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Journal articles on the topic 'Nationalist military leaders'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 30 May 2022

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Mozokhin, O. B. "German Influence and the Creation of Ukrainian Nationalist Organizations in 1920–1940." Modern History of Russia 13, no. 3 (2023): 549–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.302.

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The article reflects the process of influence of the German special services on the formation of numerous Ukrainian nationalist organizations. With the coming to power of Hitler, the ties of the OUN with the fascists are strengthening, while the leaders of the Ukrainian nationalists widely advertise not only their practical cooperation with fascism, but also their spiritual kinship with it. The Berlin center of the OUN becomes the body coordinating its work against the USSR. The establishment of Soviet power in Western Ukraine led to the defeat of the OUN, the leaders and most active members o

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Kocher, Matthew Adam, Adria K. Lawrence, and Nuno P. Monteiro. "Nationalism, Collaboration, and Resistance: France under Nazi Occupation." International Security 43, no. 2 (2018): 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00329.

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Does nationalism produce resistance to foreign military occupation? The existing literature suggests that it does. Nationalism, however, also can lead to acquiescence and even to active collaboration with foreign conquerors. Nationalism can produce a variety of responses to occupation because political leaders connect nationalist motivations to other political goals. A detailed case study of the German occupation of France during World War II demonstrates these claims. In this highly nationalistic setting, Vichy France entered into collaboration with Germany despite opportunities to continue f

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Vũ, Linh D. "Remains of the republic." Human Remains and Violence 9, no. 2 (2023): 18–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/hrv.9.2.2.

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Although local authorities, communities and charities played a major role in dealing with conflict fatalities, the Republican era (1911–49) saw new government initiatives to attend to the afterlives of common soldiers. Leaders of the Nationalist Party (Guomindang) exemplified ambitions to govern the dead by implementing a policy of collecting and burying fallen soldiers. As the first public military cemetery, constructed in Nanjing in 1935, could not accommodate the millions of war dead in the decade of war that followed, the Nationalist state promulgated regulations to help bereaved families

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Freedman, Michael. "Fighting from the Pulpit: Religious Leaders and Violent Conflict in Israel." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 10 (2019): 2262–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719832346.

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Religious leaders greatly influence their constituents’ political behavior. Yet, it is unclear what events trigger nationalist attitudes among religious leaders and why this effect occurs more among some religious leaders rather than others. In this article, I examine the content of Israeli Rabbinic rhetoric during different military and political conflicts. Drawing on an original collection of Sabbath pamphlets distributed to Synagogues, I demonstrate that religious rhetoric is highly responsive to levels of violence for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. I find that religious rhetoric and ton

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Kulap, Mursalat, Mr Warto, and Hermanu Joebagio. "Nationalism of Nani Wartabone: Nation Character Building Foundation of Indonesia." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 4, no. 3 (2017): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v4i3.69.

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Nani Wartabone is one of the Indonesian nationalist leaders who came from Gorontalo. Nationalism of Nani Wartabone implemented in the form of various movements of resistance against Dutch colonial rule, the Japanese military occupation, revolution in defending independence, until the threat of national disintegration Indonesia after independence. Nani Wartabones’ nationalism is not nationalism that leads to chauvinism, but a nationalism that has come from an egalitarian view and leaning on humanitarian aspects. Thus, nationalism of Nani Wartabone is very important if it is implemented in the p

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Scharpf, Adam. "Ideology and state terror." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 2 (2018): 206–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317748346.

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How does ideology influence state terror? Studies on state repression have looked at the leaders’ decisionmaking to explain how much violence states use against internal enemies. However, government leaders usually rely on their security forces to produce violence. I argue that distinct ideological beliefs within the military apparatus produce different levels of repression even if leaders are determined to terrorize the population. I expect officers who share the ideology of their leader to willingly execute the government’s repressive program, while officers who do not share the leader’s con

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DROHOBYTSKYI, Ihor. "FEATURES OF USING THE EXPERIENCE OF THE ARMED STRUGGLE FOR STATEHOOD, 1918-1919, IN THE CREATION OF UKRAINIAN NATIONAL SELF-DEFENSE, 1943." Contemporary era 6 (2018): 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-32-40.

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The article covers some aspects of the use of military experience of Ukrainian armed groups of the period of the national liberation struggle 1917–1921 by the members of the nationalist wing of the national resistance movement during World War II. Much attention is given to measures aimed at the development of tactical units of the structure of the Ukrainian People's Self-Defense (Ukrainska Narodna Samooborona; UNS) in the second half of 1943 in Galicia. These facts are analyzed in the context of the development of a national army concept among leaders of Ukrainian nationalists at the various

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Lisina, Svitlana. "THEORY OF CREATION OF THE INSURGENT-GUERRILLA LIBERATION ARMY IN THE MILITARY-HISTORICAL WORKS OF OUN MEMBERS." Problems of humanities. History, no. 5/47 (March 27, 2021): 335–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24919/2312-2595.5/47.217786.

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Summary. The purpose of this research is to study the theoretical works of OUN activists on the creation of an insurgent-guerrilla liberation army, which have not lost their significance for the development of modern Ukraine and the reforming of its Armed Forces. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism and the synthesis of comparative and problem-chronological methods of researching the works of OUN soldiers on the creation of the Ukrainian army. The scientific novelty lies in the implementation of one of the first attempts at a comprehensive study of OUN propaganda

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9

Brown, Genavee, and Gaëlle Marinthe. "We’re All the Same: Collective Narcissists’ Cross-National Support for Putin and Russian Military Attacks." International Review of Social Psychology 37, no. 1 (2024): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/irsp.761.

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National narcissism is associated with support for nationalist and anti-democratic leaders and decisions in one’s own country. We hypothesize that it might also relate to more favorable judgments of outgroup nationalist leaders and actions, even if the latter may pose a threat to the ingroup. Using the context of the Russian attack on Ukraine, we hypothesize that people with a higher level of national narcissism would be more supportive of Russian attacks, Russian President Vladimir Putin, and the Russian people. This may be due to a higher perception of belief similarity to Putin and Russians

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Venosa, Joseph L. "“Because God Has Given Us the Power of Reasoning”: Intellectuals, the Eritrean Muslim League, and Nationalist Activism, 1946–1950." Northeast African Studies 12, no. 2 (2012): 29–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41931313.

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Abstract This article discusses the rise of Eritrean nationalism in the context of Muslim intellectual acüvism during the later penod of the Bntish Military Administration (BMA). It argues that many of the leading members of the pro-independence Muslim intelligentsia, defined in thh article broadly as the fluid group of waters, Eritreans within the former Italian colonial civil service, and religious scholars serving within or associated with the Eritrean Muslim League, contributed to the naüonaUst movement by taking advantage of the extensive "Islamic social capital" across the region. Using

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IQTIDAR, HUMEIRA, and DAVID GILMARTIN. "Secularism and the State in Pakistan: Introduction." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 3 (2011): 491–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000229.

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Pakistan occupies an uncertain and paradoxical space in debates about secularism. On the one hand, the academic consensus (if there is any), traces a problematic history of secularism in Pakistan to its founding Muslim nationalist ideology, which purportedly predisposed the country towards the contemporary dominance of religion in social and political discourse. For some, the reconciliation of secularism with religious nationalism has been a doomed project; a country founded on religious nationalism could, in this view, offer no future other than its present of Talibans, Drone attacks and Isla

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Portnyagin, Dmitry. "“These Lands Have Everything We Need”: on the Role of the Soviet Factor in British Policy in Africa (1945—1951)." ISTORIYA 15, no. 3 (137) (2024): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840031017-7.

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After the end of World War II, British political and military circles viewed the African colonies as a vital source of raw materials for rebuilding the British economy. During the Cold War, territories in Africa, as well as the local workforce, acquired strategic importance. Recognizing the fact that there were only a small number of actual communist parties in Africa in the early post-war years, British political and military leaders believed that in the foreseeable future their influence could increase significantly. In addition, they were confident that the USSR would be active in the colon

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Borisov, Valeriy. "The Role of the Food Issue in the Fight of the Soviet Government of Russiawith the Central Rada and the Establishment of Soviet Power in Ukraine (November 1917 – January 1918)." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 2(58) (July 3, 2022): 130–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2022-58-2-130-141.

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During the First World War, Russia was seized with a food crisis, which continued after the October Revolution in the civil war. The article analyzes the role of the food issue in the relationship between the Soviet government of the Bolsheviks and the nationalist Central Rada, which seized power in Ukraine. The struggle for bread has turned from a socio-economic problem into an acute military-political problem. The Central Rada wanted to use bread as a weapon in the struggle against the Bolsheviks, leaving the broad masses of Russian people and the soldiers at the fron

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Pinelli, Cesare. "Current challenges for European democracy." Open Access Government 42, no. 1 (2024): 332–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.56367/oag-042-11282.

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Current challenges for European democracy Cesare Pinelli, Professor of Constitutional Law at the University of Rome La Sapienza, discusses the reasons behind the EU’s vulnerability to criticism by populist leaders. The European democracy is facing increasing challenges, if not threats, that are likely to affect its identity. Some concern democracies worldwide, from military aggressions and hybrid warfare run by autocratic States to the new dangers connected with the sweeping development of Artificial Intelligence or the growing power of giant firms worldwide. Other challenges, although also di

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15

Moreno-Luzón, Javier. "‘Seeds of Spain’: Scouting, Monarchy and National Construction, 1912–1931." European History Quarterly 50, no. 2 (2020): 226–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420910944.

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The official Spanish branch of the international Boy Scout movement, the Exploradores de España, offers an instructive example of a nationalist association in Spain in the first third of the twentieth century. This article adopts a comparative perspective and studies the Exploradores discourses and practices, the association’s founders and leaders, the scouts’ publications and activities, as well as the organization’s internal conflicts and evolution between 1912 and 1931. As in Britain and many other countries, the movement was endorsed by the royal family and led by military officers and mid

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Feinstein, Yuval. "Rallying around the President: When and Why Do Americans Close Ranks behind Their Presidents during International Crisis and War?" Social Science History 40, no. 2 (2016): 305–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2016.5.

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Many studies have reported that US presidents often become more popular at the onset of wars and other security crises. Research on this “rally-round-the-flag” phenomenon has focused on either rational calculation of success, chances of military actions, popular perceptions of security threats, or the role of opinion leaders. This paper proposes a new approach: I argue that challenges to the symbolic status of the nation vis-à-vis other nations drive rally periods. This study examines the rally-round-the-flag phenomenon from a comparative historical perspective, using a new database of war eve

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ROMANIUK, Mykhailo. "FORMATION OF THE PERSONALITY OF THE UPA COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF VASYL KUK (1913–1941)." Contemporary era 6 (2018): 189–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-189-197.

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The study investigates the formation of the personality of Vasyl Kuk (1913–2007) – the leader of the OUN armed forces and the UPA Commander-in-Chief (1950–1954), a social and political activist of independent Ukraine. Based on unpublished sources and various published materials, the first stage of the future leader's life and the organizational path was recreated. It chronologically covers the period from his birth until 1941, when he joined the OUN Wire, thus becoming one of the leaders of the Ukrainian liberation movement of that period. Particular attention is paid to the family environment

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KRAVETS, Nataliia. "THE ARCHIVAL-INVESTIGATIVE CASE OF VASYL PROKHODA AS A HISTORICAL SOURCE." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 33 (2020): 331–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2020-33-331-341.

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The archival-investigative case of Vasyl Prokhoda, a Ukrainian military, public and political figure, Lieutenant Colonel of the Ukrainian People's Republic Army, military historian, is analyzed, as it is not only an important source for studying his life but also for studying totalitarianism in the Ukrainian SSR and the USSR. The investigation clarified the circumstances of the detention and arrest of V. Prokhoda in late January - early February 1945, the vicissitudes of the investigation from February 2, 1945, to September 10, 1945. Working methods of employees of the SMERSH counterintelligen

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19

Lebel, Udi, and Dana Masad. "Life Scripts, Counter Scripts and Online Videos: The Struggle of Religious-Nationalist Community Epistemic Authorities against Military Service for Women." Religions 12, no. 9 (2021): 750. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090750.

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Life Scripts and Counter Scripts are used to illustrate the struggle by Israel’s Nationalist-Ultra-Orthodox Rabbinical authorities within the Zionist-religious community against military service for women. Following years in which the army had been out of bounds for the normative life scripts of the community’s women, the enlistment of women was relatively legitimized and normalized (although still far from becoming mainstream). These women identified an epistemic community that enabled them to establish life scripts offering community logics by which military service is perceived as empowerin

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20

Lindblad, J. Thomas. "British Business and the Uncertainties of Early Independence in Indonesia." Itinerario 37, no. 2 (2013): 147–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000508.

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British private investors were not inclined to view the leaders of newly independent Indonesia with much confidence. In 1949, when the transfer of sovereignty from the Netherlands to the Republic of Indonesia was imminent, the chairman of the United Serdang (Sumatra) Rubber Plantations disclosed the following opinion to the firm's shareholders at a gathering in London's Great Tower Street: “The Republican leaders are mainly ambitious men, whose records are well known, striving for personal aggrandizement. The measure of their interest in the welfare of the country is to be gauged by their poli

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Hrenciuc, Daniel. "Poles in Suceava County during Nicolae Ceausescu’s nationalist-communist regime. Contributions." Polonia Inter Gentes, no. 3 (February 1, 2023): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.56583/pig.2085.

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This study was carried out on the basis of the original documents discovered during the research carried out in the Archives of the National Council for the Study of Security Archives in Bucharest (ACNSAS), Romania. The analysis of these documents shows us the fact that the Poles from Suceava county (Romania) were monitored by the Securitate during the nationalist-communist regime of Nicolae Ceaușescu. Officially, Romania and Poland were allies within the political-military alliance called the Warsaw Treaty Organization. The totalitarian regime led by Nicolae Ceaușescu was extremely conservati

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Hsiao-ting, Lin. "War or Stratagem? Reassessing China's Military Advance towards Tibet, 1942–1943." China Quarterly 186 (June 2006): 446–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741006000233.

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This article re-evaluates an important yet usually ignored episode in modern Chinese ethnopolitical history. It seeks to argue that, in the midst of the Second World War, Chiang Kai-shek manoeuvred towards a possible war with Tibet in order to serve other military, strategic and political purposes, namely, to insert his direct control into China's south-western border provinces that were still in the firm grip of obstinate warlords. Chiang Kai-shek's careful manipulation of the Sino-Tibetan border crisis in 1942–43 also reveals how he and his top military advisors perceived wartime China's ter

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Sanaullah, Md, Abul Bashar, and Sabina Yesmin Lima. "Indian Narrative Setting of 1971 War: A Cinematic Memory Study." Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Science 2, no. 2 (2025): 204–13. https://doi.org/10.69739/jahss.v2i2.721.

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Cinema acts as a soft power to narrate the story to the people irrespective of age and nationality. It is also a powerful tool to spread propaganda. In south Asia the Indian film industry is a very stronghold for making powerful cinema. They often compose cinema on historical events and narrate the story which they want to disseminate. Sometimes this narration of events creates distortion of historiography. In this study we examine carefully how the Indian films tell the story of the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War. We have used three Indian films for this study: Pippa, Children of War, and Gun

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Zagor, Matthew. "“I am the Law!”—Perspectives of Legality and Illegality in the Israeli Army." Israel Law Review 43, no. 3 (2010): 551–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700000881.

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The language of morality and legality infuses every aspect of the Middle East conflict. From repeated assertions by officials that Israel has “the most moral army in the world” to justifications for specific military tactics and operations by reference to self-defense and proportionality, the public rhetoric is one of legal right and moral obligation. Less often heard are the voices of those on the ground whose daily experience is lived within the legal quagmire portrayed by their leaders in such uncompromising terms. This Article explores the opaque normative boundaries surrounding the action

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Coble, Parks M. "Chiang Kai-shek and the Anti-Japanese Movement in China: Zou Tao-fen and the National Salvation Association, 1931–1937." Journal of Asian Studies 44, no. 2 (1985): 293–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2055924.

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AbstractsJapanese imperialism relentlessly besieged the Nationalist government of China during the Nanking decade. Chiang Kai-shek, believing that China was not ready to confront Japanese military power and obsessed with the desire to eliminate the Communists, adopted a policy of consistent appeasement toward the.Japanese. This enraged public opinion in urban China, and Zou Tao-fen, a popular journalist, led the cry for resistance to Japan. He and his associates were continually suppressed by the Nanking government; nevertheless, they published several journals in succession, each of which den

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Takemoto, Toshio. "Mémoire et violence dans les Chroniques de l’oiseau à ressort de Murakami Haruki ou de Khalkhin Gol aux camps de Sibérie." Slavica Occitania 33, no. 1 (2011): 373–91. https://doi.org/10.3406/slaoc.2011.1672.

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Memory and Violence in Murakami Haruki’s The Wind-Up Bird Chronicle – from Khalkhin Gol to a concentration camp in Siberia In Murakami Haruki’s Nejimakidori kuronikuru (The Wind-Up Bird Chronicle), some important chapters take place firstly at Khalkhin Gol in 1938 and secondly in a concentration camp in Siberia after the surrender of Japan in 1945. The Japanese portraits reflect the Japanese and Soviet states’ violence. Due to the blind faith in the Japanese sacred power, the leaders do not hear the voice of the people who judge absurd the war that began in 1931. Therefore, the Japanese indivi

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McCORD, EDWARD A. "Ethnic Revolt, State-Building and Patriotism in Republican China: The 1937 West Hunan Miao Abolish-Military-Land Resist-Japan Uprising." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 6 (2011): 1499–533. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000096.

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AbstractThis paper examines how an ethnic Miao uprising in West Hunan in 1937 became the site for the interaction of a broad range of competing local, provincial, and national interests. The target of the uprising was a tuntian system formed from confiscated Miao lands in the early nineteenth century to support a military system defending against Miao disturbances. Surviving anachronistically into the twentieth century, the military land rents of this system formed a base for warlord power on Hunan's western frontier. The uprising arose opportunistically in the context of a struggle over the r

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Starecka, Katarzyna. "Przebieg i skutki czystki politycznej w okupowanej Japonii." Prace Historyczne 149, no. 2 (2022): 343–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.22.018.15678.

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The political purge in occupied Japan: implementation and effects The Allied forces in occupied Japan had two main tasks: to punish and eliminate from public life those found responsible for war crimes, and to democratise the country. One of the tools used to achieve these objectives was a large-scale political purge targeted against the pre-war military and political elite, members of nationalist organisations, employees of the state administration and media, educators and business leaders. The paper examines the rationale behind the purge organized between 1945 and 1952, the assumptions upon

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WATSON, ALEXANDER. "Managing an ‘Army of Peoples’: Identity, Command and Performance in the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1914–1918." Contemporary European History 25, no. 2 (2016): 233–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000059.

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AbstractThis article examines the officers who led the Habsburg Army during the First World War. It highlights the complexity of their identities, demonstrating that this went well beyond the a-national – nationalist dichotomy in much historiography. It also argues that these officers' identities had a profound impact on how their army functioned in the field. The article first studies the senior command in 1914–16, showing how its wartime learning processes were shaped by transnational attitudes. These officers had belonged in peace to an international military professional network. When disa

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Zvyagelskaya, I. D. "Soviet Researchers on the Middle East: Ahead of Their Time." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (2019): 24–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-24-37.

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In the mid-1950s-1960s the Soviet Orientalists were facing serious challenges. The collapse of the colonial system, the growth of national liberation movements, the entry of new forces that did not fit into the rigid framework of the Communist ideas about the revolutionary process, demanded realistic explanations of what was happening. The article attempts to consider some breakthrough ideas and assessments of historical events in the Middle East put forward by the Soviet experts. The review is primarily based on the publications of Soviet specialists published in the 1970’s. Among those who s

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Teodor, Dechev, and Popov Ivaylo. "The crimes in Baku in 1918 and the resonance abroad." Politics and Security 2, no. 2 (2021): 20–63. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5639247.

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The text concerns a case study of an act of extreme violence in Baku in March 1918. Bolshevik troops, together with the paramilitaries of the Armenian socialist and nationalist Dashnaktsutyun party attacked the Muslim districts of Baku. The victims are estimated between 3000 and 12000. The estimation of 3000 victims is given by the leader of the Bolsheviks – Stepan Shaumian and it concerned only the first two days of the battle and the area of the center of the city of Baku. The historical, ethnical and political contexts of the Baku massacre are analyzed in the text, together with the m

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Osipova, N. G. "Ideological impact on social behavior: theoretical and methodological aspects <i>(Ending)</i>." Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 29, no. 2 (2023): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2023-29-2-7-30.

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This article examines an ambivalent ideology – nationalism, which, on the one hand, causes nationalist sentiments in society, provokes ethnic or racial intolerance, and on the other hand, promotes national unity and solidarity.The author examines three theoretical and methodological problems related to the consideration of nationalism as a full-fledged ideology, and also highlights the core ideas of this ideology, the most important of which are the nation, organic community, self-determination and identity politics.In Russian literature, depending on the interpretation of the concept of natio

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Shields, James Mark. "After the Fall." Journal of Religion in Japan 7, no. 2 (2018): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118349-00702001.

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AbstractTsuji Zennosuke 辻善之助 (1877–1955), the dominant figure in Buddhist historical scholarship in Japan from the 1930s until the mid-1950s, is known to have employed a broad range of sources in order to provide a comprehensive analysis of his subject. This essay examines Tsuji’s conception of Buddhist history in relation to the emergence of both National Historical Studies (kokushigaku 国史学) and so-called State Shintō (kokka shintō 国家神道) and argues against the image of Tsuji as an “objective historian” resistant to nationalist trends in historical scholarship. In fact, Tsuji was involved in t

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Николаенко, Петр, and Pyotr Nikolaen. "The victory near Poltava on June 27, 1709 – the most important factor of strengthening of the Russian statehood." Vestnik of the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia 2019, no. 2 (2019): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35750/20718284-2019-2-71-78.

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This article is the first attempt to chronicle in a comprehensive manner the official attitude of Russian rulers to the significance of the victory over Sweden in the Poltava battle by the Russian troops led by Peter the Great. It traces the evolution of the official stance throughout different periods in history of our Motherland from the reign of Peter the Great as first Russian emperor to contemporary leaders of Russia and newly -independent Ukraine. Using concrete examples the author reveals the nationwide patriotic fervor typifying the official line on the Poltava victory during the empir

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Albertini, Matteo. "Mafia links between the Balkans and Scandinavia. State of affairs." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 4, no. 2 (2012): 111–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v4i2_7.

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The last twenty years has seen an increasing presence of Balkan organized crime groups in security reports and newspapers’ headlines. This does not mean that mafia groups did not exist during Socialist Yugoslavia – even if its collapse and the following war made criminals and smugglers useful for politicians and leaders to maintain their power; it rather means that Balkan organized crime came outside its traditional areas of action in Serbia, Montenegro and Albania: less territorial and nationalist than it was before, it is now gaining prominence in an international scenario, making agreements

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Cabada, Ladislav, and Martin Ehl. "The Kosovo Crisis and the Prospects of the Balkans." Czech Journal of International Relations 34, no. 4 (1999): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/cjir.1431.

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The Kosovo crisis has demonstrated that the West had put an end to its wait-and-see policy and resolved to be totally committed to the problems of the Balkans. The Stability pact creates an institutional framework in which an economic protectorate of the majority of post-communist South-East European countries will be set up step by step. But the problem is whether Balkan political leaders will respond favourably to the requirements of democratization and of a more transparent policy. The attacks against Yugoslavia have shown that the US and the North Atlantic Alliance are the only ones who po

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Filimonova, Anna Igorevna, and Egor Andreevich Klishin. "Preparation and implementation of the “Greater Albania” project: historical and geopolitical aspects (1944-1980s)." Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), no. 8 (July 28, 2024): 482–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2408-02.

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The Kosovo issue is currently “settled” by the actual functioning of the Republic of Kosovo and by providing it with all the attributes of statehood during the Belgrade-Pristina negotiations (completeness of territory, border, customs, army, independent telecommunications and electricity system, international telephone number, etc.). When studying the Kosovo problem, it is logical to raise the question: why and how it was resolved in this particular way, what were the internal and external factors that ensured the stunning success of the separatist Pristina, which achieved an unprecedented per

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Quek, Kai, and Alastair Iain Johnston. "Can China Back Down? Crisis De-escalation in the Shadow of Popular Opposition." International Security 42, no. 3 (2018): 7–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00303.

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Many analysts argue that public opinion creates pressure on Chinese leaders to act coercively in territorial disputes, and that it also limits their options to de-escalate once crises have broken out. Evidence suggests, however, that Chinese leaders may prefer having more flexibility rather than less in a crisis. Using original data generated by a survey experiment conducted in China in 2015, this article examines several strategies that Chinese leaders could use to reduce public pressure so as to make concessions in a crisis easier. These strategies include pledging to use economic sanctions

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Itsik, Roen. "Israel’s defence ethos: military service as a turning point." Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny 82, no. 3 (2020): 299–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/rpeis.2020.82.3.20.

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Jewish culture deals a lot with survival stories – most of them became myths, especially since the establishment of the state of Israel. The Jewish ‘survival ethos’ is assimilated in Israel mostly by customs, traditions, and education. Above all, it has been claimed that military service in the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) is the most significant institution that empowers the survival ethos. As a result, it is assumed that those who serve in the IDF are characterized by hatred towards Arabs, and by being extreme nationalists. This claim is examined in the current article, which analyses the lev

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Mosa Lali and Reza Arefi. "China-India Diplomatic Relations from Afghanistan’s Prospective since 1950 to 2020." International journal of social sciences 1, no. 2 (2025): 165–92. https://doi.org/10.64394/ijss.v2i1.31.

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Competition between different actors, efforts for international cooperation and a revisionist view are the most important features for transition period in international relations and recognizing of the actions between the major and important actors is crucial for understanding of international system and their effective actions on international system. According to internal characteristics of China-India as two new emergence powers and as the most important powerful countries in Asia have an undeniable role to play in revising of the world order. Historically, Sino-India relations have had ma

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ILNYTSKYI, Vasyl. "THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE DEATH OF A LEADER OF TRANSCARPATHIAN OUN COUNTY PROVID DMYTRO BANDUSIAK." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 32 (2019): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2019-32-125-138.

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The article reveals D. Bandusiak's role and place in the Ukrainian liberation movement 1930–1940s. The leadership positions he held and his contribution to the deployment of the struggle are defined. The structure of the Transcarpathian regional and district provid of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) was reconstructed. The research is based on newly found documents (the report of the Major Popov of Guards Task Force, a report on Chekist-military operation, a protocol of interrogation of the OUN SS Ivan Terelia and the testimonies of the arrested Alexander Golyak, Vasily Chizhev

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Udvarvölgyi, Zsolt András, and Zoltán Bolek. "Episodes in the life of the Bosnian Muslim Community in Hungary (1920-1945)." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (2022): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.112.

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In this study we present an important and interesting period in the history of Islam in Hungary in the 20th century, the past of the Islamic community in Budapest between the two world wars, which was mainly composed of Bosniaks. Special emphasis will be placed on the life of the community's imam, Husein Hilmi Durić , ‘Grand Mufti’ of Buda and former Military Imam, his domestic and international activities on behalf of the community, and the Hungarian supporters, friends and helpers of the Bosniaks. There is also a brief description of a few other members of the community. The Hungarian Islami

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Bartyzel, Jacek. "Catholic and monarchist nationalism in twentieth-century Portugal." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 43, no. 2 (2021): 19–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.2.2.

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The subject of this article is Christian nationalism in twentieth-century Portugal in its two ideological and organizational crystallizations. The first is the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista), operating in the late period of constitutional liberal monarchy, founded in 1903 on the basis of Catholic circles, whose initiator, leader, and main theoretician was Jacinto Cândido da Silva (1857–1926). The second is the metapolitical movement created after overthrowing the monarchy in 1914, aimed against the Republic, called Integralismo Lusitano. Its leader and main thinker was António Sardin

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ROMANIUK, Mykhailo. "THE LIFE PATH OF IVAN CHERVAK («DNISTROVYI») - A KNIGHT OF THE SILVER CROSS OF MERIT OF THE UKRAINIAN INSURGENT ARMY." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 33 (2020): 352–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2020-33-352-363.

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The research deals with the life and military path of Ivan Chervak («Dnistrovyi») (1923–1953). He was a leading person of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists' Youth department in Stanislaviv region (now - Ivano-Frankivsk region), a political educator at the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UIA), one of the leaders of the OUN's armed underground in Zakerzonnia, the commander of a courier group that provided communication on the «Carpathians-Zakerzonnia–western zones of German occupation» line, and the Zolochiv district leader. By the Ukrainian Supreme Liberation Council's decision and the Main

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Pain, Emil A. "The Historical Weakening of Anti-Semitism in Russia and its Short-Term Actualization in the Discourse of Modern Russian Nationalists." Bulletin of Liberal Arts University 12, no. 2 (2024): 131–47. https://doi.org/10.35853/vestnik.gu.2024.12-2.08.

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The article outlines the results of a study of anti-Semitism using two complementary methodological approaches, allowing us to view this phenomenon and its dynamics in Russia from different angles. On the one hand, macro sociological analysis points to the fundamental reasons for the consistent weakening of anti-Semitism in post-Soviet times. On the other hand, the content-analysis method used to study the discourse of Telegram channels of Russian nationalists showed that at a certain time (October-December 2023), the rhetoric of anti-Semitism increased sharply, as a reaction to the escalation

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Jazavita, S. "ILLUSION AND REALITY OF STATEHOOD: THE SEARCH FOR PARALLELS BETWEEN THE LITHUANIAN ACTIVIST FRONT AND THE ORGANISATION OF UKRAINIAN NATIONALISTST." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 132 (2017): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2017.132.1.16.

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he present article analyses the relationship between the Lithuanian Activist Front and the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and their activity parallels in order to reach the Lithuanian and the Ukrainian independence in 1941. The research focuses on the attempts of the OUN and the LAF leaders to project the future Lithuanian and Ukrainian states in the 'New Europe' headed by Germany. Reaching for counterbalance against the USSR and the Communist ideology, the LAF and the OUN organizations aimed at taking into consideration the military and political power of Germany, while Škirpa,

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Subkhana Adzim Baqi and Raka Zikrilah. "Dari Kerajaan Menjadi Republik: Transformasi dan Konfrontasi Kepemimpinan Raja Idris Serta Kebijakan Muammar Khadafi Di Libya Abad 20." Batuthah: Jurnal Sejarah Padaban Islam 4, no. 1 (2025): 60–71. https://doi.org/10.38073/batuthah.v4i1.2475.

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The transition from monarchy to republic in Libya was one of the most significant political changes in the 20th century. The fall of King Idris and the rise of Muammar Gaddafi reflected the clash between traditional leadership and revolutionary charismatic leadership. This study aims to analyze the factors that caused the transition and its impact on Libya's political structure. This study uses a historical method with four stages, namely heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results of the study indicate that the transition from monarchy to republic was trigger

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Koutouan, Chantal Palé. "Military Reforms and Security Challenges in Sub-Saharan Africa in Light of Machiavelli’s Political Project." Uirtus 1, no. 2 (2021): 457. https://doi.org/10.59384/uirtus.2021.2659.

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The upsurge in violence in sub-Saharan Africa makes the security issue a major concern. In an irrevocably globalized context, how does the leader go about conceptualizing the holistic conditions for the security emergence of his state? Is it by strengthening military and political reforms? The Machiavellian military science instructing the promotion of defense and security forces, effective and citizen, can serve as a paradigm for the reform of sub-Saharan African armed forces. It will be a question of demonstrating, under the inspiration of Machiavellian nationalism, that the communication be

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Hyslop, Jonathan. "The world voyage of James Keir Hardie: Indian nationalism, Zulu insurgency and the British labour diaspora 1907–1908." Journal of Global History 1, no. 3 (2006): 343–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022806003032.

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In 1907–1908, the British labour leader, James Keir Hardie, made a round-the-world tour, which included visits to India, Australasia and southern Africa. The support for Indian nationalism which he expressed precipitated a major international political controversy, in the course of which Hardie came under severe attack from the Right, both in Britain and in her colonies. In southern Africa, the issue, combined with Hardie’s earlier criticism of the repression of the 1906 Bambatha rising in Natal, sparked rioting against Hardie by British settlers during his visit. This article seeks to show ho

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Ramesh, Sanjay. "Ethnocracy and Post-Ethnocracy in Fiji." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 8, no. 3 (2016): 115–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v8i3.5185.

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Fiji’s history is interspersed with ethnic conflict, military coups, new constitutions and democratic elections. Ethnic tensions started to increase in the 1960s and reached its peak with violent indigenous Fijian ethnic assertion in the form of military coups in 1987. Following the coup, the constitution adopted at independence was abrogated and a constitution that provided indigenous political hegemony was promulgated in 1990. However, by 1993, there were serious and irreparable divisions within the indigenous Fijian community, forcing coup leader Sitiveni Rabuka to spearhead a constitution

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