Journal articles: 'Nativist movements'

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Puschmann, Cornelius, Julian Ausserhofer, and Josef Šlerka. "Converging on a nativist core? Comparing issues on the Facebook pages of the Pegida movement and the Alternative for Germany." European Journal of Communication 35, no. 3 (May 6, 2020): 230–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323120922068.

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Computational methods offer a new perspective on the evolving agendas of right-wing movements and parties online. This article showcases computational approaches to text analysis (specifically so-called topic models) to diachronically investigate nativist right-wing issues in social media by comparing comments posted on the Facebook page of the Pegida movement to those of the Alternative for Germany. After describing topic modelling as an increasingly popular method and drawing on the literature on right-wing nativism online, we investigate a set of shared issues relevant to the mobilization of commentators, including opposition to Islam, migration, the government and the media. We furthermore show contrastively how issue prevalence differs between the two groups, and how issue shares change over time, in some instances converging on a shared nativist core. We close with a series of suggestions on the utility of computation content analysis for the study of rapidly evolving political agendas.

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Giudici, Anja, Giorgia Masoni, and Thomas Ruoss. "Nativist Authoritarian Far-right Flirtations with Progressive Education: Exploring the Relationship in Interwar Switzerland." Swiss Journal of Educational Research 41, no. 2 (September 25, 2019): 386–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.24452/sjer.41.2.8.

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Progressive education is generally thought to bear little commonality with authoritarianism and nativism. However, several studies show far-right governments and movements embracing progressive tenets. This article investigates the reasons behind this phenomenon by confronting the educational ideas of key far-right parties and educators in interwar German- and Italian-speaking Switzerland. Our systematic analysis of texts produced by these actors suggests that they subscribed to progressivism not in spite of their political views, but precisely because it aligned with their authoritarian and nativist ideology. This finding calls for more scholarship exploring and theorising the relationship between political ideologies and (progressive) educational ideas and movements.

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Brown, Robert E. "The President of Talk Radio: The Crystallization of a Social Movement." American Behavioral Scientist 61, no. 5 (March 1, 2017): 493–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217693279.

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The recent ascendency of Trumpism calls for a historical review of nativist movements and the social appeal they gained. This article will focus on talk-radio and how it shaped and influenced the American psyche and became a cornerstone for conservatism. The article illustrates common themes between contemporary talk-radio hosts and previous antiprogressive figures. Understanding the success of Rush Limbaugh, which started in the late 1980s, created a whole social movement that ought to be analyzed in order to understand the current mood of Trumpism. The author draws from historical events and personal anecdotes to analyze the nativist sentiments that keep reemerging in the public discourse.

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Murariu, Mihai. "“We are fortress Europe!” Nativism and religion in the ideology of Pegida in the context of the European crisis." Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego 20 (December 29, 2017): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/spw.259.

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This article deals with the movement known as “Patriotic Europeans against the Islamisation of the Occident,” or Pegida, focusing primarily on the nativist dimension which often takes centre stage in its ideological discourse. Pegida describes itself as a defender of Western Civilization and of its Christian legacy from what it sees as the perils of Islamisation on the one hand, and of globalist political elites on the other. In the context of the political changes and rise of alternative visions of civil society, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe, Pegida should arguably be seen as a representative of a growing European nativist wave. Lastly, the article looks at the “Prague Declaration,” a document which was signed in 2016 by Pegida and a number of allied movements from outside of Germany.

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Pirro, Andrea L. P., and Pietro Castelli Gattinara. "MOVEMENT PARTIES OF THE FAR RIGHT: THE ORGANIZATION AND STRATEGIES OF NATIVIST COLLECTIVE ACTORS*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 23, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 367–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-23-3-367.

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The scholarship on the far right has often interpreted nativist organizations as straddling the conceptual space between party and movement. These groups contest elections in order to gain representation in office, yet they also seek to mobilize public support to engage contentious issues like social movements. Despite theoretical commonalities, very little empirical research has focused on far-right “movement parties” as collective actors operating both in the protest and the electoral arenas. The article redresses this inconsistency by exploring the organizational and strategic configuration of two far-right collective actors—the Hungarian Jobbik and the Italian CasaPound. Deploying original interviews with high-ranking officials, the analysis enhances our understanding of the internal “supply side” of the far right as well as empirical knowledge on hybrid organizations that emerge from grassroots activism and successively organize to pursue the electoral option.

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Vykhovanets, Alena Egorovna, and Ol'ga Konstantinovna Mikhel'son. "POPULAR MUSIC AND NEW RELIGIOSITY: MUTUAL INFLUENCE OF ROCK MUSIC AND NATIVIST MOVEMENTS." Manuscript, no. 12 (December 2019): 240–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/manuscript.2019.12.47.

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Higham, John, and David H. Bennett. "The Party of Fear: From Nativist Movements to the New Right in American History." Journal of American History 76, no. 2 (September 1989): 571. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1907998.

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Rogin, Michael, and David H. Bennett. "The Party of Fear: From Nativist Movements to the New Right in American History." American Historical Review 95, no. 4 (October 1990): 1279. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163668.

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Bennett, David H. "The Party of Fear: From Nativist Movements to the New Right in American History." Labour / Le Travail 24 (1989): 348. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143323.

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Jeansonne, Glen, and David H. Bennett. "The Party of Fear: From Nativist Movements to the New Right in American History." Journal of Southern History 55, no. 4 (November 1989): 697. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2209047.

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11

Creech, Joe. "THE TOLERANT POPULISTS AND THE LEGACY OF WALTER NUGENT." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 14, no. 2 (April 2015): 141–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781414000760.

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AbstractPublished in 1963 and with a second edition in 2013, Walter Nugent's The Tolerant Populists challenged and overturned an interpretation of the American Populist movement, largely associated with Richard Hofstadter's The Age of Reform, which portrayed the People's Party as backward looking, reactionary, irrational, antisemitic, and nativist. The Tolerant Populists demonstrated the Populist movement to be forward looking in its advocacy of statist economic reforms later adopted by progressives. In addition to this particular intervention in the literature, The Tolerant Populists, as it marked a turn in the 1960s to writing history from the bottom up, also more generally shaped the historiography of Populism by emphasizing the local social, cultural, and political roots of the movement; the movement's appeal to marginalized Americans in the 1890s; and the reasonableness of its policy measures to ease economic suffering. Moreover, the new edition critiques the continued use in popular media of lower-case “populism” to describe modern anti-statist movements that bear no resemblance to the movement of the 1890s. Finally, Walter Nugent forwarded the historiographical emphases in The Tolerant Populists to influence, in his later scholarship, the wider history of monetary policy, American demographic and social history, immigration, the American West, and American empire building.

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Gunter, Rachel Michelle. "Immigrant Declarants and Loyal American Women: How Suffragists Helped Redefine the Rights of Citizens." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 4, 2020): 591–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778142000033x.

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AbstractAs a result of the woman suffrage movement, citizenship and voting rights, though considered separate issues by the courts, became more intertwined in the mind of the average American. This interconnectedness was also a product of the concurrent movement to disfranchise immigrant declarant voters—immigrants who had filed their intention to become citizens but had not completed the naturalization process. This essay shows how suffragists pursued immigrant declarant disfranchisement as part of the woman suffrage movement, arguing that the same competitive political conditions that encouraged politicians to enfranchise primarily white, citizen women led them to disfranchise immigrant declarants. It analyzes suffragists’ arguments at both the state and national levels that voting was a right of citizens who had met their wartime obligations to the nation, and maintains that woman suffrage and the votes of white women who supported the measures disfranchising immigrant declarants and limiting immigrant rights should be included in historians’ understanding of the immigration restrictionist and nativist movements.

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Jenchieh, Ting. "Daesoon Jinrihoe as a Nativist Millennialism :A Comparative Study of East Asian New Religious Movements." Journal of Daesoon Academy of Sciences 34 (June 30, 2020): 171–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.25050/jdaos.2020.34.0.171.

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Brown, John. "Neoliberalization, De-democratization, and Populist Responses in Western Europe, the US, and Latin America." Critical Sociology 46, no. 7-8 (May 23, 2020): 1173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920520927456.

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This article argues that multipronged de-democratization processes over the course of neoliberal projects fostered unstable democratic equilibria in Western and Latin American democracies, opening space for populist leaders and parties to emerge. To comprehend the variation in the nature of populists that gained support, the form of neoliberalization process in each region and the consequent impacts on traditional party systems is accounted for. Moreover, the impact of region-specific factors on populist forms such as economic crises, immigration levels, and the existence of progressive social movements are accounted for. The conflux of neoliberal de-democratization, austerity, and immigration fostered a conservative nativist-populism in Western cases. In Latin America, neoliberal de-democratization and austerity, in the presence of powerful popular movements, witnessed the emergence of a more progressive populism.

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Nicasio Varea, Blanca, Marta Pérez Gabaldón, and Manuel Chavez. "Using Social Media to Motivate Anti-migration Sentiments. Political Implications in the United States and Beyond." Tripodos, no. 49 (December 20, 2020): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.51698/tripodos.2020.49p51-69.

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The proliferation of nationalist and nativist movements all over the world has capitalized on the broad impact of social media, especially on Twitter. In the case of the United States, as candidate and then as President, Donald Trump initiated an active use of Twitter to disseminate his views on migration and migrants. This paper analyzes the themes and the political implications of his tweets from Trump’s electoral win to the end of the first year of his presidency. The authors’ assumptions are that Trump’s rhetoric untapped a collective sentiment against migration as well as one which supported views to protect migrant communities. The findings show that some topics were retweeted massively fueling the perceptions that most Americans were against migrant communities and their protectors. We conducted content analysis of the tweets sent by President Trump during his first year in the White House. We used the personal account of Trump in Twitter @realDonaldTrump. Trump has used his personal account as a policy and political media instrument to convey his messages rather than to use the official account that all Presidents have traditionally used @POTUS. Since Trump ran on a nativist platform with strong negative sentiments against migrants and immigration in general, we examined the tweets that relate to these topics.

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Fetzer, Joel S. "Economic self-interest or cultural marginality? Anti-immigration sentiment and nativist political movements in France, Germany and the USA." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/136918300115615.

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17

Burdick, John M. "“Good For You and Good To You": The Importance of Emphasizing Race when Radicalizing Students around the Food Movement." Radical Teacher 98 (February 27, 2014): 22–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/rt.2014.72.

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While there is great radical and anti-capitalist potential within the “Food Movement,” it can often be undermined by foodie culture’s attachment to a problematic racial politics in which white, urban and middle/upper classed subject positions are articulated through romanticized attachments to local and organic foodways, attachments that at times unconsciously echo nativist and settle colonial sentiments. These problematic racial logics limit the food movement’s ability to fully address the ways by which the corporate domination of the food system disproportionally impacts low-income communities and communities of color. This article contends that food educators must fundamentally rewrite and reshape the very foundations of our food pedagogy to forefront the ways by which the food system is and always has been driven by the exploitation of bodies of color, the forced removal of Indigenous peoples from their homelands and the ways by which food access continues to be predicated on systems of power that perpetuate racial genocide. Drawing upon the experiences from a unit taught on “soul food” in an undergraduate course on the U.S. Food System, this article offers pedagogical strategies and innovative interdisciplinary methodological approaches to teaching the race based apartheid within the American food system and role of race within contemporary food justice movements. As such, this article will contend that conversations with students on soul food, and a race-centered analysis of the food system, ultimately result in a more radical food consciousness, one that is not just located in food related issues, but also grounded in a foundational critique of the complex hierarchal systems of power and oppression that drive American society.

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Simpson, Patricia Anne. "Mobilizing Meanings: Translocal Identities of the Far Right Web." German Politics and Society 34, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 34–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340403.

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Europe has witnessed the rise of a multigenerational, populist shift to the right, characterized by the unapologetic deployment of extremist symbols, ideologies, and politics, but also by repudiations of right-wing labels associated with racism, xenophobia, and nativist entitlements. The political lexicon of far-right rhetoric derives its considerable persuasive force from mobilizing and normalizing extremist views. This article examines the intricately and translocally woven connections among representative movements, organizations, and media personalities who popularize and disseminate far-right views through social media and their own internet websites. With diatribes about the threat against Russia, the uncontainable and intolerable influx of refugees and asylum seekers, whom they blame for terrorist attacks, deteriorating family values, the loss of national German identity, and the antidemocratic politics of Chancellor Angela Merkel, the cadre of self-credentializing experts and politicians, some in alignment with Pegida, mobilize historical moments and meanings to make connections with a broad spectrum of supporters.

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19

Sombatpoonsiri, Janjira. "Rethinking Civil Resistance in the Face of Rightwing Populism: A Theoretical Inquiry." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 13, no. 3 (December 2018): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2018.1496028.

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This paper seeks to examine some theoretical limitations potentially undermining civil resistance campaigns countering rightwing populism, and suggests how we might rethink the politics of nonviolent struggle. It argues that protests against rightwing populism have generally tackled the ‘supply side’ of populism or populist leaders. However, little attention has been paid to the ‘demand side’, which explains why constituents vote for populists. Increasing support for populist leaders reflects a collective perception that established political institutions are not living up to the expectations of ordinary people. In response to rightwing populism, civil resistance movements will need to engage two fronts of the struggle. The first is economic inequality perpetuated by a neoliberal order against which rightwing populists claim to defend the ‘people’. The second front entails a cultural reconstruction of the notion of the ‘people’ in response to cultural anxiety that has given ground to populist nativist discourses. This article proposes that both of these tasks require a conceptual reconfiguration of nonviolent resistance regarding power and culture.

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Ward, Megan. "Walls and Cows: Social Media, Vigilante Vantage, and Political Discourse." Social Media + Society 6, no. 2 (April 2020): 205630512092851. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305120928513.

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Vigilante groups in the United States and India have used social media to distribute their content and publicize violent spectacles for political purposes. This essay will tackle the spectacle of vigilante lynchings, abduction, and threats as images of vigilante violence are spread online in support of specific candidates, state violences, and election discourse. It is important to understand the impact of not only these vigilante groups, but understand the communicative spectacle of their content. Using Leo R. Chavez’s understanding of early 2000s vigilante action as spectacle in service of social movements, this essay extends the analysis to modern vigilante violence online content used as dramatic political rhetoric in support of sitting administrations. Two case studies on modern vigilante violence provide insight into this phenomenon are as follows: (1) Vigilante nativist militia groups across the United States in support of border militarization have kidnapped migrants in the Southwest desert, documenting these incidents to show support for the Trump Administration and building of a border wall and (2) vigilante mobs in India have circulated videos and media documenting lynchings of so-called “cow killers”; these attacks target Muslims in the light of growing Hindu Nationalist sentiment and political movement in the country. Localized disinformation and personal video allow vigilante content to spread across social media to recruit members for militias, as well as incite quick acts of mob violence. Furthermore, these case studies display how the social media livestreams and video allow representations of violence to become attention-arresting visual acts of political discourse.

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Kotwas, Marta, and Jan Kubik. "Symbolic Thickening of Public Culture and the Rise of Right-Wing Populism in Poland." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 33, no. 2 (April 16, 2019): 435–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325419826691.

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A key feature of thin populist ideology is a sharp division of the social world into “good people” and “bad elites.” Populist ideology “thickens” when it is combined with another ideology, for instance, when this basic distinction is formulated in terms of a nativist or religious discourse with the aim of defining “aliens” or “enemies.” Ideological thickening of populism is boosted by and contributes to the cultural process we call symbolic thickening. Thin symbolic systems, congruent with some forms of populism, have relatively few symbols with rather simple connotations, are amenable to many interpretations, and are thus potentially attractive to a large group of people. They can be “thickened” by adding new symbols and suggesting tight interrelations between them. The resulting “thick” symbolic system offers a narrower definition of collective identity and thus attracts a narrower group of people. Our central argument is that a powerful cultural-political feedback loop has emerged in Poland. A gradual symbolic thickening of the Polish public culture through the intensification of Catholic and nationalist discourses resulted in the expansion of the discursive opportunity structure. This produced conditions conducive to the thickening of populist ideologies and helped to increase the legitimacy of populist movements and parties. The rising legitimacy and popularity of the increasingly vigorous “thick” populism, in turn, contributed to the further symbolic thickening of public culture. The argument is based on detailed descriptions and interpretations of four performances and visual displays.

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Staller, Karen M. "Stitching Tattered Cloth: Reflections on Social Justice and Qualitative Inquiry in Troubled Times." Qualitative Inquiry 26, no. 6 (September 20, 2018): 559–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077800418786900.

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This article is a transcript of a keynote performance delivered at the opening of the 14th Annual International Congress of Qualitative Inquiry (ICQI). I compare the troubled times we face during the first year of President Donald J. Trump’s administration in 2017 with conditions existing during the mid-to-late nineteenth century. Similarities include mass migration, religious intolerance, nativist and anti-immigrant movements, racial injustice, political division, acute income inequality, and debates over the role of science and religion. Finding inspiration in the work of social reformer Charles Loring Brace (1826-1890), I examine his efforts in founding the Children’s Aid Society (CAS) of New York in 1853. Guided by a moral compass and radical new view of social justice work, Brace used qualitative methodological approaches and melded disciplinary knowledge to devise a comprehensive intervention strategy to alleviate child suffering. His goals were nothing short of eradicating poverty and homelessness, decreasing crime and delinquency, reducing illiteracy, reducing unemployment, and improving child and maternal health outcomes. For nearly four decades Brace worked to establish a multi-service child welfare agency that continues to exist 165 years later. He contributed to creating a new profession of applied philanthropy or social work. I compare these efforts with the building of ICQI. Norman K. Denzin, ICQI’s founder, possesses the same kind of visionary leadership, commitment to social justice, and ‘dangerous’ ideas as demonstrated by Brace. I suggest ICQI grew from a similar set of building blocks and possesses the same transformative power as CAS demonstrated in troubled times.

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Young, Frank W. "Nativistic Movements: Comparative and Causal." Comparative Sociology 15, no. 5 (October 7, 2016): 560–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341401.

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When nativism is defined as a social movement which aims to reinstate a past way of life, it is possible to identify cases of nativism ranging from the Taiping Rebellion to the present day Taliban. This ideal type is further defined for the Middle East countries by indicators such as the imposition of sharia law, the goal of theocratic governance, zero-sum conflicts with multiple enemies, and the aim of subverting secular states. A new explanation draws on a hypothesis that sociologists have explored in various forms over the last half century. It sees nativism as the reaction of weak states to existential threat, especially the “rights revolution” which is spreading around the world.

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Yellow Horse, Aggie J., Karen Kuo, Eleanor K. Seaton, and Edward D. Vargas. "Asian Americans’ Indifference to Black Lives Matter: The Role of Nativity, Belonging and Acknowledgment of Anti-Black Racism." Social Sciences 10, no. 5 (May 12, 2021): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10050168.

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This paper assesses how ongoing historical racism and nativism as embedded within U.S. culture requires new and important dialogues about the omnipresence of White supremacy and its interconnected mechanisms that divide communities along the lines of race and perceived in-group status. To assess the role of immigration as it is understood through paradigms of White supremacy and systemic racism, the current study examines individual-level predictors of indifference to the BLM movement based on nativity status among Asian Americans—a racialized pan-ethnic group that is comprised of predominantly foreign-born members. Using the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey, one of the few nationally representative surveys that include detailed information about the Black Lives Matter movement, our study includes 1371 Asian immigrants (i.e., foreign-born Asian Americans) and 1635 U.S.-born Asian Americans. Results demonstrate that reporting indifference to the BLM movement differ by nativity such that foreign-born Asian Americans were significantly more likely to report indifference to the BLM movement compared to their U.S.-born Asian American counterparts. However, the impact of nativity disappears once we account for sense of belonging and acknowledgement of anti-Black racism. The sense of belonging was significant in predicting indifference to the BLM movement among U.S.-born Asian Americans only. The findings contribute to our understanding of racial sense making for Asian Americans as well as an understanding of how White supremacy translates to anti-Black racism through multiple and interconnected mechanisms for the maintenance of White supremacy.

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Torres, Yolotl González. "The Revival of Mexican Religions: The Impact of Nativism." Numen 43, no. 1 (1996): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568527962598395.

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AbstractAbout thirty years ago, there was a deep transformation in Mexican society due, among other things, to the introduction of capitalist technologies and a geographical mobility of population which generated a generalized social crisis which allowed the massive penetration and proliferation of religious movements in Mexico. These were mainly Protestant in its different versions as well as groups of Eastern origins. Somewhat, as a counterpart movement, the “Mexicanidad”-Mexicaness, started to increase in popularity. The “Mexicanidad” is formed by three main groups which differentiate in many aspects, but have as their common goal the restoration of Mexico as the spiritual center of the world. We try to analyze the three different groups and its associations with each other.

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Robinson, Greg. "The Debate Over Japanese Immigration: The View from France." Prospects 30 (October 2005): 539–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300002179.

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The story of the Issei — the 100,000 Japanese immigrants who traveled to Hawaii and the United States during the turn of the 20th century — is an epic of survival amid hardship. Through the efforts of labor contractors backed by the Japanese consulate, the majority of the newcomers were recruited to undertake heavy labor on Hawaiian plantations. Others settled on the mainland, predominantly on the nation's Pacific Coast, where they worked as farmers, fishermen, railroad workers, and agricultural laborers. Smaller contingents of students, artists, and professionals also crossed the ocean and scattered through the United States. As the immigrants became established, many brought over “picture bride” wives and started families. Through careful saving of wages and communal self-help, numerous immigrant laborers bought farms and established small businesses, churches, and community institutions. At the same time, they were victimized by widespread racial prejudice and discriminatory legislation. Like other Asian immigrants, they were barred from naturalization by federal law, and therefore from voting, and in many states the Issei were forbidden to marry whites or to practice certain professions. In Hawaii, the white planter class limited educational opportunity and kept Issei in menial labor positions. On the West Coast, white laborers and political leaders, who rigidly excluded Asian workers from unions, organized movements to exclude the Issei from residence on the grounds that they depressed wage scales through their willingness to work for lower pay. Following the “Gentlemen's Agreement” of 1907–8, the entry of Japanese laborers into the country was largely restricted. Shortly thereafter, in response to demands by white farmers enraged by competition from their Issei counterparts, California and neighboring states enacted alien land acts, which forbade all Japanese and other “immigrants ineligible to citizenship” from owning agricultural land. As a result, the Issei were forced to take short-term leases on land or to put their holdings in the names of white colleagues or of their own children, the Nisei (American-born citizens of Japanese ancestry). Exclusionist pressure, founded on nativist opposition to the alleged racial danger posed by the Issei to the American population, flared up again following World War I and climaxed in the Immigration Act of 1924, which outlawed all Japanese immigration to the United States.

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Haryadi, Didid, and Devira Nur Malitasari. "SOLIDARITY DURING COVID-19 PANDEMIC ( A CASE STUDY ON THE SOCIAL ACTION OF YOGYAKARTA FOOD SOLIDARITY AND THE INTERFAITH NETWORK FOR COVID-19 RESPONSE)." Jurnal Partisipatoris 2, no. 2 (September 22, 2020): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/jp.v2i2.12849.

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Reality pandemic Covid-19 has a significant impact on the social, economic, political, and cultures around the world. Covid-19 which hit Indonesia has brought organic collective awareness from civilians through social movements. Initiatives from citizens to help one another are based on three things; the existence of a collective identity, a sense of injustice, and solidarity. This research focuses on two social movements initiated by ‘Solidaritas Pangan Jogja’ (SPJ) and ‘Jaringan Lintas Iman Tanggap Covid-19’ (JIC). The basic principles of mutual assistance, spontaneous collective awareness, and the same social needs form a pattern of solidarity and social movement in these two organizations. Therefore, this research focuses on the process of forming social awareness patterns that are manifested through collective behavior. This research uses a qualitative approach through case studies. Social solidarity and social movements are two concepts that are used as a basis for data analysis. There are two differences between the SPJ and JIC movement patterns. This research uses a qualitative approach through case studies. Social solidarity and social movements are two concepts that are used as a basis for data analysis. There are two differences between the SPJ and JIC movement patterns. The SPJ movement can be categorized as a conventional social movement with an orientation towards creating collective and cross-class social awareness. Whereas the JIC movement is a kind of new social movement which using the basics of the collectivity to understand norms and religious values. While the similarity of the two movements is always to prioritize the distribution of human values that are sustainable. The determining factor for the formation of a collective movement depends not only on the material resources available, but rather on the strength of ideas and cultural resources. That is about the articulation and collective construction of a new relationship (or redefinition) between the person as an individual and the person (as an ulama or cleric, citizen, and family). The SPJ movement carries the value of nativism while the JIC movement is a representation of the growth of new social movements that arise because of the spread of religious values in the social, cultural, economic, and political dimensions as citizens.Keywords: Pandemic Covid-19, Solidaritas Pangan Jogja (SPJ), Jaringan Lintas Iman Tanggap Covid-19 (JIC), Social Capital, Social Movement

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Chan, Steve Kwok-Leung. "Prostrating Walk in the Campaign against Sino-Hong Kong Express Railway: Collective Identity of Native Social Movement." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 9, no. 1 (March 21, 2017): 20–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v9i1.4986.

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Occupation, blockage and storming are not rare in social movements a decade after China resuming sovereignty in Hong Kong. The organizers and participants usually involve locally born young people. Some of them are secondary school students in their teens. They are known as the fourth generation or post-1980s born Hongkongers. The paper examines the cultural context of social movements involving these youth activists. It mainly studied the campaign against the Sino-Hong Kong Express Railway development project. The project called for the demolition of the Tsoi Yuen Village, a small rural village located on its designed route. Since then, the role of younger generation in social movements has been generally recognized. Social media are widely employed in all stages of the movements with citizen journalists actively involved. The impressive ‘prostrating walk’ imitating Tibetan pilgrims becomes the symbol of these youth activists. It keeps appearing in other campaigns including Occupy Central in Hong Kong in 2014. This paper argues that the rise of nativism, advancement in ICT technology and shifting towards new social movements contribute to the dominant role of youth in recent social movements of Hong Kong. Collective identity of Hongkonger in response to the top-down assimilation by China, strengthens the movement.

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Loo, Jeff Hai-chi. "The Myth of “Hong Kong Nationalism”." Asian Education and Development Studies 9, no. 4 (March 7, 2020): 535–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-10-2018-0161.

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PurposeThe persistent growth of ‘nativists’ in Hong Kong not only highlighted people's consideration over mainlandization, it also stimulates Beijing's nerve on national security. This paper adopts a critical perspective to explore the development of ‘Hong Kong Nationalism’ that emerged in 2015. It will show the development of ‘Hong Kong nationalism’ is a phenomenon compounded by the creation of critical academics, government exaggeration, and pro-Beijing media labeling. In fact, this phenomenon leads to the suppression of political space for critical opposition.Design/methodology/approachThe interaction between Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government, central government, critical academics, and pro-Beijing media will be used to adopt a conceptual framework to show how their interrelationship would derive tremendous impacts to the development of ‘Hong Kong Nationalism.’ It will further investigate some implications for the further political development in Hong Kong.FindingsThe development of ‘Hong Kong Nationalism’ illustrates the triangular relations between critical academic, HKSAR and the Beijing government, and pro-Beijing media. The critical academics create and imagine such ‘Hong Kong Nationalism’ with Hong Kong's political destiny that stimulates the nerve of Beijing and HKSAR on territorial integrity. The ‘imagined nationalism’ advocated by critical and opposition academics and advanced by the activists not only opened the Pandora's box that derives a Trojan horse scenario for the development of pan-democratic camp which affects the democracy movement tremendously.OriginalityThis paper is the first academic paper to explore ‘Hong Kong Nationalism’ through analyzing the discourse advocated by critical academics. This paper can also fill in the gap from existing literature about social movement in Hong Kong as most of them ignored the influence of radical nativist movement.

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McCauley, T. "Nativism and Social Closure: A Comparison of Four Social Movements." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 31, no. 1-2 (March 1, 1990): 86–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002071529003100106.

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McVeigh, Rory, and Dale T. Knobel. "America for the Americans: The Nativist Movement in the United States." Social Forces 76, no. 1 (September 1997): 344. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2580335.

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Galtsin, Dmitry. "Claiming Europe: Celticity in Russian Pagan and Nativist Movement (1990s–2010s)." Pomegranate: The International Journal of Pagan Studies 20, no. 2 (June 18, 2018): 208–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/pom.34872.

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GILL, Tom. "The Nativist Backlash: Exploring the Roots of the Action Conservative Movement." Social Science Japan Journal 21, no. 2 (2018): 175–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ssjj/jyy023.

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Ritter, Luke. "The Nativist Movement in America: Religious Conflict in the Nineteenth Century." American Nineteenth Century History 15, no. 3 (September 2, 2014): 350–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14664658.2014.978997.

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Barkan, Elliott R., Dale T. Knobel, and Juan F. Perea. ""America for the Americans": The Nativist Movement in the United States." Journal of American History 84, no. 4 (March 1998): 1526. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568166.

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Van Dussen, D. Gregory. "“America for the Americans”: The Nativist Movement in the United States." History: Reviews of New Books 26, no. 1 (October 1997): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1997.10525263.

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Barkan, Elliott R. "Return of the Nativists?" Social Science History 27, no. 2 (2003): 229–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012530.

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Anti-immigrant sentiments in California during the early 1990s raised questions about that state's association with nativism, the impact of recessions on public anxieties, and the validity of public opinion polls in measuring related attitudes and concerns. A series of California Field Polls administered statewide between 1982 and 1998 (most samples exceeding 1,000 persons) were used to examine Californians’ attitudes regarding legal and illegal immigration, amnesty for undocumented aliens, identification cards for immigrants, and job competition between immigrants and Americans. Employing cross-tabulations and logistic regression, the study found a consistent relationship between responses to the issues and such demographic variables as political ideology, education, age, income, Protestant religion, and Latino ethnicity as well as between those responses and shifts in respondents’ financial perceptions and expectations. The study concludes that California was more likely a microcosm of the nation, reflecting its dual attitudes toward immigrants, rather than the leader of a neonativist movement.

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Sujana, Ahmad Maftuh, and Saeful Iskandar. "Jihad dan Anti Kafir dalam Geger Cilegon 1888." Tsaqofah 17, no. 1 (June 28, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.32678/tsaqofah.v19i1.3167.

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Colonial exploitation that occurred in the 19th century in the archipelago. Creating conditions that can encourage people to carry out social movements that are dominated by continuous economic, political and cultural conditions and have led to the disorganization of traditional societies and their institutions. The entry of the Dutch in the 19th century began to cause enormous problems for the people of Banten, because the changes made by the Dutch government changed the system of government created by the Sultanate of Banten. From the traditional government structure switched to the Modern (European) government system. This has a negative impact on the structure of people's lives. Banten Ulama with the spirit of jihad, the spirit of anti-Islam, sometimes even the spirit of Nativism and Revivalism, became the driving force for various social movements that flourished in the 19th century. Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries this movement was a historical symptom of the indigenous peasant society. Almost all of these social movements occur due to high tax collections and heavy work that puts pressure on farmers. So that in this case, the kiai's leadership in carrying out the movement against the invaders is all based on the same motivation and conditions, namely maintaining aqidah and worship. Against munkar, polytheism and kufr which are carried out in the framework of munkar ma'ruf nahyi deeds. Everything is based on sincerity to fortify Islam from the influence that damages Islamic aqidah, worship and mu'amalah. This is clearly manifested in the history of struggle which was marked by Ulama throughout the archipelago

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Lambert, Richard D., and Raymond Tatalovich. "Nativism Reborn? The Official English Movement and the American States." Modern Language Journal 80, no. 4 (1996): 540. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/329741.

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Mlejnková, Petra. "The Transnationalization of Ethno-nationalism : The Case of the Identitarian Movement." Intersections 7, no. 1 (2021): 136–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v7i1.572.

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The Identitarian movement, a radical-right movement active in a number of European countries, desires to unite European nationalists in international action. Nevertheless, the theory claims that the latter ideology is based on nativism. This might create internal ideological conflict between nativism versus transnationalism. The article offers a qualitative analysis of how the movement solves the issue of identity framing on the transnational level. This is a question of how the ethno-nationalist message is transformed to the transnational level, and how national needs are translated into transnational ones. The findings show that the Identitarian movement constructs a two-fold identity – a national one and a European one; and operates with three types of identity framing, thereby building a complex picture of a common past, present, and future. All three frames always act to maintain a balance between both identities, and always work with the language of civilization. Such framing, then, might lead to the successful mobilization of international resources and turn ideas into action.

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Narayan, John. "British Black Power: The anti-imperialism of political blackness and the problem of nativist socialism." Sociological Review 67, no. 5 (April 16, 2019): 945–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119845550.

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The history of the US Black Power movement and its constituent groups such as the Black Panther Party has recently gone through a process of historical reappraisal, which challenges the characterization of Black Power as the violent, misogynist and negative counterpart to the Civil Rights movement. Indeed, scholars have furthered interest in the global aspects of the movement, highlighting how Black Power was adopted in contexts as diverse as India, Israel and Polynesia. This article highlights that Britain also possessed its own distinctive form of Black Power movement, which whilst inspired and informed by its US counterpart, was also rooted in anti-colonial politics, New Commonwealth immigration and the onset of decolonization. Existing sociological narratives usually locate the prominence and visibility of British Black Power and its activism, which lasted through the 1960s to the early 1970s, within the broad history of UK race relations and the movement from anti-racism to multiculturalism. However, this characterization neglects how such Black activism conjoined explanations of domestic racism with issues of imperialism and global inequality. Through recovering this history, the article seeks to bring to the fore a forgotten part of British history and also examines how the history of British Black Power offers valuable lessons about how the politics of anti-racism and anti-imperialism should be united in the 21st century.

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Fitzgerald, Keith, and Raymond Tatalovich. "Nativism Reborn? The Official English Language Movement and the American States." Journal of American History 83, no. 4 (March 1997): 1511. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2953075.

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Mehta, Mona G. "A river of no dissent: Narmada Movement and coercive Gujarati nativism." South Asian History and Culture 1, no. 4 (October 12, 2010): 509–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19472498.2010.507023.

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Bayor, Ronald H. "Nativism Reborn? The Official English Language Movement and the American States." Society 34, no. 6 (September 1997): 86–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03355973.

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Milkman, Ruth. "A New Political Generation: Millennials and the Post-2008 Wave of Protest." American Sociological Review 82, no. 1 (January 10, 2017): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003122416681031.

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Building on Karl Mannheim’s theory of generations, this address argues that U.S. Millennials comprise a new political generation with lived experiences and worldviews that set them apart from their elders. Not only are they the first generation of “digital natives,” but, although they are more educated than any previous U.S. generation, they face a labor market in which precarity is increasingly the norm. And despite proclamations to the contrary, they confront persistent racial and gender disparities, discrimination against sexual minorities, and widening class inequality—all of which they understand in the framework of “intersectionality.” This address analyzes the four largest social movements spearheaded by college-educated Millennials: the young undocumented immigrant “Dreamers,” the 2011 Occupy Wall Street uprising, the campus movement protesting sexual assault, and the Black Lives Matter movement. All four reflect the distinctive historical experience of the Millennial generation, but they vary along two cross-cutting dimensions: (1) the social characteristics of activists and leaders, and (2) the dominant modes of organization and strategic repertoires.

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Keith, Ellen. "Human Wreckage from Foreign Lands - A Study of Ethnic Victims of the Alberta Sterilization Act." Constellations 2, no. 2 (June 7, 2011): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cons10496.

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On March 21st, 1928, the Alberta government passed the Alberta Sexual Sterilization Act. Between 1928 and 1972, the Alberta Eugenics Board used the Act to sterilize an estimated 2,822 ‘mentally-defective’ Albertans. This paper examines the role that ethnicity played in the sterilization process, arguing that nativist attitudes influenced both the Canadian eugenics movement and the development of the Act.

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Burley and Ross. "From Nativism to White Power: Mid-Twentieth-Century White Supremacist Movements in Oregon." Oregon Historical Quarterly 120, no. 4 (2019): 564. http://dx.doi.org/10.5403/oregonhistq.120.4.0564.

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Duncan, Jason K. "The Nativist Movement in America: Religious Conflict in the Nineteenth Century by Katie Oxx." American Catholic Studies 124, no. 4 (2013): 64–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/acs.2013.0054.

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Muenster, Daniel. "Performing alternative agriculture: critique and recuperation in Zero Budget Natural Farming, South India." Journal of Political Ecology 25, no. 1 (December 16, 2018): 748. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v25i1.22388.

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This article explores how 'Zero Budget Natural Farming', an Indian natural farming movement centered on its founder and guru Subhash Palekar, enacts alternative agrarian worlds through the dual practices of critique and recuperation. Based on fieldwork among practitioners in the South Indian state of Kerala and on participation in teaching events held by Palekar, I describe the movement's critique of the agronomic mainstream (state extension services, agricultural universities, and scientists) and their recuperative practices of restoring small-scale cultivation based on Indian agroecological principles and biologies. Their critique combines familiar political-ecological arguments against productionism, and the injustices of the global food regime, with Hindu nationalist tropes highlighting Western conspiracies and corrupt science. For their recuperative work, these natural farmers draw, on one hand, on travelling agroecological technologies (fermentation, spacing, mulching, cow based farming) and current 'probiotic', microbiological, and symbiotic understandings of soil and agriculture. On the other hand, they use Hindu nativist tropes, insisting on the exceptional properties of agrarian species native to, and belonging to India. I use the idea of ontological politics to describe the movement's performances as enacting an alternative rural world, in which humans, other-than-human animals, plants, mycorrhizae, and microbes are doing agriculture together.Keywords: agricultural anthropology; alternative agricultures; naturecultures; critique; ontological politics; small-scale cultivators; India; Kerala; Subhash Palekar

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Wetzel, Christopher. "Envisioning Land Seizure." American Behavioral Scientist 56, no. 2 (September 12, 2011): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764211419354.

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Although land seizure is designed to be an evocative and provocative tactic for social movement organizations, how are groups’ members, goals, and claims portrayed in subsequent media coverage? Focusing on the Indians of All Tribes’ occupation of Alcatraz Island, this article qualitatively analyzes photographic representations of protest in three national newspapers. Images published during the occupation (1969 to 1971) represent Indian activists as lazing or inactive, politically ineffectual, and invisible. When foregrounding contention, photographs showed negatively affected non-Natives or Indians being arrested. By contrast, images published after the occupation (1972 to 2000) generally concentrate on the physical space of the island as a tourist destination rather than a site of conflict. Social scientists should critically assess the media’s role in shaping collective perceptions about social movements through visual images, particularly when tactics are designed to garner media attention.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Nativist movements'

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