers of national acculturation while taking into account the role of school, church, and the army in the building up of a typical Reunionese national membership feeling, shared by the elite which mainly benefited from the quest of a recognition from the Nation
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El-Badawy, Emman Seif El Din. "Educating for global citizenship in Egypt's private sector : a critical study of cosmopolitanism among the Egyptian student elite." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/29780.
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In an age of globalisation, conflicting identities and cultures continue to remain a source of seemingly intractable conflict. Educative interventions are meanwhile increasing in trend among academics, politicians and multilateral aid organisations. Each regard education as a long-term solution to contemporary social and security issues. Supporting literature on the relationship between education and identity suggests that formal education has a powerful influence on students’ outlook on life, their loyalties and their identities. This premise suggests that when questioned about global issues, Egyptian students who attend international schools within their own country of origin should show more signs of cosmopolitanism and global mindedness than their nationally educated peers. Yet, contrary findings to that of prevailing discourse suggest that education’s ability to shape values and loyalties is likely overemphasised when placed in the context of foreign curricula and international education. At times, students of international schools involved in this study showed more signs of nationalism than their nationally educated counterparts, and presented as equally traditional, conservative and ‘anti-West’ as their compatriots. The thesis thus argues that when education is placed within an international framework, its ability to socialise is significantly weakened, as it is faced with considerable firewalls that are yet to be adequately acknowledged in the discussion of post-national citizenship education. Using a combination of interpretative and critical research methods, rich and original qualitative data was gathered on attitudes and lifestyles of elite Egyptians enrolled at a variety of Egypt’s private international schools. Twenty-two international school educated Egyptian students, and a control group of 21 nationally educated Egyptian students of the same socio-economic background were invited to participate in specially tailored one-to-one interviews to measure their degree of cosmopolitan attitudes. Supplementary participant observations of Egyptian families actively involved in Egypt’s international education community were also conducted to consider the complementarity of the students’ home lives with their school lives. Focus groups were held with students of international schools to determine their views and attitudes towards global issues and other communities. All findings from this research were assessed alongside large-scale values surveys including the World Values Surveys and the Arab Youth Surveys. With the large sample size of pre-existing opinion polls, and the unique isolation of curriculum type as an independent variable in this study, it was possible to assess the transformative impact that an international education plays in the expression of values and beliefs of Egyptian students. The findings of this thesis have multidisciplinary value. For political science readers, the study offers a critical and epistemological analysis of concepts of cosmopolitanism, Westernisation, globalisation and global citizenship. For readers of the Middle East, it is a study into Egyptian youth today and their conflicting identities and loyalties. The Egyptian experience of private international schools and foreign investment is representative of a regional trend, and valuable to those wishing to consider competing narratives for identity in twenty-first century Middle East societies. Finally, it is a study that has an added value to educationists as it explores the role education plays on identity, and more specifically the role of international schools on globalisation and international mindedness. The growing trend of research and analysis that focuses on increased global connectedness and a culturally converging world makes this thesis an important and timely contribution. In an effort to extend the debate beyond the prevailing macro-analyses of change through globalisation, this thesis stresses the importance of looking at global interconnectivity at the micro-level, and particularly how young people navigate and negotiate their identity within the context of increasingly transnational spaces. Through this endeavour, it has reached a critical evaluation of our current understanding of a ‘post-national’ future, through the attitudes and opinions of some of today’s internationally educated generation.
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Trunk, Achim. "Europa, ein Ausweg : politische Eliten und europäische Identität in den 1950er Jahren /." München : Oldenbourg, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=015494470&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Lynch, Kyle R. "Stylistic Change in the Music of Elie Siegmeister, 1940-1970." Scholarly Repository, 2011. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_theses/305.
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The life and career of American composer Elie Siegmeister (1909-1991) spanned most of the Twentieth century. His music provides a unique voice in classical music of the United States. With an acute awareness of social issues, Siegmeister desired for his music to communicate with audiences. His love of American folk music, blues, and jazz contributed to his distinct compositional style, first overtly with lyrical folksong-like melodies in the 1940s before becoming sublimated into a dissonant idiom by the 1960s. This thesis provides a survey of the change in Elie Siegmeister’s compositional style, specifically the years between 1940 and 1970. I provide an overview of Siegmeister’s entire compositional career in Chapter One. Chapter Two finds Siegmeister’s involvement with folk music coalescing into a lyrical and tonal style during the 1940s. With Chapter Three, I reveal pivotal events that urged Siegmeister to concentrate on form and thematic development during the 1950s. In Chapter Four I look at the 1960s as a synthesis of his past compositional styles.
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Villarreal-Rios, Rodolfo Williams William Appleman. "Independent internationalism and nationalistic pragmatism the United States and Mexico /." [Missoula, Mont.] : The University of Montana, 2008. http://etd.lib.umt.edu/theses/available/etd-11032008-163623/unrestricted/Villarreal-Rios_Rodolfo_THESIS.pdf.
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Richard, Yann. "Identite et modernite dans la culture iranienne contemporaine." Paris 3, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA030114.
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L'iran a connu, depuis le xixeme siecle, des transformations profondes, consequence de l'ingerence occidentale. La modernite est definie comme l'aptitude, conquise au prix de transformations radicales, a repondre a ces nouveaux defis mondiaux. Les agents de la modernite ont ete les elites politiques, economiques ou religieuses. En cherchant a comprendre le langage de ces elites, l'orientaliste entre malgre lui dans un terrain conflictuel et devient en partie complice. Il est pris a partie par ceux qui, aujourd'hui, definissent leur identite face a ce regard exterieur. On percoit au terme de la confrontation combien l'ideal d'une civilisation unique, qui fut celui des grands penseurs de la modernite, est aujourd'hui battu en breche, et que l'experience iranienne y est pour quelque chose. Le nationalisme a laisse la place a une forte valorisation du sentiment d'appartenance a une communaute religieuse, mais il n'est pas dit que l'oopposition a l'occident ne soit pas encore une donnee essentielle de cette nouvelle moderniteSince the nineteenth century, iran has experienced deep transformations entailed by western encroachment. Modernity is defined as the ability - acquired through radical change - to cope with these new global challenges. The agents of modernization have been political, industrial or religious elites. By trying to understand the discourse of these elites, orientalists may become involved, against their will, in conflicts on the side of the elites. They are summonned to justify their position by those who define their identity against this external viewpoint. At the end of this confrontation one realizes that the ideal of a unique civilization - the ideal of the great thinkers of modernity - is now disqualified and that the iranian experience has had a role in this process. Nationalism has been replaced with strong insistance on the feeling of belonging to a religious community. Opposition to the west might still be the main factor in this new modernity
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Fossard, Brice. "Les sports, le scoutisme et les élites indochinoises : de l'entre-soi colonial à la libération nationale (1858-1945)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H074.
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Cette thèse analyse le processus de diffusion des sports modernes dans les cinq territoires qui ont formé l’Indochine entre 1858 et 1945. Cette thèse a pour objectif de comprendre pourquoi et comment les mouvements de jeunesse et les sports occidentaux se sont développés, dans une société très majoritairement rurale avec un niveau de vie très faible. L’enjeu historique est de comprendre comment ces divers mouvements ont contribué à former une fraction de la jeunesse indochinoise – par hypothèse majoritairement urbaine et lettrée en français – et d’envisager le rôle de ces mouvements et activités dans la formation d’un nationalisme vietnamien moderne. Il s’agit également, sur un second plan, d’analyser les processus de transferts et d’appropriations culturelles qui sont au cœur de ces nouvelles pratiques et de comprendre comment celles-ci transforment les cultures locales. Dans cette perspective, on s’interrogera sur ces transformations : celles-ci sont-elles gouvernées par le mimétisme ou la concurrence mimétique, l’hybridation ou s’agit-il d’un simple transfert ? Ces questions engagent ensuite à comprendre comment ces deux plans – plan politique de la construction du nationalisme vietnamien, plan culturel des transformations impliquées par les nouvelles pratiques – s’articulent et s’alimentent. Par ailleurs, la genèse des politiques sportives coloniales est abordée. Enfin la comparaison avec d’autres espaces colonisés, français, britanniques ou hollandais, permet d’illustrer la singularité de la configuration indochinoiseThis doctoral thesis analyzes the process that led to the spreading of modern sports over the five States which formed Indochina from 1858 until 1945. This study aims to explain why and how the youth movements and western sporting activities spread in a predominantly rural society whose standards of living were low. The historical stake is to understand how these different movements contributed to shaping up a part of Indochinese youth assumed as mainly urban and literate in French, and to consider the part played by these movements and their activities into the development of modern nationalism in Vietnam. The second aim is to analyze the transfer process and cultural appropriation which are at the heart of these new practices and to understand how they change the local cultures. In that respect, we will examine these transformations: were they brought about through imitation, mimetic competition, hybridization or just through a plain transfer? Those questions then lead us to understand how the two levels, firstly a political one with the building up of Vietnamese nationalism, secondly a cultural one with the changes involved by those activities, link up and feed off one another. Moreover the genesis of sporting colonial policies is dealt with. And the comparison with other colonial territories, French, British or Dutch, helps to illustrate the particularity of the Indochinese configuration
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Lundström, Catarina. "Fruars makt och omakt : Kön, klass och kulturarv 1900-1940." Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Historical Studies, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-563.
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This thesis deals with the space for action available to women of the regional elite. The interaction of such categories as gender and class are discussed. The overall purpose is to describe and analyze the role of the county governor’s wife during the period 1900- 1940. The study takes its point of departure in the lives of Ellen Widén and Hanna Rydh, both wives of county governors, and especially treats the area of cultural heritage as the potential public arena for women. Special attention is focused on the cultural heritage as a possible public sphere of activity for women at that time. Cultural heritage has been defined as the cultural and material expressions that were regarded as possessing symbolic value and that have therefore been the focus for various kinds of preservation. Cultural heritage is associated here with a growing field for professional interest and work.
Women in general were given specific tasks within the nation. One of these was to safeguard aesthetic and cultural characteristics within the nation, the province and the home region. By working within the sphere of cultural heritage, with arts and crafts and with the preservation of the home region, women were regarded as links between the older and younger generations. The specific characteristics of the home region could be expressed through various textiles. The work of creating specific parish costumes can be seen as one of many examples of a female cultural heritage.
The study has shown that the wives of county governors could have a direct and immediate influence on activities in the area of cultural heritage. This research has established that these women formed a more independent power factor than earlier research has maintained. The county governor’s wife did not automatically gain a position of power. She had potential power, an opportunity derived from both class and gender. To transform this potential into power and influence demanded success and skill in the field.
When Hanna Rydh, the wife of a county governor, declared herself a candidate for the position of county governor in 1938, it was too much of a challenge to the prevailing gender order. Through a form of ”tyranny of difference” women were prevented from establishing themselves within public spheres that were more masculine by tradition. This could be true of specific fields or of the formal power exercised by the parliament, the government and public offices. If the female elite challenged the men of their own class, their opportunities were circumscribed. I have chosen therefore to speak of both power and “non-power.” Within certain contexts there were good opportunities for the regional female elite to obtain their own space for action. Yet, in other situations the limitations were greater than the opportunities; “non-power” also existed.
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Wong, Katrine Victoria. "Wang Xiaolai 王曉籟 (1887-1967) : a biography." Thesis, Lyon, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LYSE2121.
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Ce travail est centré sur Wang Xiaolai 王曉籟 (1887-1967) dont les nombreux engagements dans des domaines tels que le commerce, la finance, la politique et la santé ont fait de lui un acteur exceptionnel de la vie économique et même spirituellede sa cité, Shanghai. Toutefois, ses talents, pour avoir été reconnus au cours des trois périodes clés de l'histoire chinoise dont il a vécu les bouleversements, à savoir : un empire mandchou à son déclin, et deux républiques successives, n'ont pas pour autant fait l'objet à ce jour d'une étude approfondie. Aussi, nous sommes-nous donné pour tâche de réparer cet oubli de l'histoire, en menant une enquête biographique aussi serrée que possible, interrogeant tout d'abord, les archives occidentales et chinoises, la presse écrite, les annales locales. Puis, nous avons accordé une attention toute particulière à l'histoire orale qui est à l'origine de cet effort doctoral. Originaire de Shengxian, dans la province du Zhejiang, Wang Xiaolai par sa position dominante en tant que grand entrepreneur shanghaien des années 20 et 30, financier, président de la puissante Chambre de Commerce de Shanghai mais aussi premier président de la Chambre de Commerce de Zhabei, a acquis une position centrale au coeur même des réseaux des affaires, des finances et de l’industrie du Shanghai républicain. De l’Hôpital Zhixiang, dont il fut le fondateur, au Bouddhiste laïque, et fervent personnage du “visage peint” de l’opéra chinois, à la tête d’une immense fortune et d’une grande famille, Wang Xiaolai apparaît comme un homme d’une débordante énergie. Cette quête biographique se penche sur les évènements historiques qui ont marqué son parcours, et les aspects de sa vie qui ont inspiré ses aspirations et motivé ses ambitions. La recherche trace son ascension financière et politique, et identifie les principaux tournants de sa vie, ainsi que les liens qu’il a forgés avec les principaux personnages de l’époque. Du jeune membre du Guangfuhui, Société pour la Restauration, qui avait pour objectif de renverser les empereurs Qing, Wang rejoint la milice marchande de Zhabei. Il évolue sous le gouvernement nationaliste comme agent de changement politique, tout en demeurant un acteur autonome et puissant dans sa communauté. Il s’est montré déterminé à lutter contre l’agression japonaise lorsque celle-ci s’intensifie. Pendant la guerre, Wang s’exile dans l’arrière-pays de la Chine pour administrer des dispositifs d’aide et de secour, et supervise les ravitaillements qui passent par la Route de Birmanie. Au final ressurgit le portrait d’un homme aux multiples facettes, qui s’est efforcé à travers les décennies de fonder une nation et qui reste une figure emblématique et visionnaire de son époque. C’est la biographie de cet homme singulier mais tout autant l’histoire du Shanghai républicain que nous présentons iciThis dissertation presents a documented biography of Wang Xiaolai 王曉籟 (1887- 1967), elite merchant of Republican Shanghai. The study of this hitherto unexplored life contributes to the lean biographical repertoire of notable figures of the era. A native of Shengxian, Zhejiang Province, Wang’s life spanned five decades of momentous social and political change in modern Chinese history, from late Imperial China, through Republican China, to Communist China. The biographical inquiry examines the historical events that influenced his path, and the facets of his life that inspired his aspirations and drove his ambitions. The research traces Wang’s ascent to financial and political prominence, and identifies the major turning points in his life and the bonds he forged with key figures of the era. From a Guangfuhui youth, Wang became a militia merchant of Zhabei. He evolved under the Nationalist Government as an agent of political change, yet remained a powerful and autonomous actor in his community. Wang demonstrated his resolve in his resistance against mounting Japanese aggression. An elite in exile during the war years, Wang traveled China’s interior administering relief aid and supervising supplies through the Burma Road. As a leading Shanghai entrepreneur, chairman of the powerful Shanghai Chamber of Commerce but also first chairman of the Zhabei Chamber of Commerce, leading lay Buddhist, philanthropic builder of the Zhixiang Hospital, spirited painted face of Chinese opera, patron of a huge fortune and patriarch of a huge family, Wang emerges as a man with boundless energy poised at the heart of social, business, and political Shanghai. Western and Chinese archives, newspapers, and local annals are among the primary sources on which the research is based. Oral history has a special place in this undertaking as it was the motivating factor of this endeavor. The final conclusion reveals a multi-faceted portrait of an emblematic and visionary nation-builder of Republican Shanghai, and is as much the trajectory of a singular individual as it is the history of Republican Shanghai
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Tirado, Jorge G. "Culture and revolution visions of revolutionary nationalism by Mexican elites, 1920-1934 /." 1995. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/32946731.html.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1995.Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 102-105).
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Tassin, Kristin Shawn. "Egyptian nationalism, 1882-1919 : elite competition, transnational networks, empire, and independence." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/28411.
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This thesis studies the formulation and expression of Egyptian nationalism in the period 1882-1919. In particular, it argues that Egyptian nationalism, rather than having the territorial nation-state as the highest form of nationalist expression, was composed of multiple overlapping and contingent identities. Furthermore, this thesis will draw attention to inter-and intra- elite rivalries between power bases within Egypt, including the office of the Khedive, the urban elite, landowners, European powers, and Ottoman representatives; and the way in which these vying groups affected the growth and composition of the Egyptian nationalist movement. This thesis also contends that the policies and ideologies of Egyptian nationalists were both contingent and fluid, as were the self-identities of the Egyptian population. Egyptian nationalism in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries took many of its characteristics and methodologies from the global context of competing imperialisms as well as trans-national anti-colonial movements. Therefore, this thesis seeks to locate Egyptian nationalism in the period 1882-1919 within the global and local context of competing power bases and popular expectations.text
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Van, Heerden Kirsten. "Psychological and demographic correlates of athletic identity in elite South African swimmers." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/790.
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This study aimed to investigate if the strength of athletic identity affected the rankings (or salience hierarchy) of 6 every-day life roles among 100 elite South African Swimmers. The link between performance and athletic identity was also investigated along with an investigation of the effects of age and gender. There was found to be no interaction between athletic identity and ranking of life roles; only the athlete role was found to be significantly different between high and medium athletic identity groups. A difference was found between elite and non-elite athletes in the ranking of life roles. There was also no association between athletic identity and performance. As age increased athletic identity decreased, and gender was found to have no influence on athletic identity.Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Westville, 2005.
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Posse, Lúcio Dionísio Pitoca. "A ideia de nação nos discursos políticos do Presidente da República de Moçambique Armando Emílio Guebuza (2005-2009 e 2010-2014)." Master's thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/10026.
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A ideia de nação presente nos discursos políticos proferidos por Armando Emílio Guebuza durante os seus dois mandatos como Presidente da República de Moçambique, entre 2005-2009 e 2010-2014, é o estudo de caso da presente dissertação. A principal técnica de investigação usada é a análise de discurso, numa perspectiva qualitativa, salientando-se também o recurso à pesquisa bibliográfica e à revisão da literatura.
A nível teórico, a dissertação é guiada pela abordagem construtivista, que tende a perceber a nação como uma entidade em constante mudança, em função do contexto em que estiver inserida. Essa mudança é liderada e vivida pelos grupos sociais, podendo ser, por um lado, as chamadas “massas” e, por outro, as diferentes elites. Nesta dissertação destaca-se o papel de um membro da elite política moçambicana para analisar a forma como constrói uma perspectiva de nação nos seus discursos, o Presidente Armando Emílio Guebuza (2005-2009 e 2010-2014). A esta abordagem junta-se uma perspectiva histórico-sociológica, por considerar que ao estudar a nação enquanto fenómeno social, deve ter-se em atenção as transformações que ocorrem na estrutura social ao longo do tempo, bem como o grupo social que se considera como líder dessas transformações.
Armando Emílio Guebuza constrói a ideia de nação nos seus discursos políticos com base na ideia de unidade nacional, no respeito pela diversidade que caracteriza os moçambicanos e na defesa da coesão territorial, procurando exaltar a ideia de uma nação edificada na perspectiva horizontal. No entanto, há que anotar a contradição no seu próprio discurso, em especial quando é patente a reivindicação de liderança e de símbolo no processo de construção da nação. Nos seus discursos, Armando Emílio Guebuza instrumentaliza os heróis nacionais e as grandes infra-estruturas com o objectivo de contribuir para a construção de uma identidade nacional que mobilize os moçambicanos a aderirem ao seu programa de governo, do qual se destaca o combate à pobreza em Moçambique.This dissertation analyzes the idea of nation as articulated by Armando Emílio Guebuza in his political speeches during his two terms as President of the Republic of Mozambique between 2005-2009 and 2010-2014. To analyze the speeches of President Armando Emilio Guebuza, two approaches were used namely, the constructivist approach and the historical-sociological perspective. According to the constructivist approach, a nation is as an entity that is constantly changing, depending on the context in which it is inserted. It also states that this change is led and lived by social groups which may be, on one hand, the so-called "masses" and on the other, the different elites. The constructivist approach is supported by the historical-sociological perspective when it also takes into account when studying the concept of nation as a social phenomenon, the changes that occur in the social structure over time, as well as in the social group which is considered as the leader of these changes. Therefore, this dissertation focuses on the elites leading the changes, by assessing the role of Armando Emílio Guebuza, as a member of the political elite in leading the construction of a nation by analyzing his political speeches. Armando Emílio Guebuza builds the idea of nation by highlighting in his speeches, five main aspects: the equality between Mozambicans while respecting the diversity that characterizes them, the notion of national unity, the defense of territorial cohesion, the national heroes and major infrastructure. However, there is a contradiction in his nation building idea, in the sense that, while he highlights equality between Mozambicans, he portrays himself as the main symbol in the construction of the nation.
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Herc, Svatopluk. "Jan Otto- podnikatel a bankovní manažer." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-328292.
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The presented thesis deals with the publisher Jan Otto (1841-1916), who was one of the most important personalities of the Czech national society at the end of 19th and at the beginning of 20th century. Based on proper study of archival material his business activity in publishing and typographical field and his manager function in the biggest national Czech bank, Trade Bank, which Otto devoted over 40 years of his life is analysed. These are two basic thematic spheres of the thesis. The analysis of one of Czech economic nationalism manifests towards the end of 19th century which was a foundation of the company National business and industrial enterprise is a complementary supplement of this thesis. Otto was actually closely connected with the whole project. The thesis conclusion concentrates on Otto's identity question. The thesis is a case study for issues of national Czech business and banking elites.
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Medvecká, Zuzana. "Etnická identita a konflikt (na príklade multietnického priestoru zaoceánskych lodí)." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-332335.
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In my doctoral thesis, which I have elaborated on the basis of my diploma thesis Doubled Identity of Crew Members on Cruise Ships as the Instrument of Cultural Adaptation, supervised by Mgr. Helena Tužinská, PhD., I have analysed the way of life of crew members sharing the multiethnical territory of cruise ships. Crew members working there come from over 50 different countries. In spite of their different origins and cultures which have been forming their behaviour and way of thinking, they share small space without any conflicts. My goal is to sum up the basic conditions which should be met in any multiethnical society to ensure that there would not be any conflicts between its habitants. According to my hypothesis there is a need of other than ethnical identity which could unify them on other than ethnical basis. In the territory of cruise ships it is the socio-professional identity of 'crew member '. I found out that there are two main factors responsible for successful co-existence of people from different cultures here - communication and the system of values. That is why from all factors in which we can observe socio-professional identity of crew members I preferably analyse rules and norms established by crew members and lingua franca used on cruise ships called 'ship language'. The specific...
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Davison, Jennifer-Anne. "Power dynamics in Russian-Tatarstani relations: A case study." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/913.
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In the context of nationalism and sovereignty studies emerging since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, this thesis provides an economic, rather than political, perspective of Tatarstan’s success in negotiating sovereignty claims with Russia, arguing that what lay behind Tatarstan’s demands for extensive political and economic rights was not mass nationalist mobilization, but the desire for control over natural resources by the Tatarstani elite dominated by former Soviet functionaries of indigenous nationality. In addition, this paper examines the importance of continuity among the local political elites, contrasting Tatarstan’s approach with that of Chechnya’s uncompromising separatist drive and the resulting years of civil conflict. Finally, the most recent page in the history of Russian-Tatarstani relations, the gradual reduction of the republic’s autonomy in connection with President Putin’s centralizing reforms, confirms my principal argument that control over resources is more important to the Tatarstani elites than political power as such.
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Andrš, Pavel. "Problematika postavení německého etnika v prvorepublikovém Československu na příkladu nejdeckého okresu." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-357963.
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The subject of this dissertation thesis is investigating the issue of the German ethnic group status in inter-war Czechoslovakia shown in the example of the Nejdek political district with the emphasis on the major and crucial aspects of social life - politics, economic and social issues while the assistance and support elements include: demographics, border issues, the presence of the Czech ethnic group, a preview of own (German) history and the development of churches and religion. The Nejdek political district is set within a framework of regional history with regard to the historical context of the development of Czechoslovakia, or even of the world in some cases. The regional history presented here in the form of a probe from the perspective of great historical events and partly through micro-history aim to build on the broad source base and capture the impacts and effects of national policies on shaping of the Nejdek region and its inhabitants. In some ways, when possible of course, research methods are applied. Overall, the work is to fill the so-called white gaps in the regional historiography, since the books or studies published so far have been focusing only on partial, closely regionally defined topics and only comprehensive work, which the author of this paper attempts, could therefore...