Academic literature on the topic 'Native Affairs Dept'

During the first half of 1985 I visited the Republic of South Africa in order to investigate the origins of the Natives Land Act of 1913. My research, emphasizing the years 1910 to 1916, required that I work in archives and libraries in three of the four provinces (excluding Natal). In the process I went to major and minor research facilities, to a few museums, and even to a small town public library. What follows is a discussion of many of the archives in South Africa, aids to making research easier, and some of the pitfalls one may face pursuing historical research in that country.The largest and most important archive in South Africa is the Central Archives Depot in Pretoria. This functions as the national archives of South Africa as well as the Transvaal Provincial Archives. All the most important central government department records are deposited there, including the Prime Minister's collection; the records of the Department of Foreign Affairs, Justice Department, Lands Department; and, of particular interest to the Africanist, the records of the Department of Native Affairs (however variously titled between 1910 and the present). The CAD also holds a substantial number of personal paper collections, including those of Jan Smuts and J.B.M. Hertzog.The Central Archives Depot is not the easiest place in which to work. Consequently, try to plan your stay so that you can have what might seem to be more than enough time to work there.

By an edict of 15 February 1805 the Governor-General ordered the Chinese moneylenders from the town of Buitenzorg to report to the Commissioner of Native Affairs how much money the inhabitants of the Buitenzorg Regency owed them. Non-compliance with this order would result in cancellation of the debts. The Commissioner compiled a list, based on these reports, dated 30 June 1805. In 45 pages, consisting of 672 entries, the debtors of and debts to 26 Chinese are listed. The debtors and debts are listed under their creditor, the Chinese moneylender. The entries are probably given as they were reported by the Chinese themselves, although there is no logic in the ordering of the names. An ‘ideal’ entry yields the following data: name of moneylender, name of debtor, his place of residence, year that the debt was incurred, amount of money borrowed with sawahs (wet rice fields) as collateral, number of pétak (embanked ricefield) sawah, amount borrowed with buffaloes as a collateral, number of buffaloes, amount of cash borrowed (without securities), amount of credit for merchandise, amount of annual interest, number of years paid, number of years still to be paid.

The article presents the newly discovered archival data relating to the marangoni and lapicide recorded in Trogir’s notarial books between 1420 and 1450 (see the Appendix: Overview of archival records mentioning lapicide and marangoni in Trogir from 1420 to 1450). It also includes few already known data published by Ivan Kukuljević Sakcinski, Cvito Fisković and Danko Zelić, as well as those recorded by Ivan Lucić and Pavao Andreis in their Trogir history books (from the 17th century), and the records from the canonical visitation of Bishop Didak Manola. The sources consist of a handful of documents recording the commissions, and a large number of documents through which marangoni and lapicide arranged their private affairs or acted as witnesses. Out of sixty six recorded, thirty four were marangoni. Among these, twenty five were from Trogir and the same can be assumed for six of them whose origin was not mentioned, one was from Šibenik and two from Zadar. The overall number illustrates the need for such craftsmen in contemporary Trogir: the variety of tasks marangoni could perform was extremely wide and ranged from wood carving to the construction of stone buildings. However, it is likely that individual marangoni tended to specialize only in one of these fields. The documents mention twenty seven lapicide, six of which were from Trogir, four of unknown origin, three were mentioned as living in Trogir without an indication of their origin, five were from Venice, three from Dubrovnik, two from Šibenik, and one from Split, Zadar, Adria, Bosnia and Hvar respectively. Through the analysis of the collected information and how it relates to the records about contemporary building projects such as new structures and the remodellings of old ones, the article aims to outline their different roles in the building works in Trogir from 1420 to 1450. The projects of that time included the construction of Dominican monastery in the suburb and the Franciscan one on the mainland. They both were demolished by the citizens attempting to improve the city defence in the early 15th century. During the attack of the Venetian fleet in 1420 numerous buildings were damaged and in need for reparations that often led to their remodelling as well. That was the case with the Benedictine monastery in the town centre and many private houses and especially included the renovation of the Cathedral and the continuation of the building works on it. Following the introduction of Venetian rule to Trogir in 1420, a number of new structures and repair works had to be done in the newly created circumstances the aim of which was the consolidation of Venetian presence. Among these, the most important projects were the construction of a citadel for Venetian military crew, also known as the Kamerlengo, and the remodelling of the municipal palace. The whole new Observant Dominican monastery and the Church of the Holy Cross were constructed as well. The preserved archival data, however, cannot give us the clear answers of all the builders that were employed on those works.Among the recorded marangoni and lapicide, the most capable builders can be identified in two ways: through the contracts for the building of vaults, that is, the construction of vaulted spaces, and through the use of the title of protomagister regardless of whether, as E. Hilje explained, they refer to a builder who is also a designer/an architect or a builder who is simultaneously a foreman/site manager, or even the leading figure/authority chosen by the local craftsmen among themselves. Those master builders knew about the construction, and this knowledge enabled them to take on demanding tasks and roles. On that level, their primary education did not matter: vaults were constructed by both marangoni and lapicide and both of them had the protomagister titles indicating their tasks and roles. An additional criterion should be taken into account when attempting to identify the most capable master builders, that is, the training contracts which imply that the teacher was not only skilled but busy because otherwise he could not have been in a position to train an apprentice during all work phases or provide him with food and lodgings.Among the marangoni and lapicide from Trogir (meaning being born, living and working in that town) there were those who were capable of producing drawings, organizing and managing a building site, carrying out demanding constructions and carving architectural sculpture, but also those who were responsible for the building works considered minor but necessary. The reason for the influx of a large number of craftsmen from other towns – nineteen of them were lapicide, while two out of three marangoni were definitely responsible for demanding constructions in stone – lies in the scope of the building projects in Trogir between 1420 and 1450. Even the meagre preserved records relating to specific commissions demonstrate that out of twenty three newcomers, as many as fourteen had work contracts before they arrived and the same can be suggested for another two. This means that they did not arrive in search of a job but were hired beforehand. Although the priority was always given to local builders, that is, to those who had already worked at Trogir, given that the construction of the Kamerlengo and the remodelling of the municipal palace demanded a large number of builders, they were procured by Venetian officials, while the Observant Dominican monks used their connections in Šibenik and Dubrovnik. Once in Trogir, some master builders accepted other commissions. On the basis of the information about their skills, this article attributes a number of undocumented local works to those masters. At the same time, we do not have enough information about the work of the carpenters and stonemasons native to Trogir, especially the work of the three recorded protomagistri. We have established that the reason for this, both in Trogir and in other towns, was the well-known and widespread (particularly in Trogir) practice of writing internal acknowledgements of debt and confirmations instead of recording contracts in notarial ledgers. Because of this, we have no information about the organization and division of tasks at building sites. Only one document testifies to the fact that the lapicide and marangoni who took on the contracts for the construction of buildings had to guarantee that the building process would be done properly and with a set time frame. This, however, did not mean that they themselves carried out the works; instead, they delegated, supervised, organized and co-ordinated the tasks. Given that we know of no other similar subcontract (most of them were probably internal as well and not recorded in notarial books), it can only be said that apprentices took part in the building projects which were contracted by the masters who were training them.Therefore, the analysis of the collected information does not provide clear answers to the numerous questions regarding the output and authorship of the master builders, some of which were already posed by Lj. Karaman (1933). Instead, it opens up new problems which we have addressed by arguing for a number of hypotheses on the basis of the available information. We have suggested that several master builders remained in Trogir for a longer period of time than the one recorded in the surviving documents, and one should also bear in mind that the preserved sources probably do not contain records about every single stonemason or carpenter who was active in Trogir at the time. The sources illustrate the main reasons lying behind the arrival of builders, stonemasons and carpenters from other towns but also that their place in the hierarchy of contemporary marangoni and lapicide depended on their skills and knowledge. It can be safely assumed that, depending on their abilities, all the builders, stonemasons and carpenters listed in this article took part in the building campaigns and works (taken in its broadest sense) and by doing so, contributed to the construction of building projects in Trogir between 1420 and 1450.

This chapter describes in depth how MBS and MBZ have established their control by dominating most aspects of Saudi Arabia and the UAE’s economies and economic policymaking. Firstly, the extent to which their inner circles have been able to expand their influence over major economic institutions is considered, including most notably their command over hydrocarbon-related authorities and sovereign wealth funds. Secondly (and specific to the UAE’s federal dimension), the nature of Abu Dhabi’s economic supremacy is discussed, including its steadily growing influence over Dubai’s economic affairs. Thirdly, both rulers’ extensive anti-corruption campaigns are explained, including MBS’s apparent ‘shakedown’ of once influential Saudi businessmen. Finally, MBS and MBZ’s attempts to reform tentatively Saudi Arabia and the UAE’s respective rentier structures are studied, including their careful ‘give and take’ approach to removing and then often re-instituting various subsidies and benefits.

This chapter begins with the efforts to find a solution when an heir proved incapable of exercising responsibility for property affairs owing to a long-term illness or disability. Failure to address incapacity in an heir could jeopardise not only the individual’s patrimony but also the maintenance of the family’s economic, cultural, and social capital. Tutelle and curatelle were legal mechanisms for managing such situations and the chapter documents family decision-making in archival case studies. The second issue explored is the nature of aristocratic behaviour when financial debts strained or exhausted nobles’ control of economic capital. Causes of financial difficulties are analysed as well as the effects on health, moral attitudes surrounding borrowing, and the implications of chronic indebtedness for succession and family dynamics in modern France.

When somewhere in the world disaster strikes, chances are that West-European NGO's will put their hands together by launching national fundraising appeals. In these appeals, the media, public institutions and individual citizens are asked to contribute their share by donating a sum of money or, better still, by organizing their own fundraising activities. If all goes well, the appeal then soon acquires a festive character, as an entire nation interrupts its regular course of affairs to organize fundraising activities ranging from small family barbeques to widely broadcasted live shows. This chapter proposes to conceptualize these appeals as ‘humanitarian media events', by drawing attention to some of their distinctively symbolic character. These theoretical reflections are then applied to the case of the Belgian appeal for Syrian refugees, launched in April 2013. This analysis consists of three components: the media, by comparing the coverage on Syria during the most important period of the appeal; the campaign, relying on in-depth interviews with campaigners and campaign material; and the audience, by drawing on interviews with audience members who organised a small-scale fundraising activity. This presentation thereby aims to develop a neo-Durkheimian, symbolic-cognitive framework to understand the nature and course of national humanitarian appeals, and the role played by a variety of social actors.

This chapter illustrates a number of basic points that will help contextualize the postwar decline in the incidence of sovereign default by setting this development against a broader historical canvas. It begins by locating the origins of financial power firmly within the state's structural dependence on credit, which has historically given rise to a powerful creditor class. Then, it shows how sovereign debt repayment has always been a highly contentious affair from the very beginning, regularly resulting in intense distributional conflicts between creditors and taxpayers, and protracted power struggles over fiscal policy and democratic representation. Finally, it draws on two early-modern examples—Genoese lending to King Philip II of Spain and the development of the Amsterdam capital market—to show how international lending was made possible in the early-modern period despite the regular recurrence of default and the contested nature of repayment.