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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Nationalist movement

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Academic literature on the topic 'Nationalist movement'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 18 May 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Nationalist movement"

1

Watanabe, Shoko. "THE PARTY OF GOD: THE ASSOCIATION OF ALGERIAN MUSLIM ʿULAMAʾ IN CONTENTION WITH THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT AFTER WORLD WAR II." International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, no. 2 (May 2018): 271–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818000065.

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AbstractScholarship has long held that Islamic reform was a preparatory stage for nationalism in the Muslim world. In challenge to this view, this article shows how in the context of 20th-century Algeria Islamic reformers and nationalists continued to maintain distinct political ideas, visions, and projects. The article examines the internal framework of the Association of Algerian Muslim ʿUlamaʾ, an Islamic reform movement founded in 1931 when Algeria was under French colonial rule, and its interactions with other local movements, especially the Algerian nationalist movement. Through a comparison of the discourse of the Algerian ʿulamaʾ to that of the nationalists, it argues that while both groups claimed to be successors of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, their understanding of politics (siyāsa) was different. Whereas the ʿulamaʾ associated politics with their own spiritual leadership, the nationalists associated it with institutions. The study situates these distinct visions within the post–World War II historical context, in which the expanding nationalist movement undermined the ʿulamaʾ’s popular appeal.

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Warjio, Warjio. "THE INFLUENCE OF THE INDONESIAN NATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE EARLY ISLAMIC MOVEMENT IN MALAYSIA." JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL dan ILMU POLITIK 2, no. 1 (June 20, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.30742/juispol.v2i1.2131.

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This article raises the main question: How was the influence of the Indonesian nationalist movement namely nationalism and Islam in the initial nationalism movement in Malaysia? Using the political history approach of this article reveals this important issue. First, the Indonesian nationalism movement had influenced the nationalist movement in Malaysia through Indonesian political activists to Malaysia, then known as Malaysia. The important results of this article make an important contribution that not only is there a national political connection to the formation of Malaysian independence, but the spirit of nationalism and Islam is united in the influence of the early Islamic nationalist movement in Malaysia.Keywords: Indonesian nationalism movement, nationalism movement in Malaysia, islamic movement, islamic political party

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VALLS, ANDREW. "A Liberal Defense of Black Nationalism." American Political Science Review 104, no. 3 (August 2010): 467–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000249.

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This article brings together work on liberal political theory and black nationalism in an attempt to both strengthen the case for black nationalism and enrich and extend liberal theory. I begin by arguing that for much of U.S. history, the classical black nationalist case for an independent state finds substantial support in recent liberal theories of secession. In the post–civil rights era, black nationalists in the Black Power movement argued for more limited forms of black autonomy, a position known as “community nationalism.” Community black nationalism makes claims similar to minority nationalist claims for limited self-determination, yet liberal multiculturalists like Will Kymlicka defend the latter while withholding support for black nationalism. I argue that black nationalism raises fundamental issues of justice and that liberal multicultural theory can be extended to support black nationalist claims.

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Clark, Roland. "Nationalism and orthodoxy: Nichifor Crainic and the political culture of the extreme right in 1930s Romania." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 1 (January 2012): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.633076.

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This article explores the interplay of religion, anti-Semitism, and personal rivalries in building the ultra-nationalist movement in 1930s Romania, using the career of Nichifor Crainic as a case study. As a theologian, Crainic created and taught a synthesis of nationalism and Romanian Orthodoxy which was broadly accepted by most ultra-nationalists in interwar Romania. As a journalist, Crainic directed several newspapers which spearheaded acrimonious attacks on democratic and ultra-nationalist politicians alike. As a politician, he joined and left both Corneliu Zelea Codreanu's Legion of the Archangel Michael and A.C. Cuza's National Christian Defense League before attempting to form his own Christian Workers’ Party. Crainic's writings ultimately earned him a place as a minister in two governments and membership of the Romanian Academy. His career reveals an ultra-nationalist movement rife with division and bickering but united around a vaguely defined ideology of religious nationalism, xenophobia, and anti-Semitism.

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STEFANIV, Vasyl. "RELIGION IN THE IDEOLOGY OF EUROPEAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENTS AND UKRAINIAN INTEGRAL NATIONALISM DURING THE INTERWAR PERIOD: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS." Contemporary era 7 (2019): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2019-7-58-74.

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The article highlights the international historical context in which the relationships between nationalists and conservatives were formed during the interwar period in Europe. There was made a comparative analysis of similar and distinct attitudes towards religion in the ideology of nationalist movements in interwar Europe and Ukrainian nationalism. For the broader historical context, the example of nationalist movements in Central and Eastern Europe is crucial for understanding Ukrainian nationalism's ideology, including its attitude towards religion. It describes the complex relationships of modern nationalist movements with traditional Christianity, which was a distinct feature of the intellectual and political life of that time in Europe. The study analyzed the ideological foundations of nationalist movements in Central and Eastern Europe, where church and religion occupied a prominent place. Similar and distinctive features of the religion in the nationalist movement in Galicia were analyzed compared to the similar processes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The author states that the representatives of the Polish integrated nationalism and the fascist parties that came to power, namely the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) led by A. Hitler, the Croatian Ustasha, the Iron Guard in Romania, had a fairly large proportion of mythical foundations in their political programs and resembled political religion in their ideology. The ultimate instrument by which the nation could believe in their ideas was the Church. However, the modern political religion that was created could not completely deny the previous one. Therefore, most of the nationalist movements analyzed here had built their relationship with the Church, mainly for two purposes: first, to receive its support, hence the commitment of the believers; second, they used the authority of the Church and religion in their political activities. Keywords: nationalism, fascism, Nazism, Poland, Croatia, Romania, Codreanu, Pavelic, OUN, Onatsky.

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Tikhonov, Vladimir. "Sin Ŏnjun (1904–1938) and Lu Xun's Image in Korea: Colonial Korea's Nationalist Transnationalism." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 1 (February 2019): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911818002577.

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Throughout the Japanese colonial period, Korea's reading public paid close attention to Chinese revolutions against Japanese and Western empires. Korean nationalists viewed China's revolutionary struggles as important for liberating Korea from Japan, a stance that reveals a transnational basis of Korean nationalism in the colonial era. One such nationalist was Sin Ŏnjun (1904–38),Tong'a Ilbo’s Shanghai-based correspondent, who played a critical role in conveying the momentous events in contemporary China to colonized Koreans. Drawing on Sin's example, this article shows how Sino-Korean transnationalism constituted Korea's left-wing, progressive nationalism in the 1930s. Although Sin Ŏnjun was a nationalist rather than a communist, he highlighted the communist struggles in China in his dispatches. He saw communism as the only viable way of solving China's internal and external problems, although he, at the same time, disapproved of Chinese communists’ “terrorist methods.” This article argues that this position also reflected his stance in favor of a broad communist-nationalist alliance in the Korean independence movement. He saw Korea's liberation agenda as closely related to the revolutionary events in China, thus accomplishing a synthesis between Korean nationalistic and social aspirations and an East Asia–wide transnational paradigm of a universal emancipatory struggle.

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Fois, Marisa. "Algerian Nationalism: From the Origins to Algerian War of Independence." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 1 (March 30, 2017): 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340140.

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Arab nationalism is not a monolithic construct. In the case of Algeria, the nationalist period undoubtedly played a significant role in determining the nature of its nationalist movement, its foundational principles and the nature of the future independent country. It was during the nationalist period that disputes regarding the colonial order, autonomy versus independence and the definition of Algerian identity emerged. The anti-colonial revolution occurred after a long period of gestation, the result of a combination of people’s spontaneous initiative, the action of forces fed by new or existing ideas and the influence of the international context. This article provides an overview of Algerian nationalism—including both Arab and Berber nationalisms—from the 1920s to the 1950s, identifying parties, leaders and currents of thought.

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Jeffries, Bayyinah S. "Prioritizing Black Self-Determination: The Last Strident Voice of Twentieth-Century Black Nationalism." Genealogy 4, no. 4 (November 20, 2020): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4040110.

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Black self-determination, like the movement for civil rights, has long been a struggle on both the national and international stage. From the Black consciousness campaign of South Africa to the Black Power crusades of the United States and Caribbean, and the recent global affirmations of Black Lives Matter, Black nationalist ideology and desires for equity and independence seem ever more significant. While marginal characteristics of Black nationalism clearly persist in the calls for justice and equality, only one voice of twentieth-century Black nationalism remains committed to the full dimensions of the Black nationalist agenda. This essay documents the one leader and movement that has remained committed to a Black nationalist platform as a response to persistent white supremacy. The author reflects on the valuable contributions of twentieth-century Black nationalism and what form, if any, Black nationalism will take when this last Black nationalist movement leader is gone.

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Kenney, Jeffrey T. "Millennial Politics in Modern Egypt: Islamism and Secular Nationalism in Context and Contest." Numen 59, no. 5-6 (2012): 427–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341234.

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AbstractAs a type often linked to societies in transition, millennialism provides a useful framework of analysis to understand the contestation between the two movements that shaped Egypt’s modern identity: Islamism and secular nationalism. Both movements blended political and religious form and content as they strove to unite people in a collectivist effort to create an ideal society that addressed the nation’s material and cultural needs. Indeed, millennial discourse provided a medium through which Egyptians worked out their nationalist aspirations in a religious key and envisioned their religious values and identity in nationalist form. The volatile, irrational character of millennial movements made Egypt’s postcolonial transition to modern politics fraught and uncertain. And the authoritarian trend among Egypt’s ruling secular nationalists exacerbated the situation. In the end, Egypt’s seminal Islamist movement, the Muslim Brotherhood, proved capable of reorienting itself, downplaying its millennial claims, and espousing a rational politics. Its evolution speaks to the capacity of millennial movements to transform themselves and the societies of which they are a part.

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Lluch, Jaime. "Internal variation in sub-state national movements and the moral polity of the nationalist." European Political Science Review 4, no. 3 (December 5, 2011): 433–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000269.

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Variation in secessionism among sub-state nationalists is part of one of the great puzzles of ethnic politics. Sub-state national movements tend to bifurcate and, at times, trifurcate, into two or three basic nationalist orientations: independentist nationalism, autonomist nationalism (and its sub-variants), and federalist nationalism (and its sub-variants). There is a dearth of systematic comparative research into the sources and patterns of internal variation in the political orientations of sub-state national movements. This article investigates why some sub-state nationalists opt for a secessionist orientation while other nationalists within the same national movement opt for a variety of non-secessionist orientations. I use evidence gathered in Quebec and Catalonia, consisting of 42 interviews among the top leadership of the eight national parties of these societies, 15 focus group interviews with party militants, and 370 questionnaires answered by militants, etc. The national consciousness and materialist approaches fail to elucidate these issues. Instead, sub-state nationalists have expectations about what is fair treatment by the central state, and notions about what obligations emerge due to common membership in a plurinational state. Independentists and strong decentralizers (strong autonomists and radical asymmetric federalists) opt for their chosen orientations because they perceive that central state institutions are unable to promote an ethos of plurinational reciprocity and are aggrieved by state nationalism, while less-decentralizing nationalists (weak autonomists and traditional federalists) assert that the central state is capable of accommodation and reciprocity and have no grievances about state nationalism.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Nationalist movement"

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Al-Hussaini, M. "The Arab nationalist movement 1952-1961." Thesis, University of Salford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234625.

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Al-Soudani, Sadik H. "The nationalist movement in Kenya in the 1950s and the Mau Mau movement." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1988. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.549317.

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Menon, Kalyani Devaki. "Dissonant subjects: Women in the Hindu nationalist movement in India." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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Dodds, Antonia Catharine. "Caledonia's mantle : rhetoric and arguments in the Scottish nationalist movement." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.396599.

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Hussain, Majid Salman. "British policy and the nationalist movement in Egypt 1914-1924." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361323.

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Al-Mdairis, Falah. "The Arab Nationalist Movement in Kuwait from its origins to 1970." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.357853.

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Pakhrin, Kalyani. "Indias nationalist movement and the participation of Nepali women of Darjeeling." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2596.

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Dhingra, Leena. "Exhumation : a novel and critical commentary." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249429.

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Bhattacharyya, Malaysankar. "Nationalist movement and freedom struggle in some selected areas of Northern Bengal (1857-1947)." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1234.

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Krasniqi, Gezim. "Nationalist movement as an arena of political struggle : the case of Kosovo." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25965.

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This thesis focuses on the Kosovo Albanian national movement between 1968 and 2008. Using a multi-layered approach, it analyses a) the factors that determined its political success, b) its continuous transformation and, above all, the internal dynamics of power competition, and c) the prevalence of the independence option in the early 1990s. A key feature of this research project is that it emphasises intra- Albanian struggles, elite competition and tensions over internal legitimacy and power to dominate and generate political identities. In other words, it depicts the way in which nationalism is contested within a national movement that seeks independence. As regards the political success of Kosovo Albanian nationalism, the thesis has demonstrated that although the latter has been fragmented, especially during the war, external intervention was essential in the removal of the Serbian/Yugoslav control and, later on, in achieving independence. It not only proved to be a determining factor in the achievement of Kosovo’s independence, but also played an essential role in sustaining a minimal consensus within the deeply fragmented nationalist movement. Regarding the issue of the internal dynamics of contention and power-struggles and ideological and political transformations of the nationalist movement, the findings suggest that the Kosovo Albanian nationalist movement has constantly been an arena of struggle for competing groups/organisations and political stances. Such power struggles in turn led to the bifurcation, trifurcation or even total fragmentation of the movement, with various groups and parties standing at opposite ends of the spectrum of political and nationalist demands. The thesis contends that the internal power struggle intensified in the aftermath of critical junctures that provided new opportunities (such as audiences) and constraints for the competing parties/groups. These ‘episodes of contention’ in turn resulted in the fundamental transformation and the restructuring of the power relations within the Kosovo Albanian nationalist arena and political field and, consequently, of the political demands and ideological orientation of the movement. The thesis adopts the institutionalist approach to explain the predominance of the independence option. While examining the role of political institutions in structuring political life and forging a new political identity, it argues that the project of an independent Kosovo is tightly linked to, and even stems from, the existence of Kosovo’s quasi-republican status in Yugoslavia. In other words, the existence of separate Kosovan cultural and political institutions during the period of autonomy was crucial in the process of the emergence of independence-oriented elites. Finally, as regards the contribution of this thesis to the wider scholarly work on nationalism, it reinforces the necessity of shifting the focus from the political success of nationalism to its sociological development and the properties of political and social interactions that define the emergence of factionalism and competing political stances. Most importantly, this thesis has shown that even in cases of apparent ethnic homogenisation and cemented inter-ethnic distance, internal dissent and strife is inevitable as groups and individuals strive for power and domination.

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Books on the topic "Nationalist movement"

1

John, Boyd. The Nationalist movement. Montreal: [s.n.], 1994.

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Al-Hussaini, Mousa. The Arab Nationalist Movement 1952-1961. Salford: University of Salford, 1987.

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Conference on the Nationalist Movement in the Sudan (1986). The Nationalist movement in the Sudan. Khartoum, Sudan: Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, 1989.

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Śekhara, Bandyopādhyāẏa, ed. Nationalist movement in India: A reader. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2009.

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1947-, Patnaik Himanshu S., Mishra Prasanna Kumar, and Utkal University. Post-graduate Dept. of History., eds. Studies in nationalist movement in India. Bhubaneswar: P.G. Dept. of History, Utkal University, 2001.

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Jaffrelot, Christophe. The Hindu nationalist movement in India. New York: Columbia University Press, 1996.

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Arora, K. C. Indian nationalist movement in Britain, 1930-1949. New Delhi, India: Inter-India Publications, 1992.

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al-Nāṣir, Hudá Jamāl ʻAbd. Britain and the Egyptian nationalist movement, 1936-1952. Reading: Ithaca Press, 1994.

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Divine enterprise: Gurus and the Hindu Nationalist Movement. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996.

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Bulmer Hobson and the nationalist movement in twentieth-century Ireland. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Nationalist movement"

1

Johnston, Hank. "Nationalism, Nationalist Movements, and Social Movement Theory." In The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, 635–50. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781119168577.ch36.

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Kohn, Hans. "The Nationalist Movement in Egypt." In A History of Nationalism in the East, 174–221. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003344773-7.

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Porat, Yehoshua. "The Palestinian-Arab Nationalist Movement." In The Middle East, 265–70. New York: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003419044-31.

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Vali, Abbas. "The Revival of the Nationalist Movement." In The Forgotten Years of Kurdish Nationalism in Iran, 27–69. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16069-2_3.

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Tafira, Hashi Kenneth. "The Black Nationalist Movement in Azania." In Black Nationalist Thought in South Africa, 15–42. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58650-6_2.

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Gibiec, Magdalena. "The formation of the Ukrainian nationalist movement." In Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists on Emigration, 60–88. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003428954-3.

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Ryu, Dae Young. "Birth and burgeoning of Christian nationalist movement." In A History of Protestantism in Korea, 80–94. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/b22784-6.

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Chakrabarty, Bidyut, and Rajendra K. Pandey. "Socio-economic Dimensions of the Nationalist Movement." In Modern Indian Political Thought, 302–39. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003440062-21.

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Tafira, Hashi Kenneth. "Some Considerations in a Youth Political Movement." In Black Nationalist Thought in South Africa, 107–17. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58650-6_5.

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Mansour, Mohamed El. "Salafis and Modernists in the Moroccan Nationalist Movement." In Islamism and Secularism in North Africa, 53–71. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-61373-1_4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Nationalist movement"

1

Donia, Robert. "The Forgotten Thousands: The Historiography of World War II Rescues of Allied Airmen in Yugoslavia." In Međunaordna naučno-kulturološka konferencija “Istoriografija o BiH (2001–2017 )”. Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/pi2020.186.11.

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During World War II, Allied bombing of German-controlled petroleum refineries in Ploesti, Romania, diminished Axis fuel production but cost the Allies hundreds of planes and thousands of lives. Crews of many damaged planes flew partway back to Italy but were forced to crash-land their craft or bail out over Yugoslavia, where many landed on territory controlled by Partisans or Chetniks. Local Yugoslavs (mainly peasants), as well as both Chetniks and Partisans, welcomed them and gave them shelter. They were then evacuated by Allied transport aircraft (principally C-47s) that landed on makeshift airstrips maintained by Partisans or Chetniks. The historiography of these rescues may be divided into document-based studies, prepared principally by US military personnel based on official records; and memory-based studies by pro-Mihailović authors based principally on participant memoirs. Whereas memory-based studies uniformly adopted a Serb nationalist viewpoint, document-based studies showed no favoritism and portrayed various factions working in parallel to rescue Allied airmen. After Milošević fell in 2000, the Foreign Minister of Serbia and Montenegro, Vuk Drašković, in cooperation with the US Embassy, united the movement to valorize downed airmen and local efforts to rehabilitate Mihailović. Whether deliberately or not, US officials thereby undercut human rights activists in Serbia, and non-Serbs throughout the former Yugoslavia, who saw Mihailović as a war criminal, collaborator, and inspiration for war crimes and genocide in the wars of the 1990s.

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Baró Zarzo, José Luis, and Jovita Cortijo Ruiz. "Architecture and Music around the Alhambra. Reminiscences of a dreamlike world: La Puerta del Vino (Debussy)." In 3rd Valencia International Biennial of Research in Architecture, VIBRArch. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/vibrarch2022.2022.15464.

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Orientalism, as a variant of exoticism in the Romantic period, adopted a series of topics linked to distant countries and oriental cultures, including Spanish lands, especially Andalusian. This phenomenon was especially prolific in the world of the arts around the Alhambra, «doubly romantic for its medieval and oriental origin» (Raquejo, 1989).Alhambrism was developed by traveling writers in the early 19th century, eager for suggestive scenarios in which to recreate their poems and stories. Later it spread to the plastic arts, with painters such as François Antoine Bossuet, John Frederick Lewis, David Roberts, Gustave Doré or Jenaro Pérez Villaamil. In the case of architecture, Alhambrism was nourished by parallel sources. On the one hand, the awakening to the conservation of the Alhambra as a monument witness to a dreamy period in the history of Spain, and the first interventions by Rafael Contreras, still under babbling and unscientific criteria. On the other hand, the impulse to decorativism through the seminal studies of Owen Jones and Jules Goury, convinced that «in the Alhambra the exemplary paradigm of the most perfect ornamental and chromatic system of all historical styles had existed was hidden» (Villafranca).Music also found fertile ground for creativity in the Alhambra between the mid-19th and early 20th centuries, within the nationalist romantic movement. However, it was mainly the Spanish composers who chose the Alhambra to reflect the national identity: Tárrega, Turina, Albéniz, Bretón, De Monasterio, to which we should add a Debussy influenced by Falla.The communication aims ultimately to investigate through analysis the musical resources used by the last-mentioned composer, Claude Debussy, to evoke with sounds the architecture and the sensual atmosphere of the Alhambra in one of the most representative works of Alhambrism in music: La Puerta del Vino (The Wine Gate).

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SIMONE, Pierluigi. "THE RECASTING OF THE OTTOMAN PUBLIC DEBT AND THE ABOLITION OF THE CAPITULATIONS REGIME IN THE INTERNATIONAL LEGAL ACTION OF TURKEY LED BY MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATÜRK." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.64.

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The recast of the international debt contracted by the former Ottoman Empire and the overcoming of the capitulations regime that had afflicted Turkey for centuries, are two of the most relevant sectors in which the political and diplomatic action promoted by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk has been expressed. Extremely relevant in this regard are the different disciplines established, respectively, by the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920 and then by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. After the Ottoman Government defaulted in 1875, an agreement (the Decree of Muharrem) was concluded in 1881 between the Ottoman Government and representatives of its foreign and domestic creditors for the resumption of payments on Ottoman bonds, and a European control of a part of the Imperial revenues was instituted through the Administration of the Ottoman Public Debt. At the same time, the Ottoman Empire was burdened by capitulations, conferring rights and privileges in favour of their subjects resident or trading in the Ottoman lands, following the policy towards European States of the Byzantine Empire. According to these capitulations, traders entering the Ottoman Empire were exempt from local prosecution, local taxation, local conscription, and the searching of their domicile. The capitulations were initially made during the Ottoman Empire’s military dominance, to entice and encourage commercial exchanges with Western merchants. However, after dominance shifted to Europe, significant economic and political advantages were granted to the European Powers by the Ottoman Empire. Both regimes, substantially maintained by the Treaty of Sèvres, were considered unacceptable by the Nationalist Movement led by Mustafa Kemal and therefore became the subject of negotiations during the Conference of Lausanne. The definitive overcoming of both of them, therefore represents one of the most evident examples of the reacquisition of the full sovereignty of the Republic of Turkey.

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Gusztin, Rudolf. "Choral Movement and Nationalism in Nineteenth-Century Hungary." In Međunarodni i interdisciplinarni simpozij Glazba, umjetnosti i politika: revolucije i restau- racije u Europi i Hrvatskoj 1815.-1860. (14 ; 2019 ; Zagreb). Hrvatska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21857/y6zolbr8nm.

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Ismira, Andi. "Global Indigeneous People Political Movement in National Context of Indonesia: A Nationalism and Human Rights Approach." In Unhas International Conference on Social and Political Science (UICoSP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/uicosp-17.2017.33.

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Kesteloot, Chantal. "Walloon Federalism or Belgian Nationalism? The Walloon Movement at the End of the First World War." In NISE Essay 6. openjournals ugent, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/nise.90267.

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Clement, Victoria. "TURKMENISTAN’S NEW CHALLENGES: CAN STABILITY CO-EXIST WITH REFORM? A STUDY OF GULEN SCHOOLS IN CENTRAL ASIA, 1997-2007." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/ufen2635.

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In the 1990s, Turkmenistan’s government dismantled Soviet educational provision, replacing it with lower quality schooling. The Başkent Foundation schools represent the concerted ef- forts of teachers and sponsors to offer socially conscious education grounded in science and math with an international focus. This case study of the Başkent Foundation schools in Turkmenistan establishes the vitality of Gülen schools outside of the Turkish Republic and their key role in offering Central Asian families an important choice in secular, general education. The paper discusses the appeal of the schools’ curriculum to parents and students, and records a decade-long success both in educating students and in laying the foundations of civil society: in Turkmenistan the Gülen movement offers the only general education outside of state provision and control. This is particularly significant as most scholars deny that there is any semblance of civil society in Turkmenistan. Notes: The author has been conducting interviews and recording the influence of Başkent schools in Turkmenistan since working as Instructor at the International Turkmen-Turk University in 1997. In May 2007 she visited the schools in the capital Ashgabat, and the northern province of Daşoguz, to explore further the contribution Gülen schools are making. The recent death of Turkmenistan’s president will most likely result in major reforms in education. Documentation of how a shift at the centre of state power affects provincial Gülen schools will enrich this conference’s broader discussion of the movement’s social impact. The history of Gülen-inspired schools in Central Asia reveals as much about the Gülen movement as it does about transition in the Muslim world. While acknowledging that transition in the 21st century includes new political and global considerations, it must be viewed in a historical context that illustrates how change, renewal and questioning are longstanding in- herent to Islamic tradition. In the former Soviet Union, the Gülen movement contributed to the Muslim people’s transi- tion out of the communist experience. Since USSR fell in 1991, participants in Fethullah Gülen’s spiritual movement have contributed to its mission by successfully building schools, offering English language courses for adults, and consciously supporting nascent civil so- ciety throughout Eurasia. Not only in Turkic speaking regions, but also as far as Mongolia and Southeast Asia, the so-called “Turkish schools” have succeeded in creating sustainable systems of private schools that offer quality education to ethnically and religiously diverse populations. The model is applicable on the whole; Gülen’s movement has played a vital role in offering Eurasia’s youth an alternative to state-sponsored schooling. Recognition of the broad accomplishments of Gülen schools in Eurasia raises questions about how these schools function on a daily basis and how they have remained successful. What kind of world are they preparing students for? How do the schools differ from traditional Muslim schools (maktabs or madrasas)? Do they offer an alternative to Arab methods of learning? Success in Turkmenistan is especially notable due to the dramatic politicization of education under nationalistic socio-cultural programmes in that Central Asian country. Since the establishment of the first boarding school, named after Turkish Prime Minister Turgut Ozal, in 1991 the Gülen schools have prospered despite Turkmenistan’s extreme political conditions and severely weakened social systems. How did this network of foreign schools, connected to a faith-based movement, manage to flourish under Turkmenistan’s capricious dictator- ship? In essence, Gülen-inspired schools have been consistently successful in Turkmenistan because a secular curriculum partnered with a strong moral framework appeals to parents and students without threatening the state. This hypothesis encourages further consideration of the cemaat’s ethos and Gülen’s philosophies such as the imperative of activism (aksiyon), the compatibility of Islam and modernity, and the high value Islamic traditions assign to education. Focusing on this particular set of “Turkish schools” in Turkmenistan provides details and data from which we can consider broader complexities of the movement as a whole. In particular, the study illustrates that current transitions in the Muslim world have long, complex histories that extend beyond today’s immediate questions about Islam, modernity, or extremism.

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Trnavčević, Nevena, and Aleksandar Knežević. "Methodological questions in researching the mortality of statistically variable ethnic groups in Serbia." In Population in Post-Yugoslav Countries: (Dis)Similarities and Perspectives. Institute of Social Sciences, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.59954/ppycdsp2024.25.

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Questions of ethnic identity in multicultural societies are of particular importance today and are reflected in various ethnostatistical and ethnodemographic studies. In addition to the population census, an equally important source of data for ethnodemographic research is the vital statistics that has been recorded in Serbia since the first half of the 19th century, but the distribution of data by nationality has only been available since the 1950s. In the post-war period, vital statistics underwent methodological changes, particularly between 1965 and 1970, when the publication of vital events by nationality was suspended, making it difficult to study the demographics of those ethnic groups that experienced negative natural increase for the first time during this period. The second problem is related to the application of subjective criteria in the ethnic declaration of vital events, which directly causes a statistical discrepancy between the declared ethnic identity of the mother at birth and the statement of the death reporter of the same person. This phenomenon is especially pronounced in statistically variable (floating) ethnic groups whose population size fluctuates due to their frequent change of attitude when stating their own ethnic identity in official statistics. Therefore, in this paper we will focus on the study of the quality of ethnostatistical data of vital statistics using the example of a comparative analysis of selected mortality indicators according to the period 1970-2020 which directly influenced the pronounced fluctuations in the dynamics of the natural movement of certain ethnic groups. This will show whether vital statistics data can be accepted and used without restriction as a quantitative basis for demographic and other research.

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Barbas, Valeria. "Cultural and musical identity as a formative factor of the new national composition schools from the end of the XIX century." In Conferința științifică internațională Patrimoniul cultural: cercetare, valorificare, promovare. Ediția XIV. Institute of Cultural Heritage, Republic of Moldova, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52603/pc22.24.

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Analyzing the co-reporting of the concepts music - identity, music seems to be one of the key elements of identity, because it off ers a perception of the self, but also of the collectivity. Musical compositional creation that tended to embody tradition has served as a powerful cultural resource for nationalism since the XIX century. Th us, in the context of the national movements from the end of the XIX century, new national schools appeared. Th e compositional vector was directed, on the one hand, to get out of the crisis of the romantic music trend, and on the other hand, to strengthen the new national schools in Eastern Europe states, where the academic musical culture was at a relatively young stage. In these conditions, the affi rmation of identity in national musical cultures, in East and Central European professional composition, consolidated the formation of compositional schools that were based on the principles of exploring the traditions of popular art, the uniqueness and specifi c local-regional individuality, in order to affi rm national music and to create cult music.

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Beris, Yeter, and İsmail Erim Gulacti. "Influences of Japanese prints on European printmaking (in the case of Degas-Manzi partnership)." In 10th International Symposium on Graphic Engineering and Design. University of Novi Sad, Faculty of technical sciences, Department of graphic engineering and design,, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.24867/grid-2020-p69.

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Contemporary artists have included classical methods together with innovative digital printing technologies to their artistic manufactures and thus their technological production interactions have been reflected on current art as well. Today’s artists have also been in collaboration with each other by involving the digital printing technologies which kept advancing during the recent 20 years in their works of art just like Degas and Manzi did in their relationships of production partnerships in 19th Century. Besides, those opinions which originated from modernism ideas and movements consist of the core of this cooperation post Industrial Revolution era. Therefore, the concept of nationalism, the devastating consequences of the world wars and the latest industrial and technological advancements have all transformed human life irreversibly. Consequently, during this transformation era, various significant movements of art such as Impressionism and Expressionism emerged in the 20th century and representatives of those art movements substituted such a lot of printmaking practices in their works of art. None of those mentioned above took place in other previous movements of art. They reflected their points of view that they display social movements and none of the other artists who represent other senses of art have ever exhibited such a lot of printmaking practices. Thus, various printing technologies which present a new laboratory environment to the artists. As a result of this, printing technologies have been preferred as a sort of new artistic media value and it started to take its prominent place in collections of art as well as in museums during artistic presentations. Within this context, this article aims at studying the phenomenon of art by considering how it has changed during the historical process by examining those works of art which reveal these variations. Common production and working techniques in traditional printmaking, contributions of the technological advantages to the artistic manufacture. Besides, periodical innovations will be examined and presented by introducing an updated point of view to the topic within the content of this article that contain some citations from the second part of the thesis titled “Effects of fine art printmaking on the phenomenon of contemporary art”.

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Reports on the topic "Nationalist movement"

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Tymoshyk, Mykola. LONDON MAGAZINE «LIBERATION WAY» AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF UKRAINIAN JOURNALISM ABROAD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11057.

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One of the leading Western Ukrainian diaspora journals – London «Liberation Way», founded in January 1949, has become the subject of the study for the first time in journalism. Archival documents and materials of the Ukrainian Publishing Union in London and the British National Library (British Library) were also observed. The peculiarities of the magazine’s formation and the specifics of the editorial policy, founders and publishers are clarified. A group of OUN members who survived Hitler’s concentration camps and ended up in Great Britain after the end of World War II initiated the foundation of the magazine. Until April 1951, including issue 42, the Board of Foreign Parts of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists were the publishers of the magazine. From 1951 to the beginning of 2000 it was a socio-political monthly of the Ukrainian Publishing Union. From the mid-60’s of the twentieth century – a socio-political and scientific-literary monthly. In analyzing the programmatic principles of the magazine, the most acute issues of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, which have long separated the forces of Ukrainian emigration and from which the founders and publishers of the magazine from the beginning had clearly defined positions, namely: ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, the idea of unity of Ukraine and Ukrainians, internal inter-party struggle among Ukrainian emigrants have been singled out. The review and systematization of the thematic palette of the magazine’s publications makes it possible to distinguish the following main semantic accents: the formation of the nationalist movement in exile; historical Ukrainian themes; the situation in sub-Soviet Ukraine; the problem of the unity of Ukrainians in the Western diaspora; mission and tasks of Ukrainian emigration in the context of its responsibilities to the Motherland. It also particularizes the peculiarities of the formation of the author’s assets of the magazine and its place in the history of Ukrainian national journalism.

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Edstrom, Jerker, Ayesha Khan, Alan Greig, and Chloe Skinner. Grasping Patriarchal Backlash: A Brief for Smarter Countermoves. Institute of Development Studies, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/backlash.2023.002.

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Nearly three decades ago the UN World Conference on Women at Beijing appeared to be uniting the international community around the most progressive platform for women’s rights in history. Instead of steady advancement, we have seen uneven progress, backsliding, co-option, and a recent rising tide of patriarchal backlash. The global phenomenon of ‘backlash’ is characterised by resurgent misogyny, homo/transphobia, and attacks on sexual and reproductive rights. It is articulated through new forms of patriarchal politics associated with racialised hyper-nationalist agendas, traditionalism, authoritarianism, and alterations to civic space that have become all too familiar both in the global North and South. A wide range of actors and articulations are involved and influenced by underlying drivers and dynamics. A clearer view of the patriarchal nature of current backlash is a prerequisite for building a cohesive movement to counter it, strategically engaging researchers, activists, policymakers and donors in development.

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Saleem, Raja M. Ali, Ihsan Yilmaz, and Priya Chacko. Civilizationist Populism in South Asia: Turning India Saffron. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0009.

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The 21st century has witnessed a significant shift in how the concept of nationalism is understood. A political marriage between identity politics and populism has resulted in “civilizationism,” a new form of nationalism that entails an emotionally charged division of society into “the people” versus “the Other.” All too often, the divisive discourses and policies associated with civilizationalist populism produce intercommunal conflict and violence. This paper draws on a salient case study, India’s Hindutva movement, to analyze how mainstream populist political parties and grassroots organizations can leverage civilizationist populism in campaigns to mobilize political constituencies. In surveying the various groups within the Hindutva movement and conducting a discourse analysis of their leaders’ statements, the paper shows the central role of sacralized nostalgia, history, and culture in Hindutva populist civilizationism. By analyzing the contours and socio-political implications of civilizationist populism through this case study, the paper contributes to the theoretical understanding of the concept more generally.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Nicholas Morieson. Nationalism, Religion, and Archaeology: The Civilizational Populism of Benjamin Netanyahu and Likud. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0015.

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This paper examines civilizational populism in Israel and focuses on the largest and most powerful party in Israel since the 1980s, National Liberal Movement (Likud), and its most significant leader of the past twenty years, the populist politician Benjamin Netanyahu. We show how Netanyahu incorporates ‘civilizationism’ into his populist discourses by, first, using the notion that Jewish civilization predates all others in the region to establish the legitimacy of the state of Israel, the hegemony of Jewish culture within Israel, and at times his own political decisions. Second, through his portrayal of the Arab-Muslim world as an antisemitic and barbaric bloc that, far from being a civilization, threatens Western civilization through its barbarism. Equally, this paper shows how Netanyahu argues that Israel is akin to protective wall that protects Western Civilization from the Islamist barbarians who wish to destroy it, and therefore on this basis calls for Europeans and North Americans to support Israel in its battle for civilization and against “the forces of barbarism.”

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Holbrook, Donald. Deconstructing Rightwing Extremism: Conceptual Variance and Attitudes Towards Islam. RESOLVE Network, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2022.3.

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The purpose of this report is to map, conceptually and empirically, the diverse elements that constitute rightwing extremism. The aim is to offer readers a guide to this complexity and an appreciation for the numerous ideas, actors, and outcomes associated with RWE. The report is divided into two parts. The first focuses on the conceptual issues associated with RWE while the second explores how this complexity plays out in practice by examining various ways in which RWE has framed and reacted to Islam. This case study was selected as it illustrates the intricacies of varied and evolving RWE responses and because Islam and Muslims are often a major target of RWE violence and hostility. In Part 1 we caution against describing RWE as a single movement or an ideology given that those associated with RWE, overall, lack the common bonds that bind members of a movement together. We explore the substance of this complexity and summarize the key features on a schema focusing on actors, ideas, and outcomes associated with RWE. In Part 2 we illustrate, with reference to this conceptual complexity, how a plethora of mainly European RWE approaches to Islam underscores the pluralism of ideas and interpretations within RWE. This ideological plurality steers its proponents in divergent directions and results in varied outcomes. Not only do right-wing extremists, including those inspired by white supremacism, nationalism, and cultural nativism, adopt divergent positions on the issue, their approach ranges widely from co-optation and inspiration to non-engagement and outright hostility. These divergent positions, in turn, differ depending on local contexts, frames of reference, core beliefs, and individuals’ interpretations of each of these factors. This heterogeneity has important implications for practitioners, policymakers and those who study RWE movements. Importantly, perceptions of threat are not constant or consistent across RWE movements. Varied threat perceptions can, in turn, produce different types of violence and extremism, with a diverse and inconsistent list of potential targets for violent acts, potential allies, and perceived constituents among RWE actors.

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Kenes, Bulent. Richard B. Spencer: The founder of alt-right presents racism in a chic new outfit. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/lp0010.

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Richard Bertrand Spencer is a well-groomed, well-educated advocate for the creation of a “white ethno-state” in North America for a “dispossessed white race.” He has also called for “peaceful ethnic cleansing” to halt the “deconstruction” of what he describes as “white culture” and to achieve a “white homeland.” Spencer has become the most recognizable public face of the white supremacist and nationalist movements. As an ardent white supremacist and ethnonationalist, Spencer says America belongs to white people, who he claims have higher average IQs than Hispanics and African Americans, and that the latter are genetically predisposed to crime. In Spencer’s “America,” Asians, Muslims, and Jews don’t qualify as “white” either.

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Berger, J. M. A Paler Shade of White: Identity & In-group Critique in James Mason’s Siege. RESOLVE Network, April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2021.1.

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Discussions of extremist ideologies naturally focus on how in-groups criticize and attack out-groups. But many important extremist ideological texts are disproportionately focused criticizing their own in-group. This research report will use linkage-based analysis to examine Siege, a White nationalist tract that has played an important role shaping modern neo-Nazi movements, including such violent organizations as Atomwaffen Division and The Base. While Siege strongly attacks out-groups, including Jewish and Black people, the book is overwhelmingly a critique of how the White people of its in-group fall short of Nazi ideals. Siege’s central proposition—that the White in-group is disappointing, deeply corrupt, and complacent—shapes its argument for an “accelerationist” strategy to hasten the collapse of society in order to build something entirely new. Finally, this report briefly reviews comparable extremist texts from other movements to draw insights about how in-group critiques shape extremist strategies. These insights offer policymakers and law enforcement tools to anticipate and counter violent extremist strategies. They also highlight less-obvious avenues for potential counter-extremist interventions and messaging campaigns.

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Monthly Infographics Report: March 2024. Microgovernance Research Initiative (MGR), April 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.57189/mgrinfmar24.

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MGR recorded 1503 violent incidents during March 2024, mostly triggered by politics, access to resources, and other socio-economic factors. More than 242 deaths and 2698 injuries have been recorded from these incidents. The highest number of violent incidents have been recorded in the form of clashes and attacks (426). Some 153 incidents are directly political violence, protests and arrests which resulted in 16 deaths. Geographically, Chittagong (351) scores the highest number of violence followed by Dhaka (306), Rajshahi (244) and Barishal (213). There were 86 protests and demonstrations and only 16 of protests were triggered by politics. While some 36.81% of political violence contributed by Bangladesh Awami League & affiliates, Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) scored only 2.08% of political violence in the month of March. Law and security forces conducted 6.94% of political violence. Intra-party violence within the Awami League showed a small count of 16. Whereas 52% political incidents were rural, 38% of political violence incidents took place in urban areas. After the election, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) experienced a noticeable decrease in its active involvement, mainly due to the government's strengthened control over state mechanisms. Nevertheless, they are attempting to mobilize their supporters by spearheading a movement advocating the boycott of Indian products. Furthermore, unrest is going on among general students at Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET) in opposition to the Bangladesh Chattro League's endeavors to reintroduce politics into the BUET campus.

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