Relevant bibliographies by topics / Native mounted police

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Academic literature on the topic 'Native mounted police'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 19 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Native mounted police"

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Rowse, Tim, and Emma Waterton. "The ‘difficult heritage’ of the Native Mounted Police." Memory Studies 13, no. 4 (May 10, 2018): 737–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698018766385.

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This article intervenes in the debate about whether and how the ‘Frontier Wars’ should be represented in Australia’s military heritage. If they were to be represented, those who resisted British colonial occupation would figure as Aboriginal patriots in a renovated heritage of Australian service to country. We point out, however, that certain historical actors have been, so far (and perhaps forever), excluded from such a revised Indigenous military heritage: those Aboriginal peoples who ‘served’ in the Native Mounted Police. While the archival record is patchy, scholarship tells us that, in their pacification of frontiers, the Native Mounted Police killed many Aboriginal peoples. Interrogating the meaning of war heritage in Australia, we discuss the politics of forgetting against the obligations of historiography to collective memory and ask: must scholarship always interrogate identity-sustaining myth, in service to the truth? To explore this question, we adopt Sharon Macdonald’s concept of ‘difficult heritage’.
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Burke, Heather, Bryce Barker, Lynley Wallis, Sarah Craig, and Michelle Combo. "Betwixt and Between: Trauma, Survival and the Aboriginal Troopers of the Queensland Native Mounted Police." Journal of Genocide Research 22, no. 3 (March 2, 2020): 317–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2020.1735147.

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Bleakley, Paul. "A State of Force." Contention 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 44–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cont.2018.060204.

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Australian history is littered with examples of situations in which police have engaged in the use of force—in some cases, disproportionate violence—to maintain order and stability. In addition to this effort to control the population and ensure social order, extreme use of force was a key factor in repressing civil dissent and preventing marginalized communities from exercising their voice within the social discourse. Former Queensland Police Commissioner Frederic Urquhart was at the forefront of several high-profile examples of police enforcing social control during his tenure with the Queensland police, including the punitive expeditions of the Native Mounted Police Force, the civil disorder of the 1912 general strike, and the chaos associated with the 1919 Red Flag riots. In developing an appreciation for Urquhart’s behavior and motivations, it can be seen that the Queensland police have always served as a body dedicated to ensuring conformity through any means necessary.
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Griffin, Frederick. "Leopold Was Betrayed by Man He Befriended. Fellow Native of Bohemia "Sold out" Mounted Police Investigator." Labour / Le Travail 40 (1997): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25144172.

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Gleason, Mona. "Disciplining the Student Body: Schooling and the Construction of Canadian Children's Bodies, 1930–1960." History of Education Quarterly 41, no. 2 (2001): 189–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2001.tb00084.x.

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In the spring of 1957, journalist Sidney Katz wrote a story forMaclean's Magazineentitled “The Lost Children of British Columbia” which detailed the disturbing events leading up to the forcible removal of 100 Doukhobor children from their New Denver homes by Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) officers. The children, all between the ages of seven and fourteen, were taken to the New Denver Dormitory, located approximately 260 miles northeast of Vancouver, British Columbia, where they remained until they reached the age of fifteen. They were not permitted to speak their native Russian, visit home (although parents were allowed brief, supervised visits to the dormitory), take holidays, or visit friends and relatives in the nearby town of New Denver.
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Tutchener, David, David Claudie, and Michael Morrison. "Results of archaeological surveys of the Pianamu cultural landscape, central Cape York Peninsula, 2014-2016." Queensland Archaeological Research 22 (September 3, 2019): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.25120/qar.22.2019.3699.

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This paper presents preliminary results of archaeological investigation of the northern Cape York Peninsula highlands, the homelands of the Kuuku I’yu (northern Kaanju) people. Despite intensive and long-term research programs elsewhere in Cape York Peninsula, no previous archaeological work has been undertaken in this particular region. The aim of this research was to identify the location of archaeological places and artefacts throughout the Kaanju Ngaachi Indigenous Protected Area (IPA) and the broader Wenlock region. The preliminary research results outlined here include the recording of rock art, culturally modified trees, lithic material, pastoral sites and the remains of a Native Mounted Police camp. This study clearly indicates that the highlands of Cape York Peninsula have substantial research potential; however, further work is required to achieve a greater understanding of both physical and cultural landscapes.
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Lowe, Kelsey M., Noelene Cole, Heather Burke, Lynley A. Wallis, Bryce Barker, and Elizabeth Hatte. "The archaeological signature of ‘ant bed’ mound floors in the northern tropics of Australia: Case study on the Lower Laura (Boralga) Native Mounted Police Camp, Cape York Peninsula." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 19 (June 2018): 686–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2018.04.008.

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Cole, Noelene, Lynley A. Wallis, Heather Burke, and Bryce Barker. "‘On the brink of a fever stricken swamp’: Culturally modified trees and land-people relationships at the Lower Laura (Boralga) Native Mounted Police camp, Cape York Peninsula." Australian Archaeology 86, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03122417.2020.1749371.

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Barker, Bryce, Lynley A. Wallis, Heather Burke, Noelene Cole, Kelsey Lowe, Ursula Artym, Anthony Pagels, et al. "The archaeology of the ‘Secret War’: The material evidence of conflict on the Queensland frontier, 1849–1901." Queensland Archaeological Research 23 (July 21, 2020): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25120/qar.23.2020.3720.

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Although the historical record relating to nineteenth century frontier conflict between Aboriginal groups and Europeans in Queensland has been clearly documented, there have been limited associated archaeological studies. As part of the Archaeology of the Queensland Native Mounted Police (NMP) project, this paper canvasses the physical imprint of frontier conflict across Queensland between 1849 and the early 1900s, focusing specifically on the activities and camp sites of the NMP, the paramilitary government-sanctioned force tasked with policing Aboriginal people to protect settler livelihoods. At least 148 NMP camps of varying duration once existed, and historical and archaeological investigations of these demonstrate some consistent patterning amongst them, as well as idiosyncrasies depending on individual locations and circumstances. All camps were positioned with primary regard to the availability of water and forage. Owing to their intended temporary nature and the frugality of the government, the surviving structural footprints of camps are generally limited. Buildings were typically timber slab and bark constructions with few permanent foundations and surviving architectural features are therefore rare, limited to elements such as ant bed flooring, remnant house or yard posts, stone lines demarcating pathways, and stone fireplaces. Architectural forms of spatial confinement, such as lockups or palisades, were absent from the camps themselves. The most distinctive features of NMP camps, and what allows them to be distinguished from the myriad pastoral sites of similar ages, are their artefact assemblages, especially the combined presence of gilt uniform buttons with the Victoria Regina insignia, knapped bottle glass, and certain ammunition-related objects.
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Seimu, Somo M. L. "THE COLONIAL COFFEE COMPULSION MARKETING POLICIES IN KILIMANJARO, TANZANIA." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2016): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v4.i5.2016.2690.

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This is a historical study that utilises primary evidences from Tanzania National Archives (TNA) to examine the compulsion marketing policies imposed by the Tanzania’s colonial authority among small-scale native coffee producers in the slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro. The policies were provided under Section 36 of the 1932 co-operative legislation. Also, the 1934 Chagga Rule; and the 1937 Native Coffee (Control and Marketing) Ordinance, which became a key and permanent coffee marketing policy in Tanzania that granted the Moshi Native Coffee Board (MNCB) and KNCU monopoly over the native produced coffee.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Native mounted police"

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Band, Ian Harold. "Race relations : native peoples and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police : Canada's challenge." 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/7239.

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This thesis is an examination of the relationship between Canada's Aboriginal peoples and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, and how over time, this relationship has evolved. More and more, native peoples are calling for increased control over their own affairs, including native-controlled policing programs. Thus, in order to respond to these pressures there is a need for alternative approaches to the issue of federal, provincial, and local responsibilities for the delivery for policing services to native communities and reserves. Further, the recent political developments in relations between Aboriginal peoples and government have enhanced the position of Native peoples in society by emphasizing their unique rights, aspirations and cultural identities as individuals and communities. As the consolidation of special status becomes more firmly rooted in various services and programs, government has been, and will continue to be under pressure to deal with the policing needs of Native peoples in more direct terms. These developments are premised on the simple notions that Aboriginal communities are entitled to effective and culturally sensitive law enforcement services just as is any other community within Canada.
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(9863390), RJ Mcconnell. "'Marks of civilisation': A social history of the law in the Rockhampton district, 1858-1878." Thesis, 2002. https://figshare.com/articles/thesis/_Marks_of_civilisation_A_social_history_of_the_law_in_the_Rockhampton_district_1858-1878/13458404.

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Historical studies investigating the interrelationships between the law and the society in which it operates have burgeoned over the past two decades. Earlier works tended to consider the operation of the law as a discrete area, best examined in biographies of judicial figures or in analyses of specific laws over time. More recent studies recognise that the complex interaction between the operation of the law and the life of the community in which it is applied is an important area of research. Nevertheless, the idea that colonial Australian law was wholly dependent upon English law and tradition is not long dead, and more attention is required regarding how law was shaped by its application in regional and frontier Australian colonial communities. Indeed, regional studies are vital to establish how the law was adopted or adapted to suit diverse Australian colonial conditions. This dissertation investigates the establishment and operation of the law in Rockhampton and district, Central Queensland, in the twenty years from the proclamation of the town in 1858. It examines a variety of aspects of the development and application of law in the region, including proceedings of the higher courts that visited the town and the lower petty courts controlled by local honorary and stipendiary magistrates; the functioning of the town police and local detachments of the native mounted police force; the development and administration of municipal law; and the responses of the Rockhampton community to the law as it was perceived in the regional setting. The frequently tense and fraught relationship between the community and colonial law-makers is analysed; an expectation in Rockhampton that the law should evolve in a manner that best suited the progress of the town caused friction with the capital. The dissertation also focuses on how the law was applied to the vulnerable and marginalised, in particular wives, children, morally suspect women, Aborigines, immigrants and servants. The idea that the law should serve progress and respond flexibly to circumstances had damaging consequences for those regarded as detrimental to the 'civilised' social and economic development of town and district.
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Books on the topic "Native mounted police"

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Wartime images, peacetime wounds: The media and the Gustafsen Lake Standoff. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004.

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Lambertus, Sandra. Wartime Images, Peacetime Wounds: The Media and the Gustafsen Lake Standoff. University of Toronto Press, 2016.

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Book chapters on the topic "Native mounted police"

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Reilly Schmidt, Bonnie. "17. Contesting A Canadian Icon: Female Police Bodies And The Challenge To The Masculine Foundations Of The Royal Canadian Mounted Police In The 1970S." In Contesting Bodies and Nation in Canadian History, 368–86. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442663152-021.

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"Captors or captives? The Australian Native Mounted Police." In Body Trade, 69–88. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315023823-13.

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Elizondo Griest, Stephanie. "The Bridge." In All the Agents and Saints. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469631592.003.0019.

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Twelve different jurisdictions wield some degree of power over the Mohawk Nation of Akwesasne: four counties, one state, two provinces, two countries, and three different tribal governments. When calamity strikes, any of the following law enforcement agencies can be summoned: the Akwesasne Mohawk Police, the St. Regis Mohawk Tribal Police, the New York State Police, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the U.S. Border Patrol, the Sûreté du Québec, the Ontario Provincial Police, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, and/or the Canada Border Services Agency. “No wonder we are crazy,” a Mohawk elder tells the author. In this chapter, the author joins hundreds of Mohawks as they shut down their version of a border wall: a series of bridges connecting their nation with Ontario and New York. Also featured is a history of Mohawks’ timeheld trade of steelwork.
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Leonard, Zak. "Muslim ‘Fanaticism’ as Ambiguous Trope." In Mountstuart Elphinstone in South Asia, 91–116. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190914400.003.0005.

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This chapter is concerned with the phenomenon of "Muslim fanaticism", an amorphous threat to governmental security that resisted colonial scrutiny throughout the nineteenth century. As tensions with borderland tribes, Wahhabi conspirators, and the forces of a global Muslim "revival" mounted, fanaticism evolved into a floating signifier, a malleable construct that could service divergent polemical agendas. Borderland ethnographers and India reformers conceptualized Muslim religiosity in various ways to support their own commentaries on native "political" vitality. Earlier observers like Mountstuart Elphinstone represented Indian communities in gendered terms and downplayed the influence of religious enthusiasm on societal progress. Later ethnographers, however, invoked fanaticism to justify a colonial "Forward Policy", or conversely, attributed Muslim discontent to the state's poorly conceived, westernizing legislation. Meanwhile, reformers who were calling for the retention of princely rule referenced fanaticism to defend the interests of Muslim notables in South India and Bengal. These loyalist leaders, they argued, could help provide native society with an organic trajectory of civic growth and douse the embers of fanaticism whenever they became enflamed. Extending this advocacy of native sovereignty to the Afghan frontier ultimately proved contentious on account of Russian expansionism and the resurgence of the Eastern Question.
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Herrmann, Rachel B. "Iroquois Food Diplomacy in the Revolutionary North." In No Useless Mouth, 38–64. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501716119.003.0003.

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This chapter details how Indians used hunger to fight back. During the summer of 1779, the rebel American army mounted a devastating victual-warfare campaign, known today as the Sullivan Campaign, against Britain's Iroquois allies. Two major related changes occurred after the expedition. First, British descriptions of Iroquois hunger by the 1780s allowed most officials to envision Indians as useful mouths who could overlook hunger while also requiring more provisions. This altered perception of Iroquois hunger created a second change: a reworking of Iroquoian food diplomacy into something more violent than its previous iterations. Iroquoian food diplomacy in the American Revolution was constituted, in part, by mutual fasting—a policy the Indians sometimes had to enforce through the use of aggression. This diplomacy took Indian requests for certain types of provisions into account, obliging non-Natives to go out of their way to accommodate Native tastes. The American Revolution ravaged Indian communities, including Iroquois ones, but, during the war, changing British perceptions of hungry Indians allowed the Iroquois to challenge the state of power relations at a time when contemporaries assumed they were powerless in the face of crop destruction and land losses. Iroquois abilities to ignore and endure hunger made it impossible for their British allies to think of them as useless mouths.
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Hunter, Douglas. "Colonization’s New Epistemology." In Place of Stone. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469634401.003.0006.

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This chapter describes the rise of scientific American archaeology in the early nineteenth century and its role in the justification of westward colonization and displacement of Indigenous people. Theorists construct two competing migrations: the transatlantic Gothicist one out of Northern Europe that is colonizing America, and the pre-Contact one of Tartars that arrived in America to displace the superior Mound Builders. American colonization is defended as a just displacing of Native Americans, who had previously displaced the Mound Builders. President Andrew Jackson relies on this scenario in 1830 in arguing for his forced removal policy that will cause the deaths of thousands of Cherokee and other tribes on the Trail of Tears in 1838
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Worster, Donald. "The Nature We Have Lost." In Wealth of Nature. Oxford University Press, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195092646.003.0004.

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Nostalgia runs all through this society—fortunately, for it may be our only hope of salvation. My own version, which I probably share with a few million others, takes me back to walk in pristine natural places on this continent. I dream of traveling with our second native-born naturalist, William Bartram (his father John was the first), a slightly daft Pennsylvania Quaker who botanized from the Carolinas down into Florida in the early 1770s. I would travel with him, “seduced by ... sublime enchanting scenes of primitive nature,” through aromatic groves of magnolia, sweet gum, cabbage palmetto, loblolly pine, live oak, the roaring of alligators in our ears. I would gaze with Thomas Jefferson through his elegant white-framed windows at Monticello toward the Blue Ridge Mountains, speculating about the prodigious country stretching west. Best of all, I imagine entering that west with Lewis and Clark in 1804–5, standing beside them on Spirit Mound in present-day South Dakota, beholding, as Clark put it in his execrable spelling, “a most butifull landscape; Numerous herds of buffalow were Seen feeding in various directions; the Plain to North N. W. & N.E. extends without interuption as far as Can be seen.” And I think what it must have been like for them warping and poling up the muddy Missouri River, penetrating farther into the vast open country of the unplowed, unfenced prairies when wolves still howled in the night; of heading into “the great unknown,” panting over the unpainted, unmined, unskiied Rocky Mountains and rafting down the uncharted, undammed Columbia to the gray-green drizzly shore of the Pacific Ocean. How much has been lost in our short years as a nation, how much have we to be nostalgic about. In the beginning of white discovery North America must have been a glorious place, brimming with exquisite wild beauty, offering to agriculturists some of the earth's richest soils, incredible stands of trees, booty on booty of mineral wealth. Think for a moment of the infinitude of animals that once teemed but are now diminished or gone. In the most comprehensive, detailed analysis yet offered, Frank Gilbert Roe estimated that forty million bison roamed the continent as late as 1830.
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Brandon, Katrina. "Policy and Practical Considerations in Land-Use Strategies for Biodiversity Conservation." In Last Stand. Oxford University Press, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195095548.003.0009.

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Much attention has been given to the issues of sustainable use, sustainable development, and biodiversity conservation, as well as to the relationships among them. Some observers express a sense of optimism that implementing sustainable activities worldwide will lead to the conservation of biodiversity. In the popular media, there are examples almost daily of conservation success stories. But publicity for conservation and attention on biodiversity are being mistaken for solutions. What is perhaps more sobering than equating publicity with actions, or actions with solutions, is that the entire rubric of sustainability, in the rural context, has a set of questionable assumptions that underlies the portfolio of activities being implemented to conserve biodiversity. These assumptions have had a major impact in shaping the range of activities that have been developed to address the conservation of biodiversity— from policies (such as the Biodiversity Convention adopted at the 1992 Earth Summit) to projects implemented by conservation and development organizations worldwide (such as the Global Environmental Facility). The questionable assumptions fit into the following seven broad categories: • Method. Biodiversity conservation can best be accomplished through field-based activities, such as establishing parks and reserves. • Use. Sustainable use is possible under a variety of management regimes ranging from private to communal. Dependence on wildlands resources is most likely to ensure their long-term conservation. • Incentives. Appropriate sets of incentives can be readily defined and will influence people to conserve biodiversity. • Management. Management should be devolved to local control whenever possible. • Technology. Technical and organizational solutions exist to improve resource management and production activities in areas with great biodiversity. • Poverty Mitigation and Development. Rural poverty-mitigation and development strategies will lead to conservation and maintain biodiversity. • Social. Local people are cooperative and live in harmony with one another and with nature. These assumptions, and their implications, are increasingly being questioned as concern mounts that their implementation may lead to serious loss of biodiversity (see Ludwig et al., 1993; Robinson, 1993).
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Boarnet, Marlon, and Randall C. Crane. "Lessons for Research and Practice." In Travel by Design. Oxford University Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195123951.003.0016.

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Transportation problems seem to offer no end of interesting policy wrinkles and technical challenges, but despite the promise of each new technological innovation, financial windfall, and dazzling social science breakthrough, planners have not fared well. Air pollution, fuel, and traffic congestion costs continue to mount to where the benefits of making any headway appear substantial. Yet as more freeway lanes are dedicated to car-poolers and tollways, and new transit systems continue to soak up many billions of dollars, getting people to “improve” their driving behavior remains the ultimate planning brick wall. Increasing evidence suggests that transportation demand management schemes have extremely limited effectiveness, in the sense that only marginal and perhaps even cost-ineffective changes can be expected from most of the tools applied thus far. One view is that the planner’s arsenal of transportation demand management tools has proven largely ineffective in dealing with traffic congestion especially. The somewhat more optimistic account of some planners and architects is that attention has been focused on symptoms rather than the disease itself. As discussed in chapter 1, the vanguard of such urban design schools as the New Urbanism, Neotraditional planning, and transit-oriented development collectively argue that the way we organize space has profound implications not only for traffic patterns but perhaps also for our sense of self and modern civilization as a whole. Prominent urban designers, planners, and political leaders forcefully claim that these development strategies will, among other things, improve traffic conditions, reduce home prices, and generally increase the quality of residential life. Of course, this is just talk. As bold and stirring as these claims may be, they are mainly meant to get us thinking afresh about where and how improvements can be made—not as cold hard facts. Most transportation planners probably recognize that blanket statements of this nature are overly simplistic. Even the architects and planners promoting these ideas are usually careful to emphasize the many ingredients necessary to obtain desired results: the straightening of streets to open the local network, the calming of traffic, the better integration of land uses and densities, and so on.
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