Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Nativist movements'

This project examines nativism as an important historical process in the development of American cultural identity, following an interdisciplinary approach that focuses on the emergence of anti-immigrant discourse on the Internet. My aim is to analyze how anti-immigrant groups, despite access to new technologies, continue to reify stereotypes and representations of Latin American immigrants within a longstanding tradition of nativism. In particular, I explore the impact of strategies employed on the websites of the anti-immigrant groups Border Guardians, Mothers against Illegal Aliens, American Border Patrol, Justice for Shawna Forde, Minuteman Civil Defense Corps, and Minuteman Project to circulate anti-immigrant rhetoric on the World Wide Web. Following the work of cultural scholars Jean Baudrillard and Michel Foucault, as well as new media scholars Andrew Shapiro, Manuel Castells, and Sherry Turkle among others, I argue that nativist groups utilize multiple hyperlinking techniques to "disintermediate" their rhetoric, resulting in a closed ideological environment I call a "hyperverse." The nativist hyperverse effectively isolates itself from competing perspectives on immigration that could challenge its discourse, largely by framing itself as what Castells refers to as a "counter power" movement against hegemonic forces. Furthermore, I build upon the work of Arjun Appadurai to position the hyperverse within a larger anti-immigrant "mediascape" that permeates established media, such as print and television, and which in turn inflects public and political discourse. I maintain that the processes that create the hyperverse also render it immune to rupture from competing perspectives circulating in new or traditional media. Nevertheless, I cite popular movements, as described by Sasha Costanza-Chock, formed through communications technologies that connect and mobilize youth in opposition to hegemonic anti-immigrant ideologies. I conclude by proposing that new media technologies be viewed not merely as a vehicle that automatically privileges truth, but as tools for creating narratives that must be regarded with a critical approach. I conclude with a call to twenty-first century educators to develop new pedagogical methods to teach students to seek and analyze sources of online texts in order to become empowered consumers and producers of information.

This thesis examines Greater Melbourne’s indigenous plants movement from the 1930s to the early twenty first century. It demonstrates the important scientific and educational role of the public intellectual, Professor John Turner, and of the Melbourne University Botany School which he led for thirty five years. The case study of the movement within the City of Sandringham and its successor the City of Bayside reveals how the inhabitants of an urbanised are responded to threats to the indigenous trees and wildflowers of their neighbourhood, stimulating botanists to assist them and using political means in order to achieve their conservation objectives. The thesis draws upon a range of local archives, conservation literature and private papers.

In New Orleans during the 1830s, Irish immigration became a source of tension between newly settled Anglo-American elites and the long-established Creole hegemony. Out of this tension, in 1835 Anglo-American elites established the Louisiana Native American Association (LNAA) to block Irish immigrants from gaining citizenship and, ultimately, the right to vote. The Whig Party, whom most Louisiana Anglo-Americans supported, promoted nativism to prevent naturalized Irish from voting Democrat, the preferred party of the Creoles. This study will argue that the LNAA, under the leadership of William H. Christy, was not merely a reaction to increased Irish immigration, but was also a strategy used by the Louisiana Whig Party to gain dominion over state politics. In the end, this strategy did more harm than good to the Whigs as the nativist movement led to a fatal split within the party.

Le cananéisme naît à la fin des années 1930, sous la double tutelle du poète Yonatan Ratosh et de l’historien A.G. Horon, et plonge ses racines dans le terreau du révisionnisme radical et du Paris de l’immédiat avant-guerre. Cette idéologie antisioniste prône la renaissance du Canaan antique sur un territoire embrassant le Croissant Fertile, et propose de substituer à la communauté de foi – les Juifs – la communauté de sol – les Hébreux – comme assise de l’identité nationale. A son arrivée dans le Yishouv des années 1940, le cananéisme se constitue, avec un certain succès, en un mouvement clandestin mais peine à se faire une place sur l’échiquier politique du jeune Etat et se voit rapidement réduit au rang de secte. L’idéologie qui l’anime et qui se veut une révolution à la fois politique et culturelle continue néanmoins de se diffuser dans la société israélienne et laisse, dans la conscience nationale, une empreinte profonde. Le cananéisme refait surface dans les années 1960 et 1970 et prend, au sein de la nébuleuse cananéenne, la forme de différents combats : contre la coercition religieuse, pour la diffusion d’une authentique culture hébraïque ou la défense du Grand Israël tandis qu’à l’extrême-gauche, le pansémitisme est souvent représenté comme un avatar tardif de l’idéologie cananéenne
Canaanism appears in the late 1930s, under the guidance of poet Jonathan Ratosh and historian A.G. Horon. Its roots can be found in radical revisionism as well as in prewar Paris. This antizionist ideology advocates for the rebirth of ancien Canaan and recommends to substitute a community based on faith – the Jews – with a community based on the soil – the Hebrew – as the foundation of national identity. As it reaches the Yishuv in the 1940s, canaanism effectively establishes itself as an underground movement but later struggles to find its place on the Israeli political scene and is rapidly reduced to the level of a sect. Its ideology, yearning to be both a political and a cultural revolution, quickly spreads in the Israeli society and leaves a deep mark in its national consciousness. Canaanism resurfaces in the 1960s and 1970s: within the Canaanite network in various endeavors, be it the fight against religious coercion, for the diffusion of an authentic Hebrew culture or the defense of Greater Israel, as in the far-left, in the form of pansemitism, which is often depicted as a late avatar of the caanite ideology

Orientador: Antonio Thomaz Junior
Resumo: Este estudo resulta de uma Pesquisa-Ação sobre o fenômeno “Movimento Indígena” no Brasil. Tem como objetivo apresentar as faces e aspectos mais recentes da constituição do Movimento Indígena no Brasil, com o propósito de analisar as incidências, as alianças, as estratégias e as repercussões de suas ações para o avanço ou no barramento dos retrocessos no tocante aos direitos destes povos. Tal pesquisa teve por base os quinze anos de convivência e atuação junto aos povos indígenas, os elementos apreendidos a partir da revisão bibliográfica e as contribuições de pesquisas de diferentes áreas do conhecimento, como História, Sociologia e Antropologia, além das reflexões e contribuições próprias da Geografia. Ao longo de sua efetivação, acompanhamos ações de lideranças indígenas de diferentes regiões do Brasil na cidade de Brasília (DF) e em outros estados brasileiros. A questão que permeou todo o processo de pesquisa foi, qual o lugar dos povos indígenas no campo da Geografia? Recorri, portanto, a análise da história recente do país a partir da década de 1960, desvelando aspectos da territorialidade própria dos povos, os conflitos estabelecidos na implantação dos projetos de desenvolvimento pelo Estado brasileiro, a resistência e o protagonismo indígena a estes projetos. O estudo nos apontou para a necessidade de que a ciência geográfica aprofunde seu entendimento sobre as dinâmicas próprias do Movimento Indígena, entenda o conceito de território para estes povos e as lutas para m... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: This study, which results from an Action Research on the “Indigenous Movement” phenomenon in Brazil, aims to present the most recent facets and aspects of the constitution of the Indigenous Movement in Brazil with a view to analyzing the advocacy impacts, alliances, strategies, and repercussions of its actions forpromoting indigenous peoples’ rights or preventing these rights from being violated. This research was based on the fifteen years of coexistence and actions with indigenous peoples, on the elements derived from the bibliographic review, and on the contributions of studies in different areas of knowledge, such as History, Sociology and Anthropology, as well as on the reflections and contributions of Geography itself. Throughout its implementation, we followed actions taken by indigenous leaders from different regions of Brazil in the city of Brasília (Federal District) and in other Brazilian states. The question that permeated the entire research process was, “What is the place of indigenous peoples in the field of Geography?” For this purpose, an analysis of the country’s recent history since the 1960s was undertaken that revealed aspects of the indigenous peoples’ territoriality, the conflicts involved in the implementation of development projects by the Brazilian State, and the resistance of these peoples to these projects and the key role they played in opposing them. The study pointed to the need for geographical science to deepen its understanding of the indigen... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Resumen: Este estudio resulta de una Investigación-Acción sobre el fenómeno "Movimiento Indígena" en el Brasil. El objetivo es presentar las caras y aspectos más recientes de la constitución del Movimiento Indígena en Brasil, con el propósito de analizar las incidencias, las alianzas, las estrategias y las repercusiones de sus acciones para el avance o en el barrido de los retrocesos en lo que concierne derechos de estos pueblos. Esta investigación tuvo como base los quince años de convivencia y actuación junto a los pueblos indígenas, los elementos incautados a partir de la revisión bibliográfica y las contribuciones de investigaciones de diferentes áreas del conocimiento, como Historia, Sociología y Antropología, además de las reflexiones y contribuciones propias de la Geografía. A lo largo de su efectividad, acompañamos acciones de liderazgos indígenas de diferentes regiones de Brasil en la ciudad de Brasilia (DF) y en otros estados brasileños. La cuestión que permeó todo el proceso de investigación, ¿cuál es el lugar de los pueblos indígenas en el campo de la Geografía? Recurrí, por lo tanto, a analizar la historia reciente del país a partir de la década de 1960, desvelando aspectos de la territorialidad propia de los pueblos, los conflictos establecidos en la implantación de los proyectos de desarrollo por el Estado brasileño, la resistencia y el protagonismo indígena a estos proyectos. El estodo nos apuntó a la necesidad de que la ciencia geográfica profundice su entendimiento s... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo)
Mestre

In my thesis, I argue that the Native American activism of the 1960s and 1970s does not fall into the category of Civil Rights Movement because of its significantly different goals, and that the fundamentally different character of sovereignty rights also keeps the Indian struggle invisible in American understandings of U.S. political and social history. According to my analysis, the terms tribal sovereignty, self-determination, and treaty rights describe the ultimate goals of the Native American activists in the 1960s and 1970s the best. The decade between 1964 and 1974 witnessed the rise of radical Indian activism, which succeeded in reminding the general public and politicians that Indians are still present in the United States. Furthermore, it influenced a whole generation of Native Americans who found new pride in being Indian. However, this current of American activism is not known so well by the general U.S. public. This thesis will describe this state as "selective visibility" deriving from U.S. selective historical memory, only noticing and remembering those events and images concerning Native Americans that can be simply understood, somehow relate to the U.S. set of values, and fit in the national historical narrative.

The thesis is concerned with two issues, modern messiahs and their appeal, namely the highly successful Rebbe M.M. Schneerson from Chabad; and hostile, modern day, militant messianists and their beliefs, namely the USA Christian evangelicals and their rapture belief. The study directs attention at the three successful (in the sense that their movements survived their deaths) Jewish Messiahs, the 1st century Jesus, the 17th century Sabbatai Sevi and the present day, but recently deceased (1994) Rebbe Schneerson. The focus in the study falls on the latter two Jewish Messiahs, especially Rebbe Schneerson and Chabad, from Crown Heights, New York, whose messianic beliefs and conduct the thesis has been able to follow in real time. The thesis argues that Rebbe Schneerson and Chabad‟s extreme messianic beliefs and praxis, and the marked similarities that exist between all three Jewish Messiahs and their followers indicate that Chabad will probably, over time, become another religion removed from Judaism. The thesis notes that the three Jewish Messiahs share a similar messiah template, the “„suffering servant‟ messiah” template. The thesis argues that this template is related to the wide appeal and success of these three Jewish messiahs, as it offers their followers the option of vicarious atonement which relieves people from dealing with their own transgressions and permits people to evade the demanding task of assuming personal accountability for all their actions, including their transgressions. The recommendations in this thesis are prompted by the “wall of deafening silence” which is the result of political correctness and the “hands off religion” position, that prevents debate or censure of hostile militant messianism, despite the inherent dangers and high cost attached to the praxis of hostile, militant messianism and militant messianists‟ belief in exclusive apocalyptic scenarios, in modern, multicultural and democratic societies. The thesis argues this situation is not tenable and that it needs to be addressed, especially where modern day, hostile, militant messianists, unlike their predecessors at Qumran, now have access to the military and to military hardware, including nuclear warheads, and are able to hasten the End Times should they simply choose to do so.
Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern Studies
D. Litt. et Phil. (Biblical Archaeology)