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Journal articles on the topic 'Nationalist movement'
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1
Watanabe, Shoko. "THE PARTY OF GOD: THE ASSOCIATION OF ALGERIAN MUSLIM ʿULAMAʾ IN CONTENTION WITH THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT AFTER WORLD WAR II." International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, no. 2 (May 2018): 271–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818000065.
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AbstractScholarship has long held that Islamic reform was a preparatory stage for nationalism in the Muslim world. In challenge to this view, this article shows how in the context of 20th-century Algeria Islamic reformers and nationalists continued to maintain distinct political ideas, visions, and projects. The article examines the internal framework of the Association of Algerian Muslim ʿUlamaʾ, an Islamic reform movement founded in 1931 when Algeria was under French colonial rule, and its interactions with other local movements, especially the Algerian nationalist movement. Through a comparison of the discourse of the Algerian ʿulamaʾ to that of the nationalists, it argues that while both groups claimed to be successors of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, their understanding of politics (siyāsa) was different. Whereas the ʿulamaʾ associated politics with their own spiritual leadership, the nationalists associated it with institutions. The study situates these distinct visions within the post–World War II historical context, in which the expanding nationalist movement undermined the ʿulamaʾ’s popular appeal.
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Warjio, Warjio. "THE INFLUENCE OF THE INDONESIAN NATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE EARLY ISLAMIC MOVEMENT IN MALAYSIA." JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL dan ILMU POLITIK 2, no. 1 (June 20, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.30742/juispol.v2i1.2131.
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This article raises the main question: How was the influence of the Indonesian nationalist movement namely nationalism and Islam in the initial nationalism movement in Malaysia? Using the political history approach of this article reveals this important issue. First, the Indonesian nationalism movement had influenced the nationalist movement in Malaysia through Indonesian political activists to Malaysia, then known as Malaysia. The important results of this article make an important contribution that not only is there a national political connection to the formation of Malaysian independence, but the spirit of nationalism and Islam is united in the influence of the early Islamic nationalist movement in Malaysia.Keywords: Indonesian nationalism movement, nationalism movement in Malaysia, islamic movement, islamic political party
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VALLS, ANDREW. "A Liberal Defense of Black Nationalism." American Political Science Review 104, no. 3 (August 2010): 467–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000249.
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This article brings together work on liberal political theory and black nationalism in an attempt to both strengthen the case for black nationalism and enrich and extend liberal theory. I begin by arguing that for much of U.S. history, the classical black nationalist case for an independent state finds substantial support in recent liberal theories of secession. In the post–civil rights era, black nationalists in the Black Power movement argued for more limited forms of black autonomy, a position known as “community nationalism.” Community black nationalism makes claims similar to minority nationalist claims for limited self-determination, yet liberal multiculturalists like Will Kymlicka defend the latter while withholding support for black nationalism. I argue that black nationalism raises fundamental issues of justice and that liberal multicultural theory can be extended to support black nationalist claims.
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Clark, Roland. "Nationalism and orthodoxy: Nichifor Crainic and the political culture of the extreme right in 1930s Romania." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 1 (January 2012): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.633076.
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This article explores the interplay of religion, anti-Semitism, and personal rivalries in building the ultra-nationalist movement in 1930s Romania, using the career of Nichifor Crainic as a case study. As a theologian, Crainic created and taught a synthesis of nationalism and Romanian Orthodoxy which was broadly accepted by most ultra-nationalists in interwar Romania. As a journalist, Crainic directed several newspapers which spearheaded acrimonious attacks on democratic and ultra-nationalist politicians alike. As a politician, he joined and left both Corneliu Zelea Codreanu's Legion of the Archangel Michael and A.C. Cuza's National Christian Defense League before attempting to form his own Christian Workers’ Party. Crainic's writings ultimately earned him a place as a minister in two governments and membership of the Romanian Academy. His career reveals an ultra-nationalist movement rife with division and bickering but united around a vaguely defined ideology of religious nationalism, xenophobia, and anti-Semitism.
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STEFANIV, Vasyl. "RELIGION IN THE IDEOLOGY OF EUROPEAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENTS AND UKRAINIAN INTEGRAL NATIONALISM DURING THE INTERWAR PERIOD: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS." Contemporary era 7 (2019): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2019-7-58-74.
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The article highlights the international historical context in which the relationships between nationalists and conservatives were formed during the interwar period in Europe. There was made a comparative analysis of similar and distinct attitudes towards religion in the ideology of nationalist movements in interwar Europe and Ukrainian nationalism. For the broader historical context, the example of nationalist movements in Central and Eastern Europe is crucial for understanding Ukrainian nationalism's ideology, including its attitude towards religion. It describes the complex relationships of modern nationalist movements with traditional Christianity, which was a distinct feature of the intellectual and political life of that time in Europe. The study analyzed the ideological foundations of nationalist movements in Central and Eastern Europe, where church and religion occupied a prominent place. Similar and distinctive features of the religion in the nationalist movement in Galicia were analyzed compared to the similar processes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The author states that the representatives of the Polish integrated nationalism and the fascist parties that came to power, namely the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) led by A. Hitler, the Croatian Ustasha, the Iron Guard in Romania, had a fairly large proportion of mythical foundations in their political programs and resembled political religion in their ideology. The ultimate instrument by which the nation could believe in their ideas was the Church. However, the modern political religion that was created could not completely deny the previous one. Therefore, most of the nationalist movements analyzed here had built their relationship with the Church, mainly for two purposes: first, to receive its support, hence the commitment of the believers; second, they used the authority of the Church and religion in their political activities. Keywords: nationalism, fascism, Nazism, Poland, Croatia, Romania, Codreanu, Pavelic, OUN, Onatsky.
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Tikhonov, Vladimir. "Sin Ŏnjun (1904–1938) and Lu Xun's Image in Korea: Colonial Korea's Nationalist Transnationalism." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 1 (February 2019): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911818002577.
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Throughout the Japanese colonial period, Korea's reading public paid close attention to Chinese revolutions against Japanese and Western empires. Korean nationalists viewed China's revolutionary struggles as important for liberating Korea from Japan, a stance that reveals a transnational basis of Korean nationalism in the colonial era. One such nationalist was Sin Ŏnjun (1904–38),Tong'a Ilbo’s Shanghai-based correspondent, who played a critical role in conveying the momentous events in contemporary China to colonized Koreans. Drawing on Sin's example, this article shows how Sino-Korean transnationalism constituted Korea's left-wing, progressive nationalism in the 1930s. Although Sin Ŏnjun was a nationalist rather than a communist, he highlighted the communist struggles in China in his dispatches. He saw communism as the only viable way of solving China's internal and external problems, although he, at the same time, disapproved of Chinese communists’ “terrorist methods.” This article argues that this position also reflected his stance in favor of a broad communist-nationalist alliance in the Korean independence movement. He saw Korea's liberation agenda as closely related to the revolutionary events in China, thus accomplishing a synthesis between Korean nationalistic and social aspirations and an East Asia–wide transnational paradigm of a universal emancipatory struggle.
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Fois, Marisa. "Algerian Nationalism: From the Origins to Algerian War of Independence." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 1 (March 30, 2017): 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340140.
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Arab nationalism is not a monolithic construct. In the case of Algeria, the nationalist period undoubtedly played a significant role in determining the nature of its nationalist movement, its foundational principles and the nature of the future independent country. It was during the nationalist period that disputes regarding the colonial order, autonomy versus independence and the definition of Algerian identity emerged. The anti-colonial revolution occurred after a long period of gestation, the result of a combination of people’s spontaneous initiative, the action of forces fed by new or existing ideas and the influence of the international context. This article provides an overview of Algerian nationalism—including both Arab and Berber nationalisms—from the 1920s to the 1950s, identifying parties, leaders and currents of thought.
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Jeffries, Bayyinah S. "Prioritizing Black Self-Determination: The Last Strident Voice of Twentieth-Century Black Nationalism." Genealogy 4, no. 4 (November 20, 2020): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4040110.
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Black self-determination, like the movement for civil rights, has long been a struggle on both the national and international stage. From the Black consciousness campaign of South Africa to the Black Power crusades of the United States and Caribbean, and the recent global affirmations of Black Lives Matter, Black nationalist ideology and desires for equity and independence seem ever more significant. While marginal characteristics of Black nationalism clearly persist in the calls for justice and equality, only one voice of twentieth-century Black nationalism remains committed to the full dimensions of the Black nationalist agenda. This essay documents the one leader and movement that has remained committed to a Black nationalist platform as a response to persistent white supremacy. The author reflects on the valuable contributions of twentieth-century Black nationalism and what form, if any, Black nationalism will take when this last Black nationalist movement leader is gone.
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Kenney, Jeffrey T. "Millennial Politics in Modern Egypt: Islamism and Secular Nationalism in Context and Contest." Numen 59, no. 5-6 (2012): 427–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341234.
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AbstractAs a type often linked to societies in transition, millennialism provides a useful framework of analysis to understand the contestation between the two movements that shaped Egypt’s modern identity: Islamism and secular nationalism. Both movements blended political and religious form and content as they strove to unite people in a collectivist effort to create an ideal society that addressed the nation’s material and cultural needs. Indeed, millennial discourse provided a medium through which Egyptians worked out their nationalist aspirations in a religious key and envisioned their religious values and identity in nationalist form. The volatile, irrational character of millennial movements made Egypt’s postcolonial transition to modern politics fraught and uncertain. And the authoritarian trend among Egypt’s ruling secular nationalists exacerbated the situation. In the end, Egypt’s seminal Islamist movement, the Muslim Brotherhood, proved capable of reorienting itself, downplaying its millennial claims, and espousing a rational politics. Its evolution speaks to the capacity of millennial movements to transform themselves and the societies of which they are a part.
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Lluch, Jaime. "Internal variation in sub-state national movements and the moral polity of the nationalist." European Political Science Review 4, no. 3 (December 5, 2011): 433–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000269.
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Variation in secessionism among sub-state nationalists is part of one of the great puzzles of ethnic politics. Sub-state national movements tend to bifurcate and, at times, trifurcate, into two or three basic nationalist orientations: independentist nationalism, autonomist nationalism (and its sub-variants), and federalist nationalism (and its sub-variants). There is a dearth of systematic comparative research into the sources and patterns of internal variation in the political orientations of sub-state national movements. This article investigates why some sub-state nationalists opt for a secessionist orientation while other nationalists within the same national movement opt for a variety of non-secessionist orientations. I use evidence gathered in Quebec and Catalonia, consisting of 42 interviews among the top leadership of the eight national parties of these societies, 15 focus group interviews with party militants, and 370 questionnaires answered by militants, etc. The national consciousness and materialist approaches fail to elucidate these issues. Instead, sub-state nationalists have expectations about what is fair treatment by the central state, and notions about what obligations emerge due to common membership in a plurinational state. Independentists and strong decentralizers (strong autonomists and radical asymmetric federalists) opt for their chosen orientations because they perceive that central state institutions are unable to promote an ethos of plurinational reciprocity and are aggrieved by state nationalism, while less-decentralizing nationalists (weak autonomists and traditional federalists) assert that the central state is capable of accommodation and reciprocity and have no grievances about state nationalism.
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Goalwin, Gregory J. "Understanding the exclusionary politics of early Turkish nationalism: an ethnic boundary-making approach." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 6 (November 2017): 1150–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1315394.
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Turkish nationalism has long presented a study in contrasts. The nationalist movement that created the Republic of Turkey sought to define the nation in explicitly civic and inclusive terms, promoting a variety of integrationist reforms. Those same nationalist politicians, however, endorsed other policies that were far more exclusionary, expelling many religious and ethnic minorities from the new nation and imposing harsh restrictions on those who remained. The seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies has been mirrored by much of the scholarship on Turkish nationalism, which has often viewed Turkish nationality through the lens of the “civic/ethnic divide,” with various scholars arguing that the Turkish nation is exclusively civic or ethnic. This article seeks to transcend this dichotomous way of looking at Turkish nationalism. I argue that the policies previously seen as being exclusively civic or ethnic are in fact both examples of boundary-making processes, designed to forge a cohesive nationalist community. Seen through a boundary-making perspective, the seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies in its early years is not paradoxical at all, but represents a multidimensional effort to construct a cohesive national community that could replace the defunct Ottoman state.
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Hamid, Abdul. "ISLAMIC PROPAGATION MOVEMENT ON NATIONALIST PARADIGM." Al-Risalah 15, no. 1 (January 2, 2024): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.34005/alrisalah.v15i1.3205.
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The Indonesian nation is independent and was formed by the contribution of scholars who preached with a high sense of nationalism. As the largest Muslim country, Indonesia has an important role in the Islamic world, so that its position is taken into account. Both have an important role and support each other. This article is a literature review that discusses the Islamic propagation movement nationalist paradigm using a qualitative approach and literature study methods. The Islamic propagation (da’wah) paradigm defined in this article is the fundamental view, framework and rationale used in preaching. Based on the movements carried out by the perpetrators, the paradigm is classified into three, namely the tabligh paradigm, the community development paradigm, the harakah paradigm and the cultural paradigm. One part of da'wah with a cultural paradigm, namely national da'wah. National da'wah in Indonesia has the following characteristics: 1) National da'wah must accommodate differences in backgrounds; 2) National da'wah must be based on the pillars of nationality, and 3) National da'wah upholds the universal and eternal values of Islamic teachings.
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Geiger, Susan. "Tanganyikan Nationalism as ‘Women's Work’: Life Histories, Collective Biography and Changing Historiography." Journal of African History 37, no. 3 (November 1996): 465–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700035544.
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Although nationalism in Tanzania, as elsewhere in Africa, has been criticized for its shortcomings, and a ‘Dar es Salaam School’ has been charged with succumbing to its ideological biases, few historians have revisited or questioned Tanzania's dominant nationalist narrative – a narrative created over 25 years ago. Biographies written in aid of this narrative depict nationalism in the former Trust Territory of Tanganyika as primarily the work of a few good men, including ‘proto-nationalists’ whose anti-colonial actions set the stage and provided historical continuity for the later western-oriented ideological work of nationalist modernizers.The life history narratives of women who became activists in the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) in the 1950s disrupt this view of progressive stages toward an emerging nationalist consciousness which reflected and borrowed heavily from western forms and ideals. They suggest that Tanganyikan nationalism was also and significantly the work of thousands of women, whose lives and associations reflected trans-tribal ties and affiliations, and whose work for TANU served to both construct and perform what nationalism came to signify for many Tanzanian women and men. Women activists did not simply respond to TANU's nationalist rhetoric; they shaped, informed and spread a nationalist consciousness for which TANU was the vehicle.Neither ‘extraordinary’ individuals (the usual subjects of male biography) nor ‘representative’ of ‘ordinary people’ (often the subjects of life histories), TANU women activists' lives reveal the severe limitations of the dichotomous characterizations of traditional biographical forms. Together, their narratives constitute a collective biographical narrative of great significance for our understanding of nationalism and nationalist movement in the former Tanganyika.
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Zhou, Luyang. "Nationalism and Communism as Foes and Friends." European Journal of Sociology 60, no. 3 (December 2019): 313–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975619000158.
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AbstractSociologists have noted that the ideological inclusiveness of nationalism varies. By comparing the Bolshevik and Chinese communist revolutionary elites, this article explains that such variation depends on the social strength of nationalism. A strong nationalism is (a) undergirded by a widely diffused national culture that can socialize most radical elites into the nation; (b) kept institutionally open to broad social strata so that lower classes can form a nationalist identity through participation; and (c) universally believed to be a geopolitically feasible anti-colonial revolution so that radical elites can think of engagement as worthwhile and necessary. Using a comparative biographical method probing both nationalists and communists, this article demonstrates that nationalism in Tsarist Russia was far weaker than in post-imperial China. In the former, the nationalist movement excluded communists while, in the latter, communists were incorporated. Therefore, the two communist parties had different understandings of Marxism.
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Beinin, Joel. "Labor, Capital, and the State in Nasserist Egypt, 1952–1961." International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, no. 1 (February 1989): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800032116.
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In the decade before the military coup of July 23, 1952, an increasingly militant workers' movement was an important component of the social and political upheaval that undermined the monarchy and ended the era of British colonialism in Egypt. The ebbs and flows of the labor movement coincided with successive upsurges of the nationalist movement. Working class participation in the nationalist struggle infused the movement for full independence and evacuation of British military forces with a radical social consciousness, and since workers’ strikes and demonstrations were often directed against foreign enterprises, the labor movement was commonly considered to be a component of the nationalist movement. The working class was a social battering ram destabilizing the old regime, and many nationalists encouraged and legitimized labor militancy.
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Ludington, Jasper. "Incompatible Education." Columbia Journal of Asia 1, no. 2 (December 9, 2022): 76–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.52214/cja.v1i2.10089.
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"This paper will therefore address these scholarly lacunae. First, it will provide a sufficient explanation of pre-colonial and British education prior to 1920. Second, it will distill the nationalist movement down to the components that were influenced by the student movement. And, by doing so, it will provide a specific answer to the initial research question: how did colonial education and the student movement influence the nationalist movement in Burma? "
Thesis: "this paper will argue that the activity of the Burmese student movement—itself a response to the decline of monastic education and its replacement with secular education under the British—was vital to the success of the Burmese nationalist movement, providing it with a crucial spark and a young generation of nationalists."
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Dawn, C. Ernest. "The Formation of Pan-Arab Ideology in the Interwar Years." International Journal of Middle East Studies 20, no. 1 (February 1988): 67–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800057512.
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Arab nationalism arose as an opposition movement in Ottoman Syria, Palestine, and Iraq around the turn of the century. It remained a minority movement until the Ottoman collapse in 1918, but after the Ottoman defeat it became the overwhelmingly dominant movement in these territories where, except for some Lebanese, all successful politicians were Arab nationalists during the interwar years. Just what Arab nationalism meant to its proponents at the time, however, has been difficult to determine. The period only dimly figures in studies of Arab nationalism. Full studies have been devoted to survivors from the past, Rashid Rida⊃ and Shakib Arsian, to Sati⊂ al-Husri (al-Husari), a relative newcomer whose greatest prominence was to be in the 1940s and 1950s, and to the Muslim Brothers, who arrived on the scene even later, whose influence was to lie in the future, and who, like Rida⊃, were not considered to be primarily Arab nationalists. Otherwise, hardly a scant handful of pre-World War II Arab nationalist writers, and these from the late 1930s, receive even casual mention.
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Mitrofanova, A., and O. Mikhailenok. "Right Wing Populist Civic Movements: Western Experience and the Situation in Russia." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 3 (2021): 120–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-120-129.
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The article aims at identifying the characteristics shared by the right-wing populist civil movements of Western Europe and the USA and evaluating the possibility to use them for researching right-wing nationalist organizations in Russia. The movements selected for the comparison range from party-like electoral actors to unorganized protesters. They include as follows: The Five-star Movement (Italy), PEGIDA and the like (Germany), the English Defence League (the UK), the Tea Party Movement (the US). The authors identified several interrelated characteristics shared by these movements: (1) dealing with local, usually social, issues, (2) network-like structure of autonomous local groups building the agenda from below, (3) ideological ambivalence leading to replacing ideology with subculture, (4) digitalization of activism. Although in Russia there are no civic movements structurally or functionally identical to Western right-wing populists, the authors demonstrate that local social issues and civic responsibility have become important topics for some Russian nationalists (right-wing radicals) since the mid 2000s. The trends of deideologization and dealing with non-political local issues are researched mainly on the example of the “Frontier of the North” (Komi Republic). The authors conclude that some of the radical Russian nationalists are gradually declining their own independent agenda, following local protests instead. This opens up the possibility for right-wing organizations to become local civil society institutions and to participate successfully in local elections, similar to the “electoral break-through” of right-wing populists in the West. Although it is too early to speak about the deideologization of Russian nationalism, the article suggests that some nationalists are ready to mitigate ideological tensions to secure expanded social support. At the moment, nationalist organizations in Russia remain frozen between right-wing radicalism and emulating Western right-wing populism.
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Sirmareza, Trio. "Popular Nationalism Dalam Kebijakan Luar Negeri Tiongkok Terhadap Jepang Pada Sengketa Kepulauan Senkaku/Diaoyu." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 3, no. 1 (March 10, 2015): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.3.1.74-102.2014.
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This paper discusses about Popular Nationalism within China’s Foreign Policy towards Japan in the Context of Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands Dispute. Taking Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands’ dispute as the case, it can be conceived that, from two-level game perspective, Chinese government ‘instrumentalizes’ popular nationalism for its foreign policy purposes, i.e. strengthening its international position on the dispute and giving pressure to Japanese government. Practically, while putting pressure to Japan, popular nationalist movement also puts pressure on Chinese government by criticizing the government over its weak foreign policy towards Japan, as well as demanding for Chinese democratization and political change. Chinese government responds this situation by ‘managing’ popular nationalism. The government applies two-sided policy. When popular nationalist movement is favorable for Chinese foreign policy, the government gives popular nationalist a large controlled access to express their anger towards Japan. However, if popular nationalist starts to criticize government, demand for democratization and political change, Chinese government then restricts the movement by using institutional, informational, and ideational resourcesas well as starting to ban any protest and demonstration. This strange policy performed by Chinese government is strategically able to gain domestic support for its foreign policy, and maintain domestic status quo simultaneously.
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Panofsky, Aaron, and Joan Donovan. "Genetic ancestry testing among white nationalists: From identity repair to citizen science." Social Studies of Science 49, no. 5 (July 2, 2019): 653–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312719861434.
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White nationalists have a genetic essentialist understanding of racial identity, so what happens when using genetic ancestry tests (GATs) to explore personal identities, they receive upsetting results they consider evidence of non-white or non-European ancestry? Our answer draws on qualitative analysis of posts on the white nationalist website Stormfront, interpreted by synthesizing the literatures on white nationalism and GATs and identity. We show that Stormfront posters exert much more energy repairing individuals’ bad news than using it to exclude or attack them. Their repair strategies combine anti-scientific, counter-knowledge attacks on the legitimacy of GATs and quasi-scientific reinterpretations of GATs in terms of white nationalist histories. However, beyond individual identity repair they also reinterpret the racial boundaries and hierarchies of white nationalism in terms of the relationships GATs make visible. White nationalism is not simply an identity community or political movement but should be understood as bricoleurs with genetic knowledge displaying aspects of citizen science.
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Goalwin, Gregory J. "“Religion and Nation Are One”: Social Identity Complexity and the Roots of Religious Intolerance in Turkish Nationalism." Social Science History 42, no. 2 (2018): 161–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2018.6.
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Turkish nationalism has long been an enigma for scholars interested in the formation of national identity. The nationalist movement that succeeded in crafting the Republic of Turkey relied upon rhetoric that defined the nation in explicitly secular, civic, and territorial terms. Though the earliest scholarship on Turkish nationalism supported this perspective, more recent research has pointed to Turkey's efforts to homogenize the new state as evidence of the importance of ethnicity, and particularly religion, in constructing Turkish national identity. Yet this marked mismatch between political rhetoric and politics on the ground is perplexing. If Turkey was meant to be a secular and civic state, why did Turkish nationalist policies place such a heavy emphasis on ethnic and religious purity? Moreover, why did religious identity become such a salient characteristic for determining membership in the national community and for defining national identity? This article draws upon historical research and social identity complexity theory to analyze this seeming dichotomy between religious and civic definitions of the Turkish nation. I argue that the subjective overlap between religious and civic ingroups during the late Ottoman Empire and efforts by nationalists to rally the populace through religious appeals explains the persistence of religious definitions of the nation despite the Turkish nationalist movement's civic rhetoric, and accounts for much of the Turkish state's religiously oriented policies and exclusionary practices toward religious minorities in its early decades.
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Hoque, Obaidul. "Exploring the Role of Women’s Print Media in the Indian Nationalist Movement: A Study of Select Women’s Magazines in Colonial India." Journal of Language and Linguistics in Society, no. 34 (June 24, 2023): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jlls.34.29.34.
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This research paper explores the role of women’s print media in the Indian nationalist movement, focusing on select women’s magazines in colonial India. The study examines the ways in which these magazines facilitated the participation of women in the movement and contributed to the dissemination of nationalist ideologies. Through a qualitative analysis of primary sources, including magazines such as Stri Dharma and Bharati, the study uncovers the diverse ways in which women’s magazines engaged with nationalist discourse. These magazines served as a platform for women writers to express their views on political issues, and also provided information on the activities of the nationalist movement. The study finds that women’s magazines played a significant role in shaping the political consciousness of women in colonial India, and that they provided a space for women to participate in nationalist discourse. The magazines also served as a means of building solidarity among women, as they shared stories of struggle and celebrated the achievements of female nationalists. Furthermore, this study contributes to our understanding of the role of women in the Indian nationalist movement and highlights the importance of women’s print media in shaping political discourse during this period. The findings suggest that women’s magazines were instrumental in creating a space for women’s voices in the nationalist movement, and played a significant role in shaping the political consciousness of women in colonial India.
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Senanayake, Harsha. "Religion, Religious Textbooks and Territorialisation of Sinhala Buddhist Ethno-nationalism in Sri Lanka." Open Political Science 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 300–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2021-0027.
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Abstract The idea of ‘homelanď performed a central role in nationalist debates, and particularly majority/ minority societies exercise the concept of the homeland, religion and religious texts to shaped their nationalist discourse and claimed their rights over a given territory. In this context, nationalism and religion can be understood as contested terms, particularly in third world nation-states including countries like Sri Lanka, which has suffered from the three-decades-long civil war between Sinhala-Buddhist majoritarian government and minority-Tamil community based separatist movement of LTTE. The formation of Sinhala- Buddhist nationalism carries interesting links with the religion and religious textbooks and based on these Buddhist religious and historical claims the majoritarian political mindset of the Sinhala community believes Sri Lanka is their homeland, and other minority communities are alien for the society. The contemporary, political and security discourse of Sri Lanka has strongly brought these Buddhism and religious texts to claim rights over the territory and galvanised ‘Sinhala-Buddhist rights’ over the popular nationalist movement. In this context, the paper discusses ‘how and why Sinhala nationalist movement strongly shaped by the Buddhist religious values and books’ and the rationale behind the link between Sinhala nationalism and Buddhist religion based on the conceptual framework of “Geopiety.”
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TERRETTA, MEREDITH. "CAMEROONIAN NATIONALISTS GO GLOBAL: FROM FOREST MAQUIS TO A PAN-AFRICAN ACCRA." Journal of African History 51, no. 2 (July 2010): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853710000253.
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ABSTRACTThis article reassesses the political alternatives imagined by African nationalists in the ‘first wave’ of Africa's decolonization through the lens of Cameroonian nationalism. After the proscription of Cameroon's popular nationalist movement, the Union des Populations du Cameroun (UPC), in the mid-1950s, thousands of Cameroonian nationalists went into exile, most to Accra, where they gained the support of Kwame Nkrumah's Pan-African Bureau for African Affairs. The UPC's external support fed Cameroon's internal maquis (as UPC members called the underground resistance camps within the territories), rooted in culturally particular conceptions of freedom and sovereignty. With such deeply local and broadly international foundations, the political future that Cameroonian nationalists envisaged seemed achievable: even after the Cameroon territories' official independence, UPC nationalists kept fighting. But, by the mid-1960s, postcolonial states prioritized territorial sovereignty over ‘African unity’ and Ghana's support of the UPC became unsustainable, leading to the movement's disintegration.
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Kumar, K. Sravana. "Emergence of Communist Party in Nationalist Movement." Paripex - Indian Journal Of Research 3, no. 4 (January 15, 2012): 134–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22501991/apr2014/43.
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Malekela, Samson Peter. "In pursuit of continuity: Maji Maji war and nationalistic movement in 1940s-1950s in Southern Tanganyika." Journal of African History, Culture and Arts 3, no. 2 (December 29, 2023): 122–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.57040/jahca.v3i2.591.
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Dar es Salaam School’s Historians in the 1960s and 1970s established that the Majimaji war fought 1905-1907 had an undeviating connection with nationalistic movements which culminated in Tanganyika’s (Today's Tanzania mainland) independence on December 9th, 1961. This implies that Majimaji and the later nationalistic movements are inseparable since the war started the independence struggles initiatives. Nationalist view was challenged but only until early 1990 when new interpretations emerged and the former was regarded as outlived since its main purposes of building the nation and instilling nationalism to the people were outmoded. It is more than five decades, since Nationalist School presented their interpretation. This paper seeks to check if the contemporary generation perceives the Majimaji in similar consonant with the Dar es Salaam School of African History when nation building through the recovery of African traditional values and instilling patriotism were paramount. Since neither society nor history is static, a study aiming at writing the history of the people by the people through verification. The study is qualitative employing both, primary and secondary sources of data. Oral accounts serves as primary source and documentary reviews from books and journal articles constitutes secondary source. The findings shows that the contemporary peoples’ understanding of the Majimaji war in juxtaposition with nationalistic movements in 1940s and 1950s. Furthermore, it has been reveled that the people in Songea, Southern Tanganyika still have the nationalist view on Majimaji war apparently due to different factors but not limited to it’s nature, history memory, role of the elites and pedagogical practices. Its put forward that Majimaji war has a special place in the history of Tanganyika due to its connectedness, continuity and Change in socio-economic and political aspects. It has also been discovered that Majimaji war had a link with nationalistic movements and its continuity and change prevail to post-independence period.
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din, Fakhar u., Adeel Irfan, and Qadeer Ahmed. "Balance-Shifting through 'Soft Tactics': A Case Study of Baloch Insurgency." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VIII, no. II (June 30, 2023): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2023(viii-ii).04.
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This study analyzes the ethnic nationalist movement among Pakistan's Baloch population. The current multifaceted and multi-focused approach of this movement is the result of its development through several periods. Nationalists' use of gentler methods has contributed to the current wave of insurrection. This movement has matured into a class struggle with a militant element that uses both hard and soft tactics to achieve its ends. The advantages and disadvantages of the Baloch Insurgency have been evaluated by looking at how soft tactics fit into the theoretical framework of irregular warfare presented by James D. Kiras. This insurgency has shown, through its use of soft tactics, that it is nearly successful despite the best efforts of law enforcement and the government. The state must guarantee that no resident is without access to food, clothing, and shelter. Local authorities should also discourage nationalist and separatist movements from developing in the region.
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Younes, Anna–Esther. "A gendered movement for liberation: Hamas's women's movement and nation building in contemporary Palestine." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2010): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910903475729.
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This research on Hamas's women's movement explains the contemporary political and social involvement of women with a multilayered perspective of different theories based on a textual analysis of the movement's publications (the Hamas Charta 1988 and the Electoral Program 2006, as well as women's testimonies to popular media outlets). Subsequently, it is claimed that only a comprehensive combination of post-colonial studies, gender and nationalism studies can fully grasp women's roles within the Hamas movement. Uniting these three approaches, there are three main hypotheses for women's activism and role within Hamas. First, Hamas propagates gendered worldviews and roles within the nationalist project as well as within the movement. Those outlooks intersect with historized notions of Arab–Muslim identity as well as with notions of liberation against foreign (Western) occupation and colonialism. Second, the ‘women of Hamas’ use such gendered roles in order to pave the way for a pious, yet determined, women's participation within the nationalist venture as well as the movement's overall project of national liberation. Third, the gendered defence calculus springing from those views allows a restructuring of society in general, vis-à-vis the Palestinian population as well as vis-à-vis the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
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Iacocca, Vanessa K. "Saga-Sites of Memory: Jónas Hallgrímsson, Icelandic Nationalism, and the Íslendingasögur." Scandinavian-Canadian Studies 28 (December 1, 2021): 260–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/scancan209.
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ABSTRACT: This article examines the cultivation of saga-sites as lieux de mémoire by Icelandic national poet Jónas Hallgrímsson (1807–1845) and its ideological impact on the Icelandic nationalist movement. Fusing saga and landscape, cultural memory and place, in his poetry, Hallgrímsson reimagines sites from the Íslendingasögur as encapsulations of an Icelandic national spirit, access points to a past golden age, and catalysts of revitalization and political change. In doing so, Hallgrímsson contributed to the nationalist ideology that garnered widespread support for Icelandic nationalism and furnished Icelandic politicians with justifications for increased autonomy. Danish nationalists felt that the cultural past embedded within Iceland crossed national boundaries. The Danish state’s indebtedness to distinctly Icelandic contributions for their own nation-building arguably made Danish politicians amenable to arguments for greater Icelandic sovereignty.
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Rethelyi, Mari. "Hungarian Nationalism and the Origins of Neolog Judaism." Nova Religio 18, no. 2 (2014): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2014.18.2.67.
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The new religious movement of the Neolog Jews in Hungary argued for Jews’ acceptance into Hungarian society by articulating an ethnic identity compatible with that of Hungarians. Neolog Jews promoted nationalism by propagating an ethnic Oriental Jewish identity mirroring Hungarian nationalist identity. By negotiating a common identity, Neolog Jews hoped to achieve recognition as fellow Hungarians. The history of the Neologs is unique because a non-Semitic, ethno-nationalist definition of Jewish identity occurred only in Hungary. Neolog Judaism constitutes a significant religious group not only because of its isolated case of nationalist ethnic formation of Jewish identity, but also because it became the mainstream Jewish religious movement in Hungary.
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la Grange, Anna, and Charl Blignaut. "The inconography of Afrikaner nationalism and the Ossewa-Brandwag's 'ideal of freedom' in the South African internment camps of the Second World War." Historia 63, no. 1 (November 3, 2021): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-8392/2021/v66n1a4.
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The emergency measures of the Union government under Jan Smuts had a strong impact on the Ossewa-Brandwag (OB) during the Second World War. The OB was especially targeted by the government because of its overt pro-German and anti-British stance and its active resistance against the war effort. The ideology of the movement was built upon a strong basis of Afrikaner nationalism in conjunction with National Socialism which was supposed to legitimise the movement as an alternative to party politics. OB members expressed Afrikaner nationalist sentiments which meant resistance against Britain with the goal of attaining an independent republic - the so-called "ideal of freedom". Consequently, the OB's active resistance led to high numbers of internment. This article focuses on the South African internment camps of the Second World War. The nationalist iconography reflected in the artefacts created by OB members during their internment are analysed within the broader context of Afrikaner nationalism and the ideology of the OB. The OB had a very specific brand of Afrikaner nationalism and the ideal of freedom, central to its ideology, was combined with existing Afrikaner nationalist goals and subsequently nationalist iconography manifested itself in internees' creative expressions of their own personal nationalist sentiments. The artefacts also reflect the integration of Afrikaner nationalist iconography and the OB's ideal of freedom with personal contexts of imprisonment illustrating how political myths can be reshaped to provide meaning for the present realities of contemporaries.
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Kotov, Viktor V. "The idea of Slavic reciprocity in Czech nationalist thinking in the 1860s and early 1870s (a case study of the Sokol movement)." Rusin, no. 69 (2022): 233–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/69/13.
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The author uses the case of the Sokol (Czech for a “falcon”) movement in the 1860s - early 1870s to examine the ideas of the Slavic origin of the Czech nation and its kind of “kinship” with the other Slavs as an important component of Czech nationalist thinking. The first Sokol was founded at the turn of 1862 in Prague and followed the model of the German “Turnvereins”, combining nationalism with physical exercises. Analysing the print media that played a vital role in Czech nationalist culture, the author shows that Czech nationalists constantly sought to emphasize their belonging to the Slavs through verbal, visual, and musical representaions. Among the main principles of Czech nationalist thinking was totalism, which meant conceiving the nation as the highest value. Putting Czech national interests over everything else led Czech nationalists to take the idea of Slavic reciprocity as their subsidiary identity used as an instrument to define and achieve their goals. One of the manifestations of this approach was the Czech commitment to the concept of Austro-Slavism - the cooperation of Slavic nations to make the policy of the Habsburg monarchy serve their joint interests. This concept can be associated with the stable interest in the issues of Galician Poles, Slovenes, and Croats. The attention of Czech nationalists to the rest of the Slavs had a wave-like character. During the period under study, such waves were caused by one of the regular Montenegrin-Turkish military conflicts in 1862 (the popularity of the so-called Junak or heroic discourse), the January Uprising in 1863 (PoLonophiLia and Russophobia) and the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867, which made Czech nationalists seek the external support (Russophilia). These trends have influenced the formation of the Sokol culture and the activities of the Sokol societies.
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Watanabe, Shoko. "A Forgotten Mobilization: The Tunisian Volunteer Movement for Palestine in 1948." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 60, no. 4 (May 12, 2017): 488–523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341428.
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This paper goes beyond the ideological views of nationalist leaders who positioned the departure of Tunisian volunteer soldiers for Palestine in 1948 in the framework of national-liberation history, and it analyzes the volunteer movement to provide a picture of the internal mechanisms of popular mobilization. This was a dual movement, of spontaneous participation and organized recruitment by local committees. The volunteers were ideologically heterogeneous, some having had no previous political career. The decentralized nature of the mobilization and the regionally differing socioeconomic compositions of the volunteers suggest that regionally diverse trajectories of nationalism movements coexisted in Tunisia. Understanding this volunteer movement from the bottom up, focusing particularly on the socioeconomic conditions that made the mobilization possible, can help us understand the dynamism of nationalism as a social movement.
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Edwards, Mark. "From a Christian World Community to a Christian America: Ecumenical Protestant Internationalism as a Source of Christian Nationalist Renewal." Genealogy 3, no. 2 (May 30, 2019): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3020030.
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Christian nationalism in the United States has neither been singular nor stable. The country has seen several Christian nationalist ventures come and go throughout its history. Historians are currently busy documenting the plurality of Christian nationalisms, understanding them more as deliberate projects rather than as components of a suprahistorical secularization process. This essay joins in that work. Its focus is the World War II and early Cold War era, one of the heydays of Christian nationalist enthusiasm in America—and the one that shaped our ongoing culture wars between “evangelical” conservatives and “godless” liberals. One forgotten and admittedly paradoxical pathway to wartime Christian nationalism was the world ecumenical movement (“ecumenical” here meaning intra-Protestant). Protestant ecumenism curated the transformation of 1920s and 1930s Christian internationalism into wartime Christian Americanism. They involved many political and intellectual elites along the way. In pioneering many of the geopolitical concerns of Cold War evangelicals, ecumenical Protestants aided and abetted the Christian conservative ascendancy that wields power even into the present.
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Fernandes, Leela. "Unsettled Territories: State, Civil Society, and the Politics of Religious Conversion in India." Politics and Religion 4, no. 1 (November 1, 2010): 108–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048310000490.
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AbstractThe article argues that the secular Indian state and the Hindu nationalist movement are invested in restricting changes in religious membership in ways that intensify religious and caste-based inequalities. The secular state and the Hindu nationalist movement attempt to enforce a shared model of religion that takes the form of a fixed territory. In this model, changes in religious membership through conversion are restricted. An analysis of state-civil society interactions in India must therefore move away from a presumed opposition between state secularism on the one hand and religious nationalism and conflict within civil society on the other. The article draws on three cases: (1) nationalist debates over caste and religious conversion, (2) Hindu nationalist mobilization against religious conversion, and (3) state caste-based affirmative action policies that restrict benefits based on religious conversion.
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Pohlman, Annie. "WOMEN AND NATIONALISM IN INDONESIA." Historia: Jurnal Pendidik dan Peneliti Sejarah 12, no. 1 (July 23, 2018): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/historia.v12i1.12114.
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Indonesia was established 65 years ago, but the progress of Indonesian nasionalism had not yet done when the independence was proclaimed. The nationalism movement in Indonesia has been growing since the early of the 20th century until today because nationalism is not static but it always changing. In the nationalism development process, women always play the basic and important role. However, in many academic discourses discussing the nationalism history, women are neglected most of the time. Women participation in the nationalism movement is rarely discussed. The gender relation and its association with the development of Indonesia development are also neglected most of the time. Therefore, women role in the nationalism movement and the women interest tend to be removed. However, women always play the central role in the nationalism movement, such as in the beginning of the 20th century, during the colonialism government and Japanese era, the Revolution era against the Dutch, and the regime of Soekarno and Soeharto era. In this article, I will focus my discussion on the women movement development since the 1920s and their role in the Reformation movement and Indonesia nationalism. This article will discuss: (1) the first discussion starts with the summary of the women movement and nationalist movement background in the twentieth century; (2) the second discussion is about the development of women movement in the Reformation era; and (3) finally, I will explore some issues that affect the discussion of the women and nationalism in the Reformation Era – the Indonesian nationalism developed by the Government utilizing the women’s body and sexuality for achieving their goal is the central issue in the discussion about the form of Indonesia nationality.
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Hodlevska, Valentyna. "Galician Nationalism: History and Modernity." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 34 (2020): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-61-68.
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The purpose of the article is to cover the history and determine the relevance of Galician nationalism. The origin and development of the nationalist movement in the region is analyzed. In our study general scientific and special historical and political science methods were applied. The general scientific methods (deductive and inductive, analysis and synthesis) were used as specific cognitive tools necessary to implement the principles of historicism, systematicism and objectivity. The general and special historical methods (historical-typological, statistical, comparative-historical, problem-chronological) allowed us to make a comprehensive analysis of the problem of Galician nationalism. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the fact that the author, for the first time in the national historical science, analyzes the features of Galician nationalism, the history of its development and the current state. Galician nationalism took shape in the 19th century. Among the predecessors of Galician nationalism, three movements can be distinguished: provincialism, federalism, and regionalism. Provincialism (later called Galicianism) was a movement that emerged in 1840 with the aim of protecting the integrity of the territory of Galicia. Regionalism became an intermediate phase in the evolution of the Galician movement between provincialism and nationalism. Galician federalism began to develop in 1865. The federalists argued that Galicia should be formed as a canton within Spain and that it be governed by its own cantonal constitution. Conclusions. As one of the four historic autonomous regions of Spain (along with Catalonia, the Basque Country and Andalusia), Galicia is significantly different in its understanding of its own nationalism. While Catalonia and the Basque Country strive for even greater independence, including threats of secession from the state, the nationalist movement in Galicia is becoming less tangible.
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Hurska, Alla. "Two images of radicalism in Ukraine. Between Scandinavia and the Caucasus." Tiempo devorado 1, no. 1 (December 31, 2014): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.5.
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The recent events in Ukraine have stirred up a very emotional debate regarding the ideological, historical and ethno-cultural roots of Ukraine’s far right Nationalist movement. This research paper will put particular emphasis on the resurgence of nationalism in Ukraine during the Soviet era and its transition during the collapse of the Soviet state, as well as on the pre-conditions pertaining to that process. Furthermore, this paper will take a closer look at the main organizations that constituted the backbone of the nationalist movement in Ukraine during the 1991-2014 period.
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Dele, Ishaka. "Nationalism in the New World: An Assessment of Nigeria’s Nationalist Drive Towards Independence." Global Journal of Political Science and Administration 10, no. 2 (February 15, 2022): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjpsa.2013/vol10n2pp115.
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Nationalist movement in Nigeria or the Nigerian nationalism became formally felt after the end of British colonial rule within the country. The purposes of the movement were majorly to achieve both political and economic emancipation for the disparate groups who had come together courtesy of the amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates in 1914, from the British colonialists. Its origin or early segment dates back to the 19th century wherein resistance struggles have been hooked up against the British penetration and activities in different territories that make up the modern-day Nigeria. This paper, consequently, examines the impacts of this movement on the actualization of Nigerian independence. A number of these affects, as discovered in this paper, have endured to bedevil the political environment of Nigeria in her efforts towards gaining political independence. Nigerians were very united in mobilizing all available resources to dislodge the colonialist that was the national enemy of the country without prejudice. It has been recommended among others that the resurgence of latest nationalist spirit in Nigerians within the face of the neocolonial global exploitations is a necessity and the battle for freedom needs to be won through the modern agents by the 21st century’s nationalists.
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Pati, Biswamoy, and Vinita Damodaran. "Nationalist Movement in Bihar." Social Scientist 24, no. 9/10 (September 1996): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3520145.
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Suodenjoki, Sami. "Mobilising for land, nation and class interests: agrarian agitation in Finland and Ireland, 1879–1918." Irish Historical Studies 41, no. 160 (November 2017): 200–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2017.32.
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AbstractThis article explores the comparative history of land agitation and how it evolved and intersected with nationalism and socialism in Finland and Ireland between the Irish Land War and the Finnish Civil War of 1918. Drawing on current scholarship as well as contemporary newspapers and official records, the article shows that an organised land movement developed later and was markedly less violent in Finland than in Ireland. Moreover, while in Ireland the association of landlordism with British rule helped to fuse the land movement with nationalist mobilisation during the Land War, in Finland the tie between the land movement and nationalism remained weak. This was a consequence of Finnish nationalists’ strong affiliation with landowning farmers, which hindered their success in mobilising tenant farmers and agricultural workers. Consequently, the Finnish countryside witnessed a remarkable rise in the socialist movement in the early 1900s. The socialist leanings of the Finnish land movement were greatly influenced by the Russian revolutions, whereas in Ireland militant Fenianism, often emanating from Irish America, affected land agitation more than socialism. As to transnational exchanges, the article also indicates the influence of Irish rural unrest and the related land acts on Finnish public debates and legislation.
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Dai, Ying. "Modern Chinese Nationalism and the Han Nation: An Analysis based on the Hanfu Movement." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 5, no. 1 (May 17, 2023): 165–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/5/20220447.
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The development of the Hanfu movement in modern China reflects the Chinese peoples quest for national identity. Hanfu is the traditional dress of the Han nation. Initially, some Hanfu activists attempted to use Hanfu to restore the core status of the Han nation in China. Later, Hanfu became more popular among the Chinese public and represented increasing Chinese cultural influence abroad. However, the association of the Hanfu movement with nationalism has not been widely studied. It is introduced Benediction Andersons imagined communities, Anthony Smiths ethno-symbolism, and Manuel Castellss three identities in the age of the Internet in the paper to explore the changes in the construction of Han Chinese identity at different times in China and the flow of nationalist sentiment. In addition, the network soil and radical nationalism at the birth of the Hanfu Movement are also noteworthy. This is linked to the modern online forms of nationalism and the new issues of Chinese nationalism in the context of online media under the control of the Chinese government to remind the future Hanfu movement not to fall into a narrow nationalist dilemma. Finally, this paper argues that moderate nationalism is conducive to the cohesion of Chinese national identity and the overall cultural revival of modern China.
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Bhagavan, Manu. "The Rebel Academy: Modernity and the Movement for a University in Princely Baroda, 1908–49." Journal of Asian Studies 61, no. 3 (August 2002): 919–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3096351.
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In recent analyses of nationalism in colonial South Asia, Partha Chatterjee and Tanika Sarkar, among others, have argued that as a result of colonial domination in the “public sphere”—the realm of the state and civil society—Indian male nationalists deployed the “private sphere”—the realm of the home—as the discursive site of anticolonial nationalist imaginaries. The internal space of the home was “the one sphere where improvement could be made through [Indian men's] own initiative, changes could be wrought, where education would bring forth concrete, manipulable, desired results” (Sarkar 1992, 224; Chatterjee 1989) and it therefore took on “compensatory significance” in the experience of modernity in India (Chakrabarty 2000, 215–18).
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Tovsultanov, Rustam Alkhazurovich, Malika Sharipovna Tovsultanova, and Lilia Nadipovna Galimova. "Nationalist Movement Party and supporters of political Islam in Turkey in the second half of the 20th – early 21st centuries." Samara Journal of Science 10, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 193–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv2021103210.
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The paper examines the history of the emergence and development of the Nationalist Movement Party (NMP) and shows the national Islamist syncretism of its ideology. The authors cite examples of cooperation between nationalists and supporters of political Islam in the 1970s1990s. Much attention is paid to the personalities of the leaders of the Nationalist Movement Party Alparslan Turkesh and Devlet Bahcheli. The authors point to the initial flexibility of the nationalist leaders, who easily retreated in the 1970s and 2010s from the declared principles for the sake of political dividends. The authors consider the reasons for the split in the camp of nationalists and the emergence of a new the Good Party (Iyi partisi) and especially the vicissitudes of the relationship between the leadership of the NMP with the leader of the Justice and Development Party R.T. Erdogan, who has been at the head of the Turkish Republic for almost two decades. The authors consider the creation of the Peoples Alliance between the parties before the 2018 elections to be a natural result of the common social base of both parties and the convergence of their basic ideological and political attitudes. The authors note the tilt of nationalists towards political Islam as well as the appeal to the nationalist agenda of the leaders of the ruling party, in particular, R.T. Erdogan. The authors have made forecasts about the prospects for the further development of relations between nationalists and adherents of political Islam in Turkey.
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MILLER, NICK. "Postwar Serbian Nationalism and the Limits of Invention." Contemporary European History 13, no. 2 (May 2004): 151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304001626.
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Serbian nationalism has rarely been the subject of theoretical analysis. For the most part, recent work on Serbian history implicitly supports the ‘modernist’ position among nationalism theorists, which holds that nationalism is a modern phenomenon that serves the interests of the politically powerful. In this article, the Serbian nationalist movement of the 1980s will be examined in light of the major theoretical approaches to nationalism (modernism, perennialism and ethno-symbolism). Using a small group of nationalist intellectuals (Dobrica Ćosi, Borislav Mihajlovi Mihiz and Mića Popović) as its subject, it concludes that the restrictive modernist approach leads to misunderstandings of the nature of modern Serbian national identity.
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Brykczynski, Paul. "Reconsidering “Piłsudskiite nationalism”." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 5 (September 2014): 771–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.917073.
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This paper examines the intellectual underpinnings of the nationalism articulated by the followers of Marshal Józef Piłsudski (Piłsudskiites), who ruled Poland between 1926 and 1939. Scholarly consensus holds that modern Polish nationalism was solely the domain of the National Democratic movement. Conversely, the Piłsudskiites' conception of the nation is generally seen as anachronistic, poorly articulated, self-contradictory, and lacking a deeper intellectual foundation. Focusing on the formative years of the Second Polish Republic (1918-1922), this paper draws a link between Piłsudskiite political thought and the philosophy of the heterodox Marxist theorist Stanislaw Brzozowski. Re-examining the early writings of Piłsudski's followers in light of Brzozowski's philosophy, the paper presents the argument that “Piłsudskiite nationalism” was in fact deeply constructivist, surprisingly sophisticated, and no less “modern” than the nationalist discourse articulated by the National Democrats. In the process, the article interrogates and problematizes the classic “ethnic” vs. “civic” typology of nationalist movements.
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Kis, Oksana. "National Femininity Used and Contested: Women’s Participation in the Nationalist Underground in Western Ukraine during the 1940s-50s." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 2, no. 2 (September 8, 2015): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t21s3q.
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<p class="EW-abstract"><strong>Abstract: </strong>In the 1940s and 1950s, thousands of Ukrainian women joined the underground nationalist movement on west Ukrainian lands as members of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). However, their experiences and contributions to this movement remain understudied, marginalized and trivialized in historical research. A study of personal testimonies of former female insurgents allows one to question the established perception that women served only in auxiliary and secondary roles in the nationalist organizations. This paper examines whether the concept of normative femininity—as constructed by the nationalist ideology—actually corresponded to the women’s real life experiences in the underground. It explores the variety of ways in which a traditional notion of femininity was maintained, broadened, negotiated, contested and transgressed through women’s active involvement in guerrilla war.</p><p class="EW-Keyword">Keywords: Ukrainian Women, Militarism, Nationalist Underground, Femininity, OUN, UPA</p>
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LILA, Fejzi. "Rising Nationalism in the Balkans." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 4 (January 21, 2017): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v4i4.p31-35.
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Balkans consists of the geographic and demographic diversity of the complex, with division of the region into new states, with local antagonisms. Balkan leaders, the Great Powers would urge the expansion of national states where and when he wanted interest and would not ignore claims it was one nation over another. The process of developing the nationalist movements and the state - forming in the Balkans, starting with the Patriarchies autonomous movements within the Ottoman Empire, involves the movement of Serbs, Greeks, Bulgarians, Romanians and Albanians. The fall of Bonaparte in 1815, was accompanied by significant changes in Europe in the system of international relations, the diplomacy of the Great Powers. Europe was thrown into the system the concert of Europe, after that of Vienna, while the Ottoman Empire was beginning its stagnation, other European powers had begun to feel the threat of Russia's interests in the Middle East. During this period of time the nationalist movement took place in the region. The nationalism confronted Concert of Vienna principles provoking the First World War.
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Krais, Jakob. "MUSCULAR MUSLIMS: SCOUTING IN LATE COLONIAL ALGERIA BETWEEN NATIONALISM AND RELIGION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 51, no. 4 (November 2019): 567–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743819000679.
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AbstractThe Islamic reformist movement in Algeria is often seen as a precursor to the independence movement, in which religion was supposedly integrated into nationalist identity politics. Focusing on the Muslim scout movements between the 1930s and 1950s, this article challenges this view by arguing that Islam continued to play a role beyond that of an identitarian marker. Influenced by Christian youth movements, the Muslim scouts developed ideas of a “muscular Islam” that remained central even after the movement split in two—one association close to the major nationalist party and another linked to the reformists.
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Kotov, Viktor. "The Image of the Habsburg Dynasty in Czech Nationalist Thinking in the 1860s and at the Beginning of the 1870s (on the Example of the Sokol Movement)." Central-European Studies 14, no. 5 (2022): 164–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.7.
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This article analyses the image of the Habsburg dynasty in Czech nationalist thinking in the 1860s and at the beginning of the 1870s. This complex and changing image is explored through the case of the Sokol movement, which combined Czech nationalism with gymnastics. The research is based on the analysis of newspapers and other primary sources. The complexity of the analysed image derives from the existence of three interrelated currents of monarchist thought in the socalled Czech lands. The traditional current can be described as paternalistic, imperialist, and Catholic. The constitutional current was related to the emperor’s acceptance of the limitation of his power. The third current was Czech nationalist monarchism characterised by the link between the concept of Czech historical state right and the prospect of Franz Joseph I’s coronation as King of Bohemia. Among the main principles of Czech nationalist thinking was totalism, which in this case meant conceiving the nation as the supreme value. Among the consequences of putting Czech national interests over everything else were the merging of nationalist and constitutional currents of monarchist thought, the differential attitude towards Franz Joseph I’s predecessors, and the alternation of anifestations of loyalty and disloyalty. Among the latter were the decisions of the Prague Sokol society not to take part in the emperor’s visit to Prague in June 1868 and to purchase the copy of his rescript dated 12 September 1871, which contained the unfulfilled coronation promise. The totality of nationalism as a political religion and the existence of different interpretations of Austrianness led Czech nationalists to take it as simultaneously their anti-identity and subsidiary identity. Austrianness as the Czech subsidiary identity was related to the idea of multinational monarchy and the concept of Austro-Slavism, while the anti-identity was incited by the German and supranational interpretations.