Dissertations / Theses: 'Nationalist movement'

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Al-Hussaini, M. "The Arab nationalist movement 1952-1961." Thesis, University of Salford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234625.

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Al-Soudani, Sadik H. "The nationalist movement in Kenya in the 1950s and the Mau Mau movement." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1988. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.549317.

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Menon, Kalyani Devaki. "Dissonant subjects: Women in the Hindu nationalist movement in India." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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Dodds, Antonia Catharine. "Caledonia's mantle : rhetoric and arguments in the Scottish nationalist movement." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.396599.

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Hussain, Majid Salman. "British policy and the nationalist movement in Egypt 1914-1924." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361323.

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Al-Mdairis, Falah. "The Arab Nationalist Movement in Kuwait from its origins to 1970." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.357853.

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Pakhrin, Kalyani. "Indias nationalist movement and the participation of Nepali women of Darjeeling." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2596.

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Dhingra, Leena. "Exhumation : a novel and critical commentary." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249429.

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Bhattacharyya, Malaysankar. "Nationalist movement and freedom struggle in some selected areas of Northern Bengal (1857-1947)." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1234.

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Krasniqi, Gezim. "Nationalist movement as an arena of political struggle : the case of Kosovo." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25965.

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This thesis focuses on the Kosovo Albanian national movement between 1968 and 2008. Using a multi-layered approach, it analyses a) the factors that determined its political success, b) its continuous transformation and, above all, the internal dynamics of power competition, and c) the prevalence of the independence option in the early 1990s. A key feature of this research project is that it emphasises intra- Albanian struggles, elite competition and tensions over internal legitimacy and power to dominate and generate political identities. In other words, it depicts the way in which nationalism is contested within a national movement that seeks independence. As regards the political success of Kosovo Albanian nationalism, the thesis has demonstrated that although the latter has been fragmented, especially during the war, external intervention was essential in the removal of the Serbian/Yugoslav control and, later on, in achieving independence. It not only proved to be a determining factor in the achievement of Kosovo’s independence, but also played an essential role in sustaining a minimal consensus within the deeply fragmented nationalist movement. Regarding the issue of the internal dynamics of contention and power-struggles and ideological and political transformations of the nationalist movement, the findings suggest that the Kosovo Albanian nationalist movement has constantly been an arena of struggle for competing groups/organisations and political stances. Such power struggles in turn led to the bifurcation, trifurcation or even total fragmentation of the movement, with various groups and parties standing at opposite ends of the spectrum of political and nationalist demands. The thesis contends that the internal power struggle intensified in the aftermath of critical junctures that provided new opportunities (such as audiences) and constraints for the competing parties/groups. These ‘episodes of contention’ in turn resulted in the fundamental transformation and the restructuring of the power relations within the Kosovo Albanian nationalist arena and political field and, consequently, of the political demands and ideological orientation of the movement. The thesis adopts the institutionalist approach to explain the predominance of the independence option. While examining the role of political institutions in structuring political life and forging a new political identity, it argues that the project of an independent Kosovo is tightly linked to, and even stems from, the existence of Kosovo’s quasi-republican status in Yugoslavia. In other words, the existence of separate Kosovan cultural and political institutions during the period of autonomy was crucial in the process of the emergence of independence-oriented elites. Finally, as regards the contribution of this thesis to the wider scholarly work on nationalism, it reinforces the necessity of shifting the focus from the political success of nationalism to its sociological development and the properties of political and social interactions that define the emergence of factionalism and competing political stances. Most importantly, this thesis has shown that even in cases of apparent ethnic homogenisation and cemented inter-ethnic distance, internal dissent and strife is inevitable as groups and individuals strive for power and domination.

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Armanios, Febe Yousry. "Egypt for Which Egyptians? Copts and the Egyptian Nationalist Movement, 1882-1919." The Ohio State University, 1998. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1364295503.

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Duffy, Joanne Louise. "Afrikaner unity, the National Party, and the Afrikaner nationalist radical right in Stellenbosch, 1934-1948." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365655.

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Lynch, Peter. "From Versailles to Maastricht : nationalist and regionalist parties and European integration." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1994. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1314/.

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European integration has increasingly shaped the political opportunity structure of minority nationalism. This thesis studies the attitudes and responses to European union of nationalist and regionalist parties from Brittany, Flanders, Scotland and Wales, in addition to cooperation between the parties and the emergence of transnational regionalism through the development of the European Free Alliance. Whilst nationalist and regionalist parties responded to the broad themes of European integration, and demonstrated preferences for an integovernmental or federal Europe, the EC has brought a range of specific opportunities and resources to aid minority nationalism and self-determination. This involved the EC's challenge to traditional national sovereignty, responses to EC policies and participation in European elections. However, the most significant effect of European integration was its ability to shape and influence party goals and strategies for self-determination. The goals of the nationalist parties of Scotland and Wales became heavily Europeanised to fit the new European context that emerged in the 1980s with the Single European Act. This led to a reversal of policy and attitudes towards the EC, and a relaunch of the idea of self-government in the new Europe. Attitudes towards the Maastricht Treaty also demonstrated the flexible responses of nationalist parties to economic and political sovereignty in contrast to the inflexible attitudes of the 1970s. Regionalist parties in contrast showed more stable attitudes to European union. They used the issue to complement demands for regional autonomy and federalism by linking domestic demands to European developments. Though regionalists demonstrated strong affective links to European union, they were less able to turn the issue to their advantage in political debate or elections. They increasingly Europeanised their autonomy position, often using arguments associated with nationalism rather than regionalism. This mixing of agendas brought a blurring of distinctions between nationalist and regionalist political positions.

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Askersjö, Signe. ""I'm not a nationalist but"... : On mobilisation and identity formation of the Scottish independence movement." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Socialantropologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-157584.

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This study examines the mobilisation and identity formation of the Scottish independence movement post-referendum. By analysing arguments, emotions and actions in support for independence, I aim to discuss how the movement make use of cultural perspectives on history for continuous mobilisation. The study focuses on the members of the umbrella organisation of Yes Scotland, which is a diverse network of activist and party-political groups. To understand the movement, I have made use of a political and active approach such as participating in meetings and at demonstrations. Importantly, while I acknowledge how the Scottish independence movement navigates within a discourse of nationalism because of its nationalist character, I argue that the movement mainly make use of an alternative ideology. This ideology is tied to historical narratives which are remade in present forms and take several expressions. For instance, I claim that this ideology generates the practice of international solidarity as well as a specific identity which is constructed and reproduced for one specific political project: to achieve Scottish independence. This thesis is a contribution to the study of social movements, as well as it provides understanding of reasoning beyond and within nationalism.

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Dunne, Justin S. "Crisis in Baluchistan : a historical analysis of the Baluch Nationalist Movement in Pakistan /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FDunne.pdf.

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Tol, Eren Deniz. "The nationalist movement in Turkey and Great Britain, 1919-1923 : relationship between a revolutionary movement and a status quo power." Thesis, University of Kent, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297405.

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Thapar-Björkert, Suruchi. "Reconstructing the history of women's participation in the nationalist movement in India, 1905-1945." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1997. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36330/.

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The nationalist struggle in India against British colonial rule brought about the political mobilisation of both men and women. The nationalist leaders required the participation of women in the nationalist movement because the movement's importance and success was dependent on women's contribution to and involvement in it. While the existing research has contributed to my understanding of women's interaction with political life in India, this study attempts to reconstruct the dominant interpretations on women's political involvement. In doing so, it deconstructs concepts such as 'active', 'private', 'public' and 'political'. The argument in this thesis is shaped through three inter-related themes. First, it problematises women's emergence into the public sphere from a purdah-bound domestic existence. Secondly, it locates the domestic as an equally important site of nationalist activities as the public sphere. Thirdly, in the light of the above themes, it is suggested that dichotomous concepts such as public/private do not help to explain the interaction between these spheres, which facilitated the complex process of women's emergence in the public sphere. Moreover, the associated concepts of political/apolitical do not take into account women's political contributions from within the domestic sphere. Within the domestic sphere, women's nationalist identities were continuously re-negotiated to accommodate values of ancient Indian culture and the new Western influences. These identities shifted from an educated domestic woman to a nonviolent and non-antagonistic public woman to a public woman aware of challenging Western ideas, yet primarily confined to the domestic sphere. The nationalist movement also served as an important vehicle for encouraging middle-class women to engage in activities and to adopt new role models. The representations of women constructed by the nationalist project enabled women to play a political role through the avenues they opened, in both the public and domestic domains. However, women's political past and their varied contribution to the struggle was not effective in undermining gender inequalities or improving their status in society. The ideas in this historical study are shaped primarily through oral narratives and Hindi vernacular literature. The interviews with Indian activists, as a non-Western researcher, made me aware of the negotiable category 'Other'. Official and unofficial sources provided an initial framework for the study of this historical period.

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Limoncuoglu, Alihan. "The evolution of Turkish nationalism between 1904 and 1980." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/18256.

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This study aims to look at the discourse and development of Turkish Nationalism. This is done through focusing on four well known thinkers of Turkish Nationalism. In this dissertation, works, actions, discourse and legacies of Mehmet Ziya Gokalp, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Huseyin Nihal Atsiz and Alparslan Turkes are looked at using textual analysis and an ethno-symbolist approach. Through this work the family relation between these thinkers and the boundaries of Turkish Nationalism can be understood. Ziya Gokalp, as the 'father' of the Ideological Turkish Nationalism, has laid the foundation for nationalists after him and his ideas have been instrumental in the setting up of the Republic of Turkey. Gokalp by setting up the three ideals; "To be more Turk, to be more Islamic and to be more modern" has set the tone for the rest of the century for Turkish Nationalism. Kemal Ataturk was the founder of Modern Turkey and was also a nationalist, as a result he implemented many policies that were highly nationalistic. His legacy continues to live on but can be interpreted differently by different people. Nihal Atsiz affected Turkish Nationalism in a very different manner. Instead of having a long term ideological effect he gave 'soul' to nationalism through his literary work and his rich usage of imagery. After him, Alparslan Turkes' struggle in a tumultuous time in Turkey and Turkish Nationalism as a competing ideology in Turkish politics is viewed. This work also takes a look at mainstream political currents in Turkey and nationalists' relations with them and the critique of Turkish Nationalism and Turkish Nationalists, and from the findings of this research, it can be speculated that there are three mainstream political movements, contrary to widely believed two. This can be best personified by the three pashas of the Turkish Independence War; Ismet Inonu, Kazim Karabekir and Fevzi Cakmak. The findings of this research shows that there is a family relation between the four thinkers and despite that there have been some slight differences the discourse and the activities of Turkish Nationalism has stayed on one course.

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Kovacs, Anja. "The difference they make : activism and agency of women in the Hindu nationalist movement in India." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.445506.

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Venosa, Joseph L. "Faith in the Nation: Examining the Contributions of Eritrean Muslims in the Nationalist Movement, 1946-1961." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1187294262.

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Basu, Shamita. "Religious revivalism as nationalist discourse : Swami Vivekananda and the Nineteenth Century neo Hindu movement in Bengal /." Roskilde : International Development Studies, Roskilde University, 1997. http://www.rub.ruc.dk/epublisher/indhold_religious.pdf.

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Blom, Philipp Sievert. "Martin Buber and the spiritual revolution of the Prague Bar Kochba : nationalist rhetoric and the politics of beauty." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.360024.

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DeNeufville, Peter Bayon. "Ahmad Shah Massoud and the genesis of the nationalist anti-Communist movement in Northeastern Afghanistan, 1969-1979." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2006. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/ahmad-shah-massoud-and-the-genesis-of-the-nationalist-anticommunist-movement-in-northeastern-afghanistan-19691979(391b3421-0860-4136-a36d-28984e45603b).html.

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Maguire, G. "The political and military causes of the division in the Irish Nationalist movement, January 1921 to August 1923." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371679.

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Siavoshi, Sussan. "The failure of the liberal nationalist movement in Iran, 1949-1979 : an analysis of structural constraints and political choices /." The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487262513408765.

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Alburaas, Theyab M. "The Anglo-Iraqi Relationship Between 1945 and 1948." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9802/.

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This paper discuses the British Labour government's social, economic and military policies in Iraq between 1945 and 1948. The ability of the Iraqi monarchy to adapt to the British policies after World War II is discussed. The British were trying to put more social justice into the Iraqi regime in order to keep British influence and to increase the Iraqi regime's stability against the Arab nationalist movement.

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Simmons, Leilani N. ""Say It loud, I'm black and I'm proud:" Black power and black nationalist ideology in the formation of the black genealogy movement, 1965-1985." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2009. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/96.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the influence of the Black Power Movement and black cultural nationalism on the surge of interest in black genealogy that arose in the 1970s and the Black Genealogy Movement that was birthed from this interest. It will also explore the activism of black genealogy groups as and extension of the activism of the Black Power Movement. The Black Genealogy Movement arose from individuals coming together to research, not only their own family histories, but also the stories of black societies, churches, schools, traditions, business and neighborhoods. They used their findings to contribute to the larger black cultural identity.

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Rashid, A. H. "The press and the Egyptian nationalist movement in the nineteenth century with particular emphasis on the role of Al-Nadim." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.376801.

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The Arabic press of the nineteenth century period has received, up to now, very little attention in the West: the same is true of the Egyptian journalist "Abd Allah al-Nadim, who became an influential figure in the Egyptian national movement. This thesis examines the part played by the press and, in particular, by al-Nadim in that movement in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. The development of the press in Egypt is traced from its beginnings at the time of the French invasion to its emergence as a popular medium of communication in Khedive Isma'il's reign. Since 'Abd Allah al-Nadim was the first Egyptian journalist to make full use of the popular press as a means of shaping public opinion, the thesis contains a detailed examination of his ideas for social and political reform and an assessment is offered of the contribution he made as a journalist, an orator and a writer to the Egyptian national movement. During the period under review, Britain came, for various reasons, to play a prominent role in Egypt's history. Accordingly, in looking for background information concerning the social and political scene in Egypt, I have paid particular attention to British official documents and correspondence in the Public Record Office. My researches have concentrated most of all on the contemporary Egyptian. records, including government reports and memoranda, the texts of laws and degrees, the recollections of individuals and, especially, newspaper files. Particularly valuable was the material in the Egyptian National Archives (Dar al-Watha'iq) relating to the period from January 1881 to September 1882, with which the name of 'Urabi is linked, and the newspaper files and other documents, including copies of most of the works of al-Nadim, which are preserved in the Egyptian National Library (Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyya).

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Pleic, Mate. "The "anti-bureaucratic revolution" the Yugoslav state elites' perception of and their reaction to the Serbian nationalist movement of 1988-1989 /." Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1798971541&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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St, C. Gilmore Huston M. "Radicalism, Romanticism and Repeal : The Repeal Movement in the Context of Irish Nationalist Culture between Catholic Emancipation and the 1848 Rising." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.523097.

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Lindh, Kristofer. "Performance at the Edge of Apocalypse : An ethnographic study of collective identity construction in a neo-nationalist social movement in Sweden." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Socialantropologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-145007.

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In several countries of the Global North, right-wing parties are successfully mobilizing public support, influencing political debates and introducing arguments and rhetorics that draw on xenophobia, populism and ethnocentrism, ostensibly with a purpose to amplify the “national order of things” (Malkki 1992). This thesis addresses this development by providing an ethnography, based fieldwork, of the Swedish social movement Folkets Demonstration, which arranges anti-government manifestations on squares most usually in Stockholm. Drawing on classical theories on performance by Victor Turner and Erving Goffman, I investigate how the demonstrations of the movement facilitate the construction of a collective identity of “the people”, which also includes exploring the world view of the demonstrators. As I argue, through the socio-emotionality of the demonstrations, the movement conducts a cultural performance of national cohesion vis-à-vis the Swedish national community, cosmologically perceived as on the edge of an apocalypse due to immigration and the alleged cosmopolitanist agenda of the government. In addition, I argue that the demonstrations can be understood as strategically managed towards idealized performances of democracy. Hence, the demonstrations can be considered regressive-utopian performances of a national-democratic community, furthermore embedded in a polarization between “the people” and “the elite” and through which the collective identity of “the people” is constructed.

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Gaines, Rondee. "I am a Revolutionary Black Female Nationalist: A Womanist Analysis of Fulani Sunni Ali's Role as a New African Citizen and Minister of In-formation in the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Africa." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2013. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/communication_diss/44.

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Historically, black women have always played key roles in the struggle for liberation. A critical determinant of black women’s activism was the influence of both race and gender, as these factors were immutably married to their subjectivities. African American women faced the socio-cultural and structural challenge of sexism prevalent in the United States and also in the black community. My study examines the life of Fulani Sunni Ali, her role in black liberation, her role as the Minister of Information for the Provisional Government for the Republic of New Africa, and her communication strategies. In doing so, I evaluate a black female revolutionary nationalist’s discursive negotiation of her identity during the Black Power and Black Nationalist Movement. I also use womanist criticism to analyze interviews with Sunni Ali and archival data in her possession to reveal the complexity and diversity of black women’s roles and activities in a history of black resistance struggle and to locate black female presence and agency in Black Power. The following study more generally analyzes black female revolutionary nationalists’ roles, activities, and discursive identity negotiation during the Black Power Movement. By examining Sunni Ali’s life and the way she struggled against racism and patriarchy to advocate for Black Power and Black Nationalism, I demonstrate how her activism was a continuation of a tradition of black women’s resistance, and I extrapolate her forms of black women’s activism extant in the movement.

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Franklin, Janet A. "United States Foreign Policies on Iran and Iraq, and the Negative Impact on the Kurdish Nationalist Movement: From the Nixon Era through the Reagan Years." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1558616250930554.

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Cabral, EsteÌ‚vaÌƒo. "Fretilin and the struggle for independence in East Timor 1974-2002 : an examination of the constraints and opportunities for a non-state nationalist movement in the late twentieth century." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.403799.

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Aʻẓamī, Walīd Ḥamdī al. "Rashid Ali Al-Gailani and the nationalist movement in Iraq : 1939-1941 : a political and military study of the British campaign in Iraq and the national revolution of May 1941 /." London : Darf publ, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35657483f.

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Ramnarayan, Akhila. "Kalki’s Avatars: writing nation, history, region, and culture in the Tamil Public Sphere." The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1150484295.

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Cro, Ann B. "From Transcendentalism to Progressivism: The Making of an American Reformer, Abby Morton Diaz (1821-1904)." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2006. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2187.

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Author and activist Abby Morton Diaz (1821-1904) was a member of the Brook Farm Transcendental community from 1842 until it folded in 1847. Although critics have long recognized that Brook Farm played a role in Diaz's intellectual preparation, they have not attempted to demonstrate its influence through a study of her writings. In this study I will examine in detail two of Diaz's novels and two long essays, with passing references to other works, that reveal how the utopian socialism practiced at Brook Farm influenced Diaz as a writer and reformer. In all her writings Diaz emphasized the importance of education for women so that they may successfully fulfill their roles as wives, mothers, and their children's first teachers. Her philosophy is reflected in the reform initiatives she supported: the Women's Educational and Industrial Union and the Nationalist Party.

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Weeks, Deborah G. "Movement Of The People: The Relationship Between Black Consciousness Movements, Race, and Class in the Caribbean." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002340.

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Resool, Shorsh Mustafa. "Reactive nationalism in a homogenizing state : the Kurdish Nationalism Movement in Ba’thist Iraq, 1963-2003." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/9706.

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Reactive Nationalism in a Homogenizing State: The Kurdish Nationalism Movement in Ba’thist Iraq, 1963 - 2003. The thesis analyzes the Kurdish nationalism movement as a reaction to the homogenization process by successive Iraqi governments since the establishment of the current state of Iraq. The case study for the thesis is Kurdish reactive nationalism and the Ba’th party from 1963 - 2003. The Ba'th Party came to power in 1963 then again in 1968 through two co-de-ta until their fall in 2003. The Ba'th Party tried to homogenize the state of Iraq and impose a Sunni-Arab identity to Iraq through centralized education and administration system. The Sunni Arabs are a minority group within the boundary of Iraq but had been the dominant group since 1921 until 2003. The Kurds refused such identity and demanded for their national rights to be recognized. The Ba’th Party excluded the Kurds from holding senior or sensitive posts within education, administration and military posts. Having the control over the judicial system, the Ba’th Party labelled the Kurds as traitors, which legitimize their extermination. Subsequently, they were subjected to genocide under the hands of the Ba’th party. Despite all this, the Kurds continued in their struggle for their national rights. With every step by the Ba'th party to exterminate them the Kurds reacted by organizing themselves and adapted themselves to the new situation. They also seized every opportunity that had arisen to enhance their position. The Kurdish nationalism blossomed after the 1991 uprising following the second gulf war in March 1991. The Kurds managed to run a general election for Kurdistan Parliament; established the Kurdistan Regional Government; improved the education and administration system; improved schools, universities, art and economy. The fall of Saddam on 9th April 2003 was another golden opportunity that the Kurds seized pretty well. They contributed in writing Iraq’s constitution and managed to achieve most of their national demands within the federal state of Iraq. Hence, Kurdish nationalism has blossomed.

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Wong, Kam-fai John, and 黃錦暉. "Nationalism and the anti-Christian movement in the 1920s." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1991. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3195019X.

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Schlembach, Raphael. "Against old Europe : social movement constructions of European nationalism." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.520709.

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Deane, Alexander, and n/a. "Nationalism in the Aims and Motivations of the Vietnamese Communist Movement." Griffith University. School of Arts and Education, 2001. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20051125.095630.

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The Vietnamese people have always harboured an extraordinarily strong patriotic drive. But the government formed by Ho Chi Minh (1890-1969) after the Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) on the 2nd September 1945, the group that was to represent majority Vietnamese opinion until and after 1975, was spearheaded by the Vietminh (League for Vietnam's Independence) - a movement that did not define itself as Nationalist, but rather as an expressly Communist group. When the people of Vietnam looked for leadership, this was the obvious group to choose - the only movement prepared and willing to step in (other, more nationalist resistance groups had prematurely flourished and failed, as shall be discussed). In the Vietnam that found itself suddenly free at the close of the Second World War, no other lobby was ready, no group presented itself nationally as the Communists were and did. The Liberation Army that seized control of town after town was the military arm of the Viet Minh, formed in 1944 under Vo Nguyen Giap (b. 1912), an element of a movement that published its manifesto in February 1930, that had begun preparation and ideological training in the late 1920's in Guangzhou under Ho Chi Minh. Given the long preparation carried out by the Vietminh, the progression to the declaration of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam as a Communist nation with Ho at its head was a natural one. Whilst that development seems logical given the conditions of the day, the manner in which those conditions were reached (or manipulated) has been the subject of intense debate. Was that natural progression one in which the ideologists of Communist revolution 'captured' the Nationalist movement, exploited a nationalistic fervour to produce the desired revolt, using the front of the Viet Minh to blend their esoteric dogmas with the more easily understood nationalist cause of resistance? This is a perception held by many modern historians - that, in effect, Communists are the parasites of the modernization process. This attitude was and is encouraged by examination of advice given to Asian revolutionaries by their Soviet counterparts; Grigori Zinoviev (1833-1936) - later to die by Stalin's order - argued in 1922 that Communists should co-operate with the rising nationalists in Asia, gain the leadership of their movement, and then cast aside the genuine national leaders. For by itself, the tiny Indochina Communist Party could never have hoped to attract the support of politically engaged Vietnamese, let alone the hearts and minds of the nation at large. This is the essence of the currently accepted analysis of the revolutionary Vietnamese setting - that the Communist lobby exploited a majority furious with the abuses of French rule, sliding Communism into a dominant role in Vietnamese life. The majority of people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power. Such a perception, as shall be discussed, is representative of the Western reading of the whole Southeast Asian region of the day. The Vietnamese people were accustomed to the use of violence to protect their independence; perennial opposition to expansionist China meant that few peoples in Asia had been compelled to fight longer and harder to retain their identity as a separate and independent state than the Vietnamese. Whilst the ability and commitment of the Vietcong in resistance to outside power has been recognised, the strong sense of Vietnamese identity in and of itself has never really been acknowledged beyond the most simplistic of terms by external observers, perhaps because of the difficulty of comprehending how such an emotion can form when looking at the odd shape of the nation on a map. Such a lack of awareness allows supposed Vietnam specialists to assert that the dominant Vietnamese self-assessment is the extent to which the country is not Chinese (and, to a lesser extent, not French) rather than entering into a more significant analysis of how a national identity formed: how, whilst certainly influenced by feelings of encirclement and domination, Vietnam also developed a separate, distinct sense of self. This, whilst a sense that has only relatively recently manifested itself in territorial demands, is a longstanding emotion and sense, in and of itself. Given an understanding of that sense or merely an awareness of its existence, the willingness of the Vietnamese to combat the most powerful nation on Earth, though certainly impressive, needs little explanation; this work has attempted to explore a more difficult question - why they chose the dogma that served them. The idea that the majority of the Vietnamese people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power is in truth the presentation of a false dichotomy. The fact that a group within a broad movement participates for different reasons from another group does not necessarily imply exploitation or pretense. Neither does the fact that one has a strong political ideology such as socialism forbid the possession of any other political inclination, such as patriotism. The concept of a socialist exploitation of Vietnamese nationalism will be opposed here: a discussion of the disputed importance of nationalism to the Vietnamese Communist movement in resistance, and of Communism to the nationalist movement, will form the subject of this essay. The unity of Vietnam under Communist government in 1975 seems a fitting end to the period to be considered. Much of interest - the politics behind partition, or the Communist-led conduct of war with America, for example - can be considered only briefly; fortunately, these are issues considered in great depth elsewhere. The central issue to this work shall be the development of the Communist movement in French Indochina, and the thesis herein shall be that nationalism and Marxist-Leninism occupied a symbiotic relationship in the motivation of the Communist movement and its chief practitioners in the nation once again known as Vietnam.

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43

Mentzel, Peter Carl. "Nationalism and the labor movement in the Ottoman Empire, 1872-1914 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10428.

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44

Deane, Alexander. "Nationalism in the Aims and Motivations of the Vietnamese Communist Movement." Thesis, Griffith University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365898.

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Abstract:

The Vietnamese people have always harboured an extraordinarily strong patriotic drive. But the government formed by Ho Chi Minh (1890-1969) after the Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) on the 2nd September 1945, the group that was to represent majority Vietnamese opinion until and after 1975, was spearheaded by the Vietminh (League for Vietnam's Independence) - a movement that did not define itself as Nationalist, but rather as an expressly Communist group. When the people of Vietnam looked for leadership, this was the obvious group to choose - the only movement prepared and willing to step in (other, more nationalist resistance groups had prematurely flourished and failed, as shall be discussed). In the Vietnam that found itself suddenly free at the close of the Second World War, no other lobby was ready, no group presented itself nationally as the Communists were and did. The Liberation Army that seized control of town after town was the military arm of the Viet Minh, formed in 1944 under Vo Nguyen Giap (b. 1912), an element of a movement that published its manifesto in February 1930, that had begun preparation and ideological training in the late 1920's in Guangzhou under Ho Chi Minh. Given the long preparation carried out by the Vietminh, the progression to the declaration of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam as a Communist nation with Ho at its head was a natural one. Whilst that development seems logical given the conditions of the day, the manner in which those conditions were reached (or manipulated) has been the subject of intense debate. Was that natural progression one in which the ideologists of Communist revolution 'captured' the Nationalist movement, exploited a nationalistic fervour to produce the desired revolt, using the front of the Viet Minh to blend their esoteric dogmas with the more easily understood nationalist cause of resistance? This is a perception held by many modern historians - that, in effect, Communists are the parasites of the modernization process. This attitude was and is encouraged by examination of advice given to Asian revolutionaries by their Soviet counterparts; Grigori Zinoviev (1833-1936) - later to die by Stalin's order - argued in 1922 that Communists should co-operate with the rising nationalists in Asia, gain the leadership of their movement, and then cast aside the genuine national leaders. For by itself, the tiny Indochina Communist Party could never have hoped to attract the support of politically engaged Vietnamese, let alone the hearts and minds of the nation at large. This is the essence of the currently accepted analysis of the revolutionary Vietnamese setting - that the Communist lobby exploited a majority furious with the abuses of French rule, sliding Communism into a dominant role in Vietnamese life. The majority of people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power. Such a perception, as shall be discussed, is representative of the Western reading of the whole Southeast Asian region of the day. The Vietnamese people were accustomed to the use of violence to protect their independence; perennial opposition to expansionist China meant that few peoples in Asia had been compelled to fight longer and harder to retain their identity as a separate and independent state than the Vietnamese. Whilst the ability and commitment of the Vietcong in resistance to outside power has been recognised, the strong sense of Vietnamese identity in and of itself has never really been acknowledged beyond the most simplistic of terms by external observers, perhaps because of the difficulty of comprehending how such an emotion can form when looking at the odd shape of the nation on a map. Such a lack of awareness allows supposed Vietnam specialists to assert that the dominant Vietnamese self-assessment is the extent to which the country is not Chinese (and, to a lesser extent, not French) rather than entering into a more significant analysis of how a national identity formed: how, whilst certainly influenced by feelings of encirclement and domination, Vietnam also developed a separate, distinct sense of self. This, whilst a sense that has only relatively recently manifested itself in territorial demands, is a longstanding emotion and sense, in and of itself. Given an understanding of that sense or merely an awareness of its existence, the willingness of the Vietnamese to combat the most powerful nation on Earth, though certainly impressive, needs little explanation; this work has attempted to explore a more difficult question - why they chose the dogma that served them. The idea that the majority of the Vietnamese people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power is in truth the presentation of a false dichotomy. The fact that a group within a broad movement participates for different reasons from another group does not necessarily imply exploitation or pretense. Neither does the fact that one has a strong political ideology such as socialism forbid the possession of any other political inclination, such as patriotism. The concept of a socialist exploitation of Vietnamese nationalism will be opposed here: a discussion of the disputed importance of nationalism to the Vietnamese Communist movement in resistance, and of Communism to the nationalist movement, will form the subject of this essay. The unity of Vietnam under Communist government in 1975 seems a fitting end to the period to be considered. Much of interest - the politics behind partition, or the Communist-led conduct of war with America, for example - can be considered only briefly; fortunately, these are issues considered in great depth elsewhere. The central issue to this work shall be the development of the Communist movement in French Indochina, and the thesis herein shall be that nationalism and Marxist-Leninism occupied a symbiotic relationship in the motivation of the Communist movement and its chief practitioners in the nation once again known as Vietnam.
Thesis (Masters)
Master of Arts
Griffith Business School
Faculty of International Business and Politics
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45

Ecuvillon, Pierre. "Le phénomène Le Pen : analyse relationnelle, historique et esthétique d'une singularité politique." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015MON30005/document.

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Le « phénomène Le Pen » désigne la somme constituée par l’élaboration d’une marquepolitique située à l’extrême droite et les réactions conflictuelles qu’elle suscite au sein de lasociété française. L’objectivation de ce phénomène réside dans l’analyse de l’idéologie duFront National en tant qu’elle est celle d’une marque politique devant produire un contenudoctrinal original pour se distinguer des autres partis mais également dans l’étude dumouvement social – ou du mouvement du social – dont elle est à l’origine. La catégorie dusacré vient éclairer les dispositifs discursifs qui sont décelables aussi bien dans les mots duFront National que dans ceux de ses adversaires politiques et associatifs. La recherche sepoursuit avec l’analyse des principaux schèmes idéologiques de l’extrême droite française,qui est basée sur une histoire des idées qui commence avec la pensée contre-révolutionnaire.La méthodologie durandienne du bassin sémantique permet d’identifier les étapes cardinalesde la formation idéologique du nationalisme d’extrême droite. L’examen de cette idéologies’achève avec l’analyse du discours contemporain du Front National et la comparaisonmythanalytique des candidatures de Jean-Marie Le Pen et Marine Le Pen lors des électionsprésidentielles françaises de 2007 et de 2012
The “Le Pen phenomenon” designates the sum constituted by the elaboration of a politicalbrand located at the far-right and by the conflictual reactions that it provokes within theFrench society. The objectivization of this phenomenon lies in the analysis of the FrontNational ideology as it is this of a political brand which must produce an original doctrinalcontent in order to distinguish it from the others parties but also in the study of the socialmovement – or the movement of the social – which it is the cause of. The category of thesacred comes to shed the discursive sets which are discernible just as well in the FrontNational words as those of its political and associative opponents. The research is going onwith the analysis of the French far-right main ideological schemas, which is based on ahistory of ideas which starts with the counter-revolutionary thought. The Durandianmethodology of the semantic basin allows to identify the cardinal stages of the far-rightnationalism ideological formation. The examination of this ideology comes to an end with theanalysis of the Front National contemporary discourse and the mythanalytic comparison ofthe Jean-Marie Le Pen and Marine Le Pen candidacies at the time of 2007 and 2012 Frenchpresidential elections

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46

Deol, Harnik. "Religion and nationalism in India : the case of the Punjab, 1960-1990." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1443/.

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The research examines the factors which account for the emergence of ethno-nationalist movements in multi-ethnic and late industrialising societies such as India. The research employs a historical sociological approach to the study of nationalism. Opening with an interrogation of the classic theories of nationalism, the research shows the Eurocentric limitations of these works. By providing an account of the distinctive nature and development of Indian nationalism, it is maintained that the nature, growth, timing and scope of nationalist movements is affected by the level of development and the nature of the state and society in which they emerge. Using the theoretical framework developed here, the theses seeks to explain the nature and timing of breakaway movements in the Indian subcontinent. By providing an account of the social composition of the Sikh secessionist movement, the research shifts the focus on to the peasantry. Consequently, the study interrogates the social and cultural sphere beyond the English-speaking Indian elite. The role of the widely influential media, such as the vernacular press and cassettes, in ethnic movements is also considered. The hypothesis is that the conjunction of three sets of factors explain the rise of Sikh nationalism. The first is economic, notably the transition to commercial agriculture, the second is the revolution in communication, notably the expansion of vernacular press and cassettes and the third is religious, notably the revolutionary Sikh religious ideology with emphasis on martyrdom. The theses traces the three stage evolution of the Sikhs from a religious congregation into an ethnic community in the nineteenth century and from an ethnic community into a nation in the twentieth century.

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47

Faiz, Asma. "Ethnic nationalism, State and party politics : the Sindhi and Siraiki movements in Pakistan." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017IEPP0044.

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Cette thèse examine l'origine, le mécanisme et la mobilisation du nationalisme ethnique au Pakistan. Depuis sa création en 1947, le Pakistan a souffert d'un manque de consensus ethnique important face aux projets de construction nationale et consolidation de l'État du Centre. Les mouvements et partis ethniques du Pakistan sont un reflet important de la résistance sociétale contre l'hégémonie perçue de l'Etat. À l'heure actuelle, le Pakistan abrite plusieurs mouvements ethniques qui sous-tendent la grande désaffection avec les politiques de l'État. L'objet de cette thèse portera sur deux de ces mouvements, à savoir les nationalismes ethniques Sindhi et Siraiki. Au-delà de l'étude des mouvements et dirigeants nationalistes, cette thèse propose également une étude sur les courants plus larges de la politique partisane et du comportement électoral dans les provinces du Sindh et du sud du Punjab
This dissertation examines the origin, mechanism and mobilization of ethnic nationalism in Pakistan. From its inception in 1947, Pakistan has suffered from a serious lack of ethnic consensus in the face of nation-building and state-consolidation projects of the Center. The ethnic movements and parties of Pakistan are an important reflection of societal resistance against the perceived hegemony of the state. At present, Pakistan is home to several ethnic movements underlying the broad disaffection with the policies of the state. The focus of this dissertation will be on two of these movements, i.e. the Sindhi and Siraiki ethnic nationalisms. Going beyond the study of nationalist movements and leaders, this dissertation will also engage with the broader currents of party politics and electoral behavior in Sindh and south Punjab

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48

Gurbuz, Yunus Emre. "Caught Between Nationalism And Socialism: The Kazak Alash Orda Movement In Continuity." Phd thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609024/index.pdf.

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This dissertation aims to discuss the incorporation of the &ldquo
nationalist&rdquo
Kazak intellectuals of Alash Orda to the Soviet Socialist Republics and their role in the establishment of the Kazak ASSR. In the course of events they acted first together with Russian liberal democrats, then they sought to establish a national government and fought against the Bolsheviks, but after 1920 they chose to stay in the USSR and join the modernization process of their homeland alongside the Bolsheviks. In the mainstream academic discourse the local leaders in the republics of the USSR are generally considered as passive victims of the Soviet policies. The members of the Kazak national movement of Alash Orda are also neglected as weak political figures after they had accepted the Soviet rule. But they continued their struggle for enlightening the Kazak people in 1920s. Their collaboration with the Bolsheviks was concomitant to their motives of modernizing the Kazaks. Their role in the Soviet Kazakstan did not come to an end after their acceptance of the Soviet sovereignty but it continued. My argument is that the struggle of the members of Alash Orda was in continuity with their program before the revolution, and their cooperation with the Bolsheviks was a way to realize their objectives, and it opened a sphere for them to have a role in the formation of the Kazak ASSR.

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49

Sanghera, Jasvinder. "Exploring links between the Social Reform, Nationalist, and Women's Movements in India." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0011/MQ52479.pdf.

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50

Buhr, Nathan P. "Contemporary Perceptions of the Solidarity Movement Held by Polish Nationals." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1168.

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Widespread participation in the 1980s Solidarity movement by Polish nationals of both genders, varying ideologies, and differing political backgrounds has led to diverse views of the history and narrative of the movement that today is interpreted in differing ways by groups and individuals. To gain a better understanding of how Poles view this unique time period of their history a survey featuring 54 questions was dispatched to and completed by over 121 Polish nationals. All questions relate to the Solidarity movement in categories covering: Prominent People, Media, Economics, Religion, and Education and concluding with a free-write section for additional comments by participants. The results show near common agreement on some points while in other areas participants expressed conflicting opinions and views. These varying perspectives reflect the ongoing debate concerning the ethos of the Solidarity movement in addition to its effect on contemporary Polish culture.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Nationalist movement'

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