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Schönfeld, Jobst. "German-American security relations within NATO and the UN /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1994. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA280300.
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Schönfeld, Jobst. "German-American security relations within NATO and the UN." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/28247.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited<br>The war in the Balkans suggests that despite the end of the East-West conflict, general instability casts a pall of doubt over hopes of enduring peace in Europe and beyond. As one sees in South East Europe, post-communism creates nationalism which can lead to war. The former Yugoslavia is the test case. In East Central Europe, where former Soviet satellites are facing a similar power vacuum and Russian imperialism celebrates its possible rebirth, war could be the consequence if NATO is not able and willing to provide security and stability in this region. This thesis investigates the factors which define the current crisis in NATO and transatlantic security relations. This in turn brings up the question of structural realities in German-American strategic interaction. This thesis examines how lasting internal conflicts gain new explosive force today and presents conclusions regarding the survival of NATO. In the end, the thesis suggests that NATO and the tantamount security partnership with the United States is vitally significant for Germany and for stability in Europe. This maxim applies to the past and it holds equally true for the future
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Konecký, David. "Vztahy NATO - Rusko v novém tisíciletí." Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2002. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-77126.
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The subject of the dissertation thesis focuses on relations between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and Russia in their post-9/11/2001 phase. The theoretical framework is provided by the realist school of thought with a special focus on the "defensive" strand of that school. The thesis has two main goals: the primary goal tests a validity of a statement "Confrontational aspects of the NATO -- Russia relations prohibit any significant mutually beneficial cooperation between the NATO and Russia", the secondary goal aims to create a robust body of primary-source information (with 31 December 2007 deadline). Confrontational aspects of the NATO -- Russia relations have been analyzed in the basic conceptual documents of both Russia and the NATO with following conclusions: (1.) Russia does not accept certain characteristics of NATO, (2.) NATO is not prepared to change these characteristics to meet Russia's objections. But as shown in the thesis, these conclusions do not prevent either side to state a conceptual preparedness to an interest-based cooperation. The other important aspect -- conventional and nuclear weapons balance -- has been analyzed in depth from both the static and dynamic point of view. The positive impetus generated through a rhetorical action immediately after the 11 September 2001 resulted in the creation of the NATO -- Russia Council (NRC). In comparison to the previous phase of the NATO -- Russia relations, the NRC comprises both evolution (prioritization of the content) and revolution (rejection of the previous form). But the positive impetus seems to be failing to generate concrete joint political or practical cooperative actions. Nevertheless, examples can be found of mutually beneficial cooperation between the NATO and Russia: operation Active Endeavor, search and rescue at the sea, project for fight against Afghan drugs, Cooperative Airspace Initiative. These examples do falsify the statement as defined under the primary goal of the thesis. As for a possible future development of the NATO -- Russia relations, the thesis concludes: (1.) No further upgrade of form is to be expected over a longer term, (2.) NRC is and will be and an import forum for a political dialogue, (3.) Mutually-beneficial cooperation will probably materialize through smaller-scale projects, (4.) Freezing of relations cannot be excluded, when an important political signal is to be sent, (5.) In spite of the Russia's denouncement of new military installation in Europe the fact is that the European perimeter is and will be for Russia far more secure and predictable than her Southern and South-Easter perimeter.
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Sibanda, Allan K. M. "International law legitimacy and the UN Security Council." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/53188.
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The salient issues concerning the powers of the United Nations Security Council culminate in questions of legitimacy. In terms of the United Nations Charter, the Council has a wide margin of discretion, and while its powers of appreciation are generally accepted as non-justiciable, its members are not independent. The Council has often been criticised for its selective performance, its composition and privileges of tenure, and the lack of transparency in its procedures. The objective of this study is to establish an analytical framework of legitimacy for the Council. As a point of departure, the study examines the limitations to the powers of the Council under the auspices of international law. These are expressed in two categories: the UN Charter, and jus cogens. Thereafter, the study develops a model of the content of legitimacy for the Council, based on a notion of legitimacy which encompasses legal, moral and sociological aspects. Three traditions are at the heart of this model. These are the instrumentalist, procedural and constitutional traditions respectively. The established framework proposes a minimal threshold for the Council to legitimately exercise its discretion, as an extension of the Charter based legal threshold, from which the Council derives its authority. The study is inspired by efforts in literature, to develop the new value-based approach to international law, whilst maintaining the coherence of the international legal order. The established framework provides a feasible means to assess the legitimacy of the Security Council, and in tandem provides space for further research.<br>Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2015.<br>Jurisprudence<br>LLM<br>Unrestricted
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Hassler, Sabine. "Reform of the UN Security Council Membership : An analysis of the desirability, effectiveness and achievability of a representative security council membership." Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.522543.
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The Security Council [Council] must be reformed. This is the mantra of some tireless proponents for whom the Council in its current form is untenable. Freed from the stasis imposed by the Cold War, increased activity was initially welcomed. However, it also highlighted inadequacies so much so that calls for reform became ever more demanding. And few issues engage as passionate an advocacy as the scramble for Council seats, resulting in a deadlock of a different kind. Post-Cold War effectiveness may have borne proof that collective action can be successful; but it made calls for reform more urgent to incorporate states that desire greater recognition as major players. The failure to reflect the changing power realities directly affects the perception of legitimacy of Council decisions and actions. Increasingly, the Council is seen as run by, and for the benefit of, a handful of states. This perception can be traced back to the Council's origins. At the outset it was seen as a basic requirement that responsibility to oversee the maintenance of international peace and security would have to be assumed by a core group of major powers. The incentive for the great powers of the time to participate consisted of a special permanent status with added voting powers. As a trade-off, and to ensure some balance, the remainder of the membership would have the opportunity to be elected onto the Council for a limited period of time. At the time it was accepted that this would be the price for peace, especially since it was hoped that the so anointed powers would realise that their exalted position also carried added responsibilities 10 act beyond reproach. If, however, the Council's restrictive set-up was seen as necessary at the time, it is now seen as out of step with current perceptions. A particular bias is perceived towards the industrialised North, which alienates those counted towards the developing world and there is an expectation that reform will, if not eliminate, then at least alleviate existing imbalances. With it being ever less representative of the increased UN membership, calls for changes to Council size and composition have become louder. Although expansion generally meets with favourable comments, discussions soon begin to revolve around maximum numbers and equity and whether enlargement should affect both non-permanent and permanent seats. Discussions also get caught up in determining appropriate membership ratios and acceptable action thresholds. Cautious voices question whether enlargement to attain better representation would affect the Council's effectiveness and efficiency. Consequently, arguments are put forward that either support enlargement as beneficial or reject enlargement as potentially debilitating. It appears that any change, whatever its scope, will have to show some benefit to all concerned. The most controversial point, unsurprisingly, revolves around the permanent member status and whether these seats should be retained, added to or disbanded. Less controversially, but nonetheless hotly debated, is the enlargement of non-permanent membership. The questions again revolve around extent of enlorgement and equitable representation. Finding the right candidates is fraught with difficulties, not least when considering criteria for qualification. The first port of call is commonly Article 23( 1) of the UN Charter, although some see the opportunity to amend, and maybe extend, the criteria. But even theoiteria as contained in the Article are subject to controversial, and often conflicting, interpretations. Besides, should Article 23( 1), which currently only applies to the election of non-permanent members, also encompass permanent members; or would other, status specific criteria, have to be introduced? Again, despite a great number of submissions, common ground is hard to find. An additional hurdle, finally, present the prerogatives commonly associated with the permanent member position, most notably the veto. Is it to be extended to any new permanent members? Various proposals outline alternative approaches from complete abolition to a qualification of the right and a limitation of its use to specific circumstances. The scale of the effort is decisive and requires an assessment of its necessity, practicality and the overall benefit that the change will bring. Proponents of reform take their cue from the 1960s reform precedent, where the pressures of an increased membership led to change - however limited. Since reform proponents seek mainly formal changes to the Council's setup, which is constitutionally fixed, it may necessitate constitutional amendment. However, change to the constitutional document of the UN is difficult, not least because of the relative inflexibility of the process enshrined in the UN Charter itself. Therefore, the success of a constitutional amendment process is highly questionable, which opens the possibility for more informal alternatives. Everyone involved should be aware of the repercussions that reform may have. This is particularly true when the focus is directed at the collective security task of the organ that was endowed with primary responsibility to maintain international peace and security. It is generally acknowledged that the Council needs to extricate itself from its past and concentrate on its primary task. This, however, presents a major challenge as its past still determines its present
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Wright, K. A. "Silences and silos : NATO's implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325." Thesis, University of Surrey, 2016. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/812255/.
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The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) is the preeminent international security institution spanning Europe and North America. This means that NATO’s engagement with UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security (WPS) is of particular salience to examine. NATO’s role as a ‘teaching machine’ sharing lessons on gender and UNSCR 1325, means the organisation represents a key site for the transfer of learning on the value of the WPS agenda. Despite this, and the wide range of literature examining the implementation of UNSCR 1325, NATO’s implementation of the women, peace and security agenda remains under examined. This thesis contributes a feminist approach to theorising international security institutions, drawing upon an institutional approach to understand how NATO’s gendered organisational structure has contributed to shaping a particular understanding of UNSCR 1325. Notably, the WPS agenda has mapped onto NATO’s long existing concern with the status of women in the military, and UNSCR 1325 has come to be supported, in the military structure, by the existing gender machinery established to support this agenda. The thesis identifies the key actors and drivers involved in NATO’s adoption and implementation of UNSCR 1325. In particular, the central role of partner states has contributed to the framing of the WPS agenda as external to the Alliance, or within a silo, both practically and symbolically. This supports the argument that member and partner states have come to learn the value of UNSCR 1325 as a diplomatic tool and a means of providing influence incommensurate with status. It also challenges notions that NATO is an organisation whose agenda is dictated (solely) by the US. In addition to identifying femocrats operating within NATO, the thesis draws attention to the importance of leadership for driving the agenda, most significantly through the appointment of the NATO Secretary General’s Special Representative on Women, Peace and Security in 2012. The thesis exposes the ‘added value’ of UNSCR 1325 not only for member states, but for NATO. This finds the Resolution valued as a tool to increase operational effectiveness, in part because its adoption was shaped by NATO’s involvement in Afghanistan. NATO’s implementation of UNSCR 1325 has also been utilised by as a public diplomacy tool by NATO, for example, utilising stories of Afghan military women as a ‘good news story’ about NATO’s involvement in Afghanistan.
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Resende, Maurício Palma. "Gazes at the monster : courts, NGOs, and the UN Security Council." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2016. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/20844.
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Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, 2016.<br>Submitted by Fernanda Percia França (fernandafranca@bce.unb.br) on 2016-06-24T13:38:10Z
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2016_MaurícioPalmaResende.pdf: 2739682 bytes, checksum: 57df071211d867c30a2653413a0e909b (MD5)<br>Ancorada na teoria dos sistemas, a tese apresenta, em um primeiro momento, o contexto legal no qual se insere o Conselho de Segurança da ONU. Argumenta-se que tal órgão é fonte de expectativas normativas da sociedade mundial, bem como, ao mesmo tempo, um ator da política mundial que bloqueia a aplicação do direito e o viola em diversos eventos. No segundo capítulo, a tese aborda os meios legais de contenção do arbítrio de tal órgão através da análise de decisões de tribunais em âmbitos estatais e não estatais, e mostra que o Conselho de Segurança pode auxiliar no processamento de expectativas normativas em certos casos. Em sua terceira parte, por fim, a tese apresenta organizações não governamentais (ONGs) como fontes perturbadoras do regime do Conselho de Segurança, atores que lutam tanto para a contenção da racionalidade política de tal corpo da ONU, participando na formação de normas de segurança internacional. Problematiza-se a atuação de tais ONGs, bem como se aborda a apropriação estratégica do vocabulário dos direitos humanos, o que também pode ser notado em decisões judiciais. Ao fim, indaga-se sobre a paradoxal busca por formas constitucionais nessa esfera. A tese possui o argumento de que Tribunais, ONGs e o Conselho de Segurança são âmbitos tecnocratas da sociedade mundial em conflito e em diálogo, bem como esferas que terão de passar por mudanças se quiserem ser observadas como responsivas. _______________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT<br>Anchored in the perspective of the systems theory, the dissertation presents, first, the legal arrangement in which the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is inserted. It is argued that UNSC can be observed as a source of normative expectations of the world society and, at the same time, as a global actor that blocks the application of the law and violates legal parameters in several events. In the second Chapter, the dissertation examines court’s decisions in state and nonstate spheres that review or assess UNSC's acts, also showing that the UNSC might
perform in some instances as an actor that contributes to the processing of normative expectations. In the third Chapter, the dissertation presents non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as actors struggling for the restriction of UNSC's political rationality and as actors that participate in the formation of international security norms. The dissertation investigates problems concerning NGOs’ performances and discusses the strategic appropriation of the human rights vocabulary by these social movement organizations, a fact that might also be perceived in the courts’ decisions. Lastly, the dissertation put the problem of the paradoxical struggles for the formation of constitutional arrangements in this nonstate arena. The dissertation shows that court, NGOs, and the UNSC are technocrat areas of world society in conflict and in conversation, as well as organizations that have to change to be seen as responsive spheres.
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Edholm, Widén Jesper. "Security Council Reform; a new perspective on the necessity of veto abolition : Why should the right to veto in the United Nations Security Council be abolished?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-335216.
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Fassbender, Bardo. "UN Security Council reform and the right of veto : a constitutional perspective /." The Hague [u.a.] : Kluwer, 1998. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/242645682.pdf.
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Yang, Suzanne Xiao. "China's role in the UN security council in relation to Iraq, 1990 - 2002." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504173.
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Malone, David. "Decision-taking in the UN security council, 1990-96 : the case of Haiti." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670235.
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De, Tomas Colatin Samuele <1990>. "The Syrian Crisis and the UN Security Council system: an International Law Stalemate." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/9630.
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The Syrian crisis has entered its 6th year conflict. The Arab Spring did not succeed to overthrow the Damascus Assad regime. Once the civil war in Syria worsened and implied an external intervention, International instruments were not able to solve the issue, which provoked one of the worst humanitarian crisis ever happened. The UN Security Council is clearly not able to agree on a common solution for Syria. The thesis will analyze the Syrian crisis providing a presentation of the context before the uprisings in Syria, which blew up starting from March 2011. Then, it will present the UN SC dynamics over more than 6 years of conflict and how the Security Council members tried to pursue the so called “political solution”. Many plans have been put on the table, none of them succeded. The Kofi Annan plan, the Geneva talks and the “Freeze-zones” strategy could not bind together the international community to a shared and working result. A right to intervene, a.k.a. the humanitarian intervention, has been always rejected by a number of PM of the UN SC powers, which used their veto right to block any resolution which forced the hand on Syria. Remembering the Afghanistan, Iraq and Lybia cases, the UN SC is now prudent about intervening on foreign ground. The contrast between Syrian sovereignty and humanitarian intervention has never been so sensitive, as it requires the SC harmony to pass a resolution to act in defense of the Syrian people.
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Chaudhry, Moniba. "Decision makin in the Security Council, States conduct and its consequences : A theory developing study aimed to explain the behaviour of the states in the UN Security Council." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-13477.
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The chief purpose of this study is to develop a theoretical framework which can contribute to a broader theoretical understanding of the actions of the U.N. Security Council and its members. The framework rests upon a rationalistic foundation and it is set up with two different models of explanation; a first with focus on power and security and the second which is an institutional explanation. The framework is then applied on a case study in which the behavior of theUnited Statesand theUnited Kingdomin the Security Council are explained. The outcome of the paper is worth mentioning that the member nations have find the Security Council to be an important institution and that there is an apprehension of the precedential power of the institution. The study also points out that a permanent member is more likely to use its veto when there are strong national reasons of so doing. In general the developed theoretical framework seems to be well appropriate to explain states behavior in the Security Council and may provide a foundation for further theoretical studies on the subject.
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Barrow, Amy Elizabeth. "Gender mainstreaming in a peace and security context: The challenges of implementing UN security council resolution 1325 on women, peace and security." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.488754.
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Ahrnens, Anette. "A quest for legitimacy : debating UN Security Council rules on terrorism and non-proliferation /." Lund : Department of Political Science, Lund University, 2007. http://www.lu.se/o.o.i.s?id=12683&postid=26860.
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Kliem, Tobias. "A step towards 'perpetual peace'? legitimacy in international law and UN Security Council reform." Thesis, University of Kent, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.653060.
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My thesis is that the Security Council of the United Nations is still relevant in today's world, but it needs to change to maintain and strengthen its position as the central body for decisions on international peace and security. The key to this position is the concept of legitimacy, which will be explored in the first two chapters. While the first chapter explains what legitimacy means and why it ';tatters in world politics, the second chapter will explore in more detail what factors matter in the sociological conception of legitimacy of international organisations used in this thesis. The indicators arising from this broadly fit into the areas legality, democracy, justice and outcome. These indicators are then used to test how the United Nations Security Council has acted in the two major cases where force has been used with the autliorisation of the United Nations: the Korean War of the 1950s and the first Iraq War fourty years later. Both case studies show that the decision making structure within the United Nations and therefore the authorised wars suffered from major problems in terms of their legitimacy. The final two chapters then take up these problems to look into the proposals that were made to reform the Security Council. The thesis proposes some changes that are not completely unrealistic and that could help the Security Council to become the relevant actor it was supposed to be.
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Simin, Nathalie. "PESCO: A New Era in EU’s Security Rhetoric?" Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21013.
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The aim of this paper is to uncover what has changed in the EU security field that caused the EU to decide that their new military treaty, PESCO, should be the first treaty that excludes NATO from its constitution. The purpose for this aim is to understand if a paradigm shift has occurred in EU’s security rhetoric in order to understand the general picture of the EU security research field on the day PESCO was officially welcomed. The European Council will be the main actor and subject of the thesis, where the press statements of select EU members along with the Council President will be analysed as data. The context behind their statements will be brought forth based on the content that they deliver in the statements, which will by default deepen the comprehension of the EU security situation on the day that those statements were made.
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Vega, Leyton Birgitta. "Beyond UN Security Council Resolution 1325 : Field Research in Sector IV of the UN Peacekeeping Mission in Sudan." Thesis, Örebro University, Department of Behavioural, Social and Legal Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-4817.
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<p>The United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 on women, peace and security was passed by the Security Council in 2000. Its passing was made possible by the efforts of NGOs around the world and was seen as a huge step for women in conflict and post-conflict situations as women were not only seen as victims but as agents of peace. The resolution deals with the obligations of Member States as well as those of the Security Council within its peacekeeping missions.</p><p>Eight years have passed since the passing of the resolution and this thesis examines how the resolution is visible in a peacekeeping mission. In order to answer this question reports and resolutions by the Security Council and the Secretary- General have been examined as well as literature on gender and peacekeeping. Field research was conducted in the Sudan from April to June 2008 in Khartoum and Kadugli. Interviews were carried out with NGOs, UN staff and with personnel within the UN peacekeeping mission in Sudan, UNMIS.</p><p>The UN reports and the field research both conclude that there are several obstacles preventing resolution 1325 from being implemented within the UN. One of the main obstacles is the lack of accountability within the UN system. Furthermore, it was found that personal interest played a major role in whether or not a gender perspective was being taken into account. Gender was also regarded by UN staff as ad hoc instead of an integral part of their work. The conclusion is that resolution 1325 is not yet fully visible in the peacekeeping mission observed, UNMIS.</p>
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Bydoon, Maysa S. "The international responsibility of the UN for the internationally wrongful acts of the Security Council." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/31086.
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This thesis is a study of the possibility of invoking the international responsibility of the Security Council for its actions. The presumption of my thesis is that the UN with separate personality is responsible for the internationally wrongful acts of the Security Council, however, in certain circumstances the member states of the Security Council particularly, the decision makers could be held responsible. As many entities are dealing with Security Council, the determination of the responsible entity becomes very difficult. This thesis has identified three important areas of tension in such responsibility. First, the legal status of the Security Council, relating to whether it is considered "above the law"; secondly, the more persistent tension concerning the relationship between member states of an International Organisation and the International Organisation itself in considering the responsibility of member states. Last but not the least, the tension related to the scarcity, if not the lack, of recent practice concerning the international responsibility of the Security Council as well as the absence of rules that govern such a responsibility, will be discussed. This thesis is premised on the assumption that the Security Council has recently extended powers and is getting involved in virtually every single matter at both international level and at the non-international level. This inevitably raises issues of the international responsibility of the Security Council which have remained undeveloped, and which, accordingly, urges the necessity of establishing principles govern such international responsibility. Most notably, the subject of the international responsibility of the Security Council has not been addressed in the Articles on Responsibility of States for international wrongful acts. Thus in the light of the uncertainty and the rapid development of the powers of the Security Council, this thesis aims to fill the gaps as to the international responsibility of the Security Council.
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Luo, Hang. "Influence in combinatorial and collective decision-making : by the example of UN security council voting." Thesis, Paris 6, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA066186/document.
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L'objet de cette thèse (bi-disciplinaire, en informatique et sciences politiques) est l'étude de phénomènes d'influence dans des situations de prise de décision collective, impliquant plusieurs sujets interdépendants, ce qui amène à considérer des domaines dits combinatoires. L'importance de ces phénomènes d'influence est observée depuis de nombreuses années dans différents domaines (dont les sciences politiques), mais leur modélisation reste peu développée jusqu'à présent. En se basant sur un modèle existant intégrant la prise en compte de l'influence à un langage de représentation des préférences ordinal, le premier travail de cette thèse a été d'identifier des schémas d'influences pouvant survenir, entre sujets et/ou agents différents. Une deuxième contribution de cette thèse est la prise en compte de domaines partiels (permettant de représenter contraintes exogènes et abstentions, par exemple), une nécessité dans les situations envisagées. De même, différents modèles visant à capturer l'influence simultanée de plusieurs agents sont présentés et discutés. Dans un deuxième temps, l'exemple des votes au conseil de sécurité del'ONU est utilisé: l'occurence de ces schémas est envisagée à l'aide d'une analyse qualitative de différentes séquences de votes (sciences politiques), et de la recherche d'indices de schémas similaires dans les données de vote accessibles. Enfin, le modèle est mobilisé dans le cadre d'une simulation multi-agents (réalisée en Netlogo), et visant à tester différentes réformes envisagées du conseil de sécurité<br>Influence study in combinatorial and collective decision-making, is an interdisciplinary research area combining computer science and social science, especially artificial intelligence and collective decision-making. Influence has long been studied, for instance in political science, but in the context of combinatorial and collective decision-making, this calls for a study of how influences works among multi-agents and multi-issues, how influences and decision-making are interleaved, and how the structures of influence among agents and issues produce an effect. In the thesis, we mainly performed three aspects of work:Firstly, build complex models of influence based on preference representation languages and social influence models, proposed a series of new patterns of influence to better describe the complex influences in real-world situation, and discussed a series of theoretical problems of influencing and influenced structure, influence from more than one origins, and influence with abstentions and constraints. We then test the models of influence from an exemplary perspective for interdisciplinary study, from both social science and computer science paradigms, by both qualitative case studies approach and quantitative matching algorithms approach, to provide an evaluation for the models of influence.Finally, we use the models of influence to perform agent-based simulations, by the example UN Security Council voting. We design those experiments from both social and computer science perspectives, implement it in Netlogo, and discuss the interleaved effects between new cases of influence and different SC reform schemes
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Luo, Hang. "Influence in combinatorial and collective decision-making : by the example of UN security council voting." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 6, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA066186.
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L'objet de cette thèse (bi-disciplinaire, en informatique et sciences politiques) est l'étude de phénomènes d'influence dans des situations de prise de décision collective, impliquant plusieurs sujets interdépendants, ce qui amène à considérer des domaines dits combinatoires. L'importance de ces phénomènes d'influence est observée depuis de nombreuses années dans différents domaines (dont les sciences politiques), mais leur modélisation reste peu développée jusqu'à présent. En se basant sur un modèle existant intégrant la prise en compte de l'influence à un langage de représentation des préférences ordinal, le premier travail de cette thèse a été d'identifier des schémas d'influences pouvant survenir, entre sujets et/ou agents différents. Une deuxième contribution de cette thèse est la prise en compte de domaines partiels (permettant de représenter contraintes exogènes et abstentions, par exemple), une nécessité dans les situations envisagées. De même, différents modèles visant à capturer l'influence simultanée de plusieurs agents sont présentés et discutés. Dans un deuxième temps, l'exemple des votes au conseil de sécurité del'ONU est utilisé: l'occurence de ces schémas est envisagée à l'aide d'une analyse qualitative de différentes séquences de votes (sciences politiques), et de la recherche d'indices de schémas similaires dans les données de vote accessibles. Enfin, le modèle est mobilisé dans le cadre d'une simulation multi-agents (réalisée en Netlogo), et visant à tester différentes réformes envisagées du conseil de sécurité<br>Influence study in combinatorial and collective decision-making, is an interdisciplinary research area combining computer science and social science, especially artificial intelligence and collective decision-making. Influence has long been studied, for instance in political science, but in the context of combinatorial and collective decision-making, this calls for a study of how influences works among multi-agents and multi-issues, how influences and decision-making are interleaved, and how the structures of influence among agents and issues produce an effect. In the thesis, we mainly performed three aspects of work:Firstly, build complex models of influence based on preference representation languages and social influence models, proposed a series of new patterns of influence to better describe the complex influences in real-world situation, and discussed a series of theoretical problems of influencing and influenced structure, influence from more than one origins, and influence with abstentions and constraints. We then test the models of influence from an exemplary perspective for interdisciplinary study, from both social science and computer science paradigms, by both qualitative case studies approach and quantitative matching algorithms approach, to provide an evaluation for the models of influence.Finally, we use the models of influence to perform agent-based simulations, by the example UN Security Council voting. We design those experiments from both social and computer science perspectives, implement it in Netlogo, and discuss the interleaved effects between new cases of influence and different SC reform schemes
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Prantl, Jochen. "Complementing or competing for governance? : informal 'ad hoc' groupings of states and the UN Security Council." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.402244.
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Slota-Newson, Sam. "Humanitarian intervention and rhetorical paralysis : sources and effects of moral rhetoric in the UN Security Council." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/45174.
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This thesis investigates the causes and effects of moral rhetoric on the Security Council’s ability to respond to humanitarian crises. It identifies that Absolutist Moral Rhetorical Positioning (AMRP) can stem from cosmopolitan norms, reputational costs, and the structure and norms of the UN itself. When addressing humanitarian crises, these sources lead states to cross from argumentation into justification, which obscures deliberation and obstructs pragmatic outcomes. The effects of AMRP, evident in individual cases and the trajectory of intervention, are explored through analysis of Kosovo, Libya and Syria. AMRP manifests most notably through moral hazard, mission creep and Security Council deadlock; ultimately the effects are seen in the Security Council’s inconsistent responses, and consistent inability to find the most effective solution, when confronted by humanitarian crises.
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Sánchez, Alfonso. "We don't want to and you can't make us UN Security Council reform and peacekeeping efficacy /." To access this resource online via ProQuest Dissertations and Theses @ UTEP, 2008. http://0-proquest.umi.com.lib.utep.edu/login?COPT=REJTPTU0YmImSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=2515.
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Cleveland, Clayton. "Storming the Security Council: The Revolution in UNSC Authority Over the Projection of Military Force." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12971.
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Why have states requested international authorization for their projections of military force more after 1989? One perspective suggests powerful states should not make such requests. Rather, they should look to their own power instead of international organizations. Another view suggests international authorization is a way to provide credible signals about state intentions. A third perspective suggests states view international authorization of military force as appropriate. I establish that states have changed their behavior, requesting international authorization more often after 1989. Then, I develop hypotheses involving material power, burden-sharing, informational signaling, and international norms. I assess their ability to explain the increase in authorization requests through evidence from over 150 military force projections by a wide range of states and through a detailed evaluation of United States behavior. The U.S. provides a strong test case for the theories evaluated, since powerful states should be least susceptible to pressures for requesting authorization, and yet it does so more frequently after 1989. I find the expectation that states should request international authorization emerged after the U.S. set a precedent during the Persian Gulf War. The end of the Cold War changed the perceived "viability" of different strategies for projecting military force for U.S. policy-makers. Requesting authorization from the UN became a plausible alternative. The decision to request international authorization--and the justifications U.S. decision makers offered for doing so--led to the expectation by other states that the U.S. would do so for future projections of military force. This international norm helps explain the politics of international authorization for the airstrikes on Iraq (1998), the Iraq War (2003) and the Libyan intervention (2011). The response of other countries to the Clinton Administration's failure to request authorization for airstrikes on Iraq in 1998 demonstrates that expectations regarding whether the U.S. should request authorization had shifted. The subsequent consolidation of the norm helps explain the requests for authorization by the Bush Administration for the Iraq War in 2003 and by the Obama Administration for Libya in 2011. The dissertation increases our understanding of the relationship, and the role of authority, between states and international organizations.
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Stein, Sabrina. "United Nations organization : analysis of reform proposals in the areas of budget, secretariat and security council." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1331.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.<br>Bachelors<br>Sciences<br>Political Science
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Schmidt, Julia Ruth. "European Union as an emerging international military actor and its legal relationship with UN Security Council resolutions." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/7973.
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The thesis results from a research project, combining elements of European law and public international law. The project focuses on the different forms of the use of force by the European Union in the sphere of the Common Security and Defence Policy as an integral part of the EU’s common foreign and security policy. It examines the conditions under which the European Union can engage in military crisis management missions from the perspective of European Union law as well as from the perspective of public international law. The main emphasis of the thesis is put on the former, analysing the EU’s ambitions to become an international security actor from an inside-out perspective. When addressing the vertical dimension of the EU and the use of force in more detail, the thesis analyses the extent to which the Member States are constrained in the conduct of their national foreign and security policy through decisions by the European Union in the sphere of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. With regards to the EU’s legal relationship with the United Nations, the thesis examines whether and if so to what extent the European Union, although not a member of the United Nations, is bound by UN Security Council resolutions in respect of the use of force. Based on the assumption that the EU is bound by UN Security Council resolutions imposing economic sanctions, the thesis uses a comparative method in order to show that the EU as an international organisation is bound by decisions of the UN Security Council in the sense that the EU is obliged to respect the wording and limits of a UN Security Council mandate to use force once it decides to contribute with an EU mission. If the EU decides not to accept a UN Security Council mandate, the thesis argues that the EU is under the obligation not to undermine the success of a UN authorised military intervention, in the spirit of a loyalty obligation. Apart from analyzing the interaction of the EU and the international legal framework, the thesis also uses a speculative approach in order to examine the implications of silence in the context of the use of force.
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Bektas, Mehmet. "Reforming the United Nations Security Council : making it more democratic in the post-Westphalian legal order." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/12102.
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The Security Council has sometimes failed to perform its main duty, which is the maintenance of international peace and security. The Council’s responsibilities in this regard have grown as new international challenges have emerged. These challenges include global environmental issues, refugee flows and mass migration across borders, the rapid spread of infectious diseases, civil war that threatens international peace and security, global terrorism, transnational crime and illegal stocks of nuclear, biological and chemical weapons. The Security Council has thus become the subject of both severe criticism and calls for its structural reform. A variety of reform proposals have been offered by scholars and politicians, almost all of which have focused solely on state-based solutions. The current study considers that reforming the Council through such means would not alter its current state to any significant extent. International law no longer reflects the state-based system of the Westphalian World Order. The international legal order does not involve only nationstates, and state-based systems are not able autonomously to deal with problems such as these in the post-Westphalian era. It is widely acknowledged that there are many non-state actors that could contribute to enhancing the Council’s representativeness, effectiveness and accountability. It is thus concluded that a reform proposal for the Security Council must consider these factors and produce a non-state based solution. It is proposed that the Council must consider granting formal access to Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) that have, as non-state actors, been active in the international legal order, and that have already made significant contributions to the above-mentioned issues.
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Jonsson, Lena. "De fem som styr säkerhetsrådet : En undersökning av de fem permanenta medlemmarnas användning av vetot mellan 1946 och 1990." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-330478.
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The United Nations was founded right after World War Two by the Allied, namely Great Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union. The most important organ within the United Nations was the Security Council and the three founding nations, plus France and China, was given the permanent seats of the Security council. With that permanent seat came the veto. Every permanent member had the right to veto resolutions that they found was not in their country´s best interest. What I want to examine is how the permanent members of the Security Council have used their vetoes from the start at 1946 to 1990. The intention of the veto was that the permanent members could use their veto if they felt that the resolution draft was a threat to their sovereignty. From 1991 to today, a group called Stop Illegitimate Vetoes have examined the veto and found that most of the vetoes that the permanent members use is not because it is a threat to their own nation, but more likely it is one of their allied friends who they are trying to help. I would like to see if that is also true during the years before 1991.
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Mthamo, Khayalandile Lwando. "The responsibility to protect in the context of the NATO intervention in Libya in 2011: a human rights analysis." University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6322.
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Magister Legum - LLM (Public Law and Jurisprudence)<br>The international human rights architecture experienced a shift from states to individual rights
within a state. This is mainly informed by the fact that states committed human rights atrocities
against their own civilians. This necessitated a shift from an emphasis on sovereignty and noninterference
to intervention on grave human rights violations. Article 2 of the UN Charter calls
for respect of sovereignty and discourages the use of armed force against the territorial integrity of any state.1 To reinforce this position, the United Nations (UN) member states adopted the
Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine through the UN World Summit outcome document in
2005. This document effectively gave the international community the right to intervene into the
affairs of a member state if the state is failing to halt human rights abuses within its territory.
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au, D. Mickler@murdoch edu, and David Mickler. "Protecting Civilians or Preserving Interests? Explaining the UN Security Council's Non-intervention in Darfur, Sudan, 2003-06." Murdoch University, 2009. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20091112.122459.
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The UN Security Council is the preeminent multilateral decision-making body and has the legal authority to initiate military interventions if it first determines a threat to international peace and security, including from civil wars or widespread state repression. While traditional norms of non-intervention and the politics of the Cold War curtailed the bodys ability to fulfil this role, evolving understandings and practices of sovereignty and security in the post-Cold War era have led to the apparent emergence of a new norm permitting humanitarian intervention and an in principle acceptance that the body has a responsibility to protect vulnerable civilians residing inside the borders of their own state, including through military means.
In this context, the thesis argues that the situation in Darfur, western Sudan, has represented a quintessential case for the Council to fulfil its responsibility to protect. According to a number of authoritative investigations, since 2003 the Sudanese government and government-allied Arab militias have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity on a widespread and systematic basis against Darfurs non-Arab population. As a result, over 200,000 people died either directly from violence or indirectly from conflict-induced disease and malnutrition, while a further two million fled from their homes and villages in fear. A number of nonmilitary measures were attempted by the Council but failed to create adequate security on the ground.
As such, there was a compelling legal-institutional, normative and moral case for the Council to coercively deploy a military intervention in Sudan to protect vulnerable civilians in Darfur. However, during the 2003-06 period of study, no such intervention was deployed. The thesis argues that intervention by the Council was precluded by the national interests of its permanent members, including a lucrative economic relationship between China and Sudan, and because of valuable Sudanese intelligence cooperation in Western counter-terrorism operations in the region. The thesis concludes that the Councils members chose to preserve these national interests at the expense of protecting civilians in Darfur.
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Sahlberg, Josefine. "Utrikespolitiskt beslutsfattande : En studie om hur en militär intervention kunde godkännas av FN." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-35229.
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This study in political science examines the UN adopted resolution 1970 (2011) and resolution 1973 (2011) on the basis of foreign policy decision-making. The study aims to explain how the UN principle of Responsibility to Protect came to be legitimized for the first time by the UN Security Council in the Libya conflict in 2011. By a poliheuristic perspective the study attempt to explain Russia and China’s acting in the voting of resolution 1970 and resolution 1973. The background to the conflict in Libya 2011 is presented in the study as well as the Security Council’s actions during the conflict, from the beginning of the conflict until the adoption of resolution 1973. The study is based on an argument analysis to crystallize the most important arguments from Russia and China’s statements regarding resolution 1970 and resolution 1973. The results of the research shows that the adoption of resolution 1973 and therefore a military intervention in Libya in 2011 can be explained, from a poliheuristic perspective, primarily by the few political options and decision-making dimensions actors have to choose from when making decisions.
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Bekele, Melhik A. "Counter-terrorism and the suppression of political pluralism : an examination of the anti-terrorism proclamation of Ethiopia." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/16747.
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In the wake of the 11 September 2001 attacks in the United States (U.S.), many states, responding
to United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolutions, began to adopt an increased array of
counter-terrorism measures.The Security Council had not in the beginning pre-empted the risk of
counter-terrorism measures violating counter-terrorism human rights as it failed to immediately refer to states‟ duty
to respect human rights in their responses to terrorism. It was only in 2003, in Resolution 1456,
that the Security Council stated such duty by providing that „states must ensure that any measures
taken to combat terrorism must comply with all their obligations under international law, in
particular international human rights, refugee and humanitarian law".<br>Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010.<br>Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Nii A. Kotey, Faculty of Law, University of Ghana. Ghana. 2010.<br>http://www.chr.up.ac.za/<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>LLM
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Hadano, Takamitsu. "Power transition, peaceful change and the UN Security Council : exploring the role of social structure in international political change." Thesis, Durham University, 2017. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/12756/.
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The present study is an inquiry into power transition and how it relates to international social structure comprised of state practice, norms, international law and international organisations. It examines how the behaviour of rising powers and international political change in the context of power transition are governed and guided by international social structure through exploring the interface between three themes in International Relations scholarship: power transition, the interwar debate on peaceful change and reform of the UN Security Council. Via integration of elements of English School theory and hitherto neglected, but nevertheless valuable insights from the interwar debate on peaceful change, the study sets out the socio-structural conception of power transition—or, to be more accurate, of international political change in the context of power transition—as an institutionally governed process, presents a distinctive way of theorising power transition that radically departs from the materialistic, mechanistic and state-centric conception of power transition prevalent in the existing literature on power transition, and develops a framework for analysing actual cases of power transition from the socio-structural perspective, taking Security Council reform as a case study. The study emphasises the diversity of institutions governing change in international society, highlighting the role of international law and international organisations designed for the maintenance of international peace and security, such as the League of Nations and the UN, in managing international political change in the context of power transition, and showing the role that the Security Council as an agent of international political change plays in entrenching the institution of peaceful change in contemporary international society via exercise of its powers under Chapter VI and potentially Chapter VII of the UN Charter. From this standpoint, the study questions and reframes the existing debate on Security Council reform, specifying key issues to be addressed in future debate thereon.
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Butchard, P. M. "The responsibility to protect when the UN Security Council fails to act : is there room for a tertiary responsibility?" Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2017. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/3016795/.
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In the 2005 World Summit Outcome, the international community accepted the emerging notion of the ‘responsibility to protect’. The world recognised a primary responsibility on States to protect its populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. Additionally, they recognised a ‘secondary’ responsibility on the international community, including the United Nations, to assist and encourage States in their primary responsibility to protect. The emergence of the ‘responsibility to protect’ is a relatively new development in international law - it is at the frontline of the international community’s efforts towards ensuring that States adhere to the principles of international law in response to mass atrocities within their own jurisdiction. It also calls for the wider international community to act in responding to such situations, highlighting legal and legitimate foundations upon which to assist or intervene when a State fails in its primary responsibility. However, if both the State (with a primary responsibility) and the Security Council (with a secondary responsibility) fail to act in response to the said mass atrocities, it may be difficult, if not impossible, for the international community to take appropriate action – especially if the use of military force is required. Therefore, this thesis will look beyond the Security Council for legal alternatives to its inaction. It shall assess popular arguments for alternative routes within the UN, such as through the General Assembly, and also outside of the UN system too, whether unilaterally or through regional organisations. With the fundamental principles of the prohibition of force and non-intervention as the focus of legal analysis, the original purpose of the UN collective security system will be traced from the origins of the Charter so that previously-rejected theories may shed new light on the interpretation of these important legal foundations. By evaluating the legality, and indeed the appropriateness, of options outside of the Security Council, the thesis will provide an opportunity to ask whether such alternatives can, or should, form part of a ‘tertiary’ responsibility to protect. Through its investigation, the thesis determines that there are legal avenues for establishing such a tertiary responsibility to protect, and identifies the relevant actors who have legal competence to implement it.
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Munzhedzi, Talifhani Amos. "To what extent did South Africa pursue the African Agenda in the UN Security Council between 2011 and 2012?" Diss., University of Pretoria, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/65172.
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In the aftermath of the South African election, as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in 2011, the country amongst other things, promised to pursue an African Agenda for Peace and Stability on the continent and in all regions of the world, especially in the Global South. This was coupled with the promise to promote the importance of developing effective partnerships between the United Nations (UN) as well as regional and sub-regional organizations in maintaining international peace and security. These became fundamental foreign policy principles of how South Africa would behave in the Security Council. The UN Charter mandates the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security to the Council. Scholars that have analysed the United Nations often argue that the Council’s decision-making process is driven by the interests of the five permanent members who possess veto power. Thus, it is widely believed that, members that have continuous membership and veto power not only affect the passage of resolutions but also prevent certain issues from entering the agenda through the threat of a veto. While veto-wielding member states can use the veto to bargain their positions, non-permanent members of the Council can have limited influence on the agenda due to the unequal distribution of power. The power-politics argument is widely discussed in the literature of the United Nations; however, limited systematic analytical research has been done to understand how countries other than big powers exercise their influence in the UN Security Council, despite lacking the right to veto power. To contribute to the understanding of the power-politics argument, ways in which emerging countries influence the agenda will be identified. This research report analyses whether and how South Africa delivered on the promise to pursue African interests during its tenure in the UNSC in 2011-2012. This study embarks on content analysis of selected South African interventions and reports regarding African issues in the UNSC.<br>Mini Dissertation (MDIPS)--University of Pretoria, 2018.<br>Political Sciences<br>MDIPS<br>Unrestricted
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Nuder, Sara. "Participation vs Protection : A quantitative content analysis of ‘Women, Peace and Security’ in the Swedish statements in the United Nations Security Council 2017-2018." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-386407.
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This paper takes its point of departure in the skewed attention towards the ‘protection’ of women rather than the ‘participation’ of women when talking about ‘Women, Peace &Security’ (WPS) in the UN Security Council. Given the centrality of Sweden, as the first country in the world with a feminist foreign policy, this thesis fills a gap in the current research as it investigates whether this skewed attention was reflected during Sweden’s time as a non-permanent member in the UNSC 2017-2018 or not. A quantitative content analysis of 318 Swedish statements in the UNSC 2017-2018 conducted in this paper shows an overall result where Sweden mentions women in the context of participation more frequently than protection. This outcome is further explained by three Government Officials active during Sweden’s time in the UNSC, as resulting from the Swedish strategy and the feminist foreign policy. Furthermore, the results of this study indicate a change in how frequently Sweden refers to participation over protection between 2017 and 2018; the strategy of attaching larger focus to participation is significantly clearer the second year. The interviewees explain that this was due to the increased experience in the UNSC and increased credibility for Sweden among the other member states. The current stage of the conflict or peacekeeping operation in question, i.e. in the country of discussion in the UNSC, was also considered as a large part of the strategy, suggesting the nature of the conflict to be of importance for the results and hence relevant to analyze in future research on the attention payed to participation versus protection in the UNSC.
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Dovey, Kathryn. "Keeping the peacekeepers away from the court : the United States of America, the International Criminal Court and UN Security Council Resolution 1422." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=80916.
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Diplomatic stalemate at the seat of the UN Security Council is by no means a recent problem. Nevertheless, it may be argued that 'American unilateralism' reached its apex in July 2002, when the United States stood its ground and demanded immunity from prosecution before the International Criminal Court ("ICC") for US peacekeepers. This request was accompanied by the heavy-handed and deadly serious threat to veto the renewal of the UN peacekeeping mission in Bosnia, a threat which was realised over the course of the debates. This political brinkmanship, which pitted the United States against friends and foes alike, finally ceased when the US agreed to accept a Security Council Resolution offering a twelve-month deferral of prosecution for peacekeepers before the ICC. It is the legality of this Resolution which is the focus of this thesis. This thesis will expose the Resolution to the limits of international law and question the legitimacy of the tactics employed by the US. It will argue that in order to appease the recalcitrant superpower, the Security Council passed a Resolution contrary to both the Rome Statute of the ICC and the UN Charter. With the ICC still in its embryonic stage, this thesis will suggest the responses available to the Court when faced with a Resolution of such dubious legality which affects its jurisdiction to try the most heinous crimes known to humanity.
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Smith, Timothy. "Trust and Money or Value Transfers: A study of the implications of global value conflict generated by UN Security Council Resolution 1373." Thesis, Smith, Timothy (2021) Trust and Money or Value Transfers: A study of the implications of global value conflict generated by UN Security Council Resolution 1373. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2021. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/65773/.
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Trust is a fundamental aspect of any given functional society. However, since late September 2001, the UN approach to global financial governance appears to have been driven by distrust of other less formalized money or value transfer (MVT) systems. At the core of this ‘Global Regulatory Effort’ (GRE) is UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1373, which mandated that states legislate to regulate all informal MVT systems. In particular, the MVT system known as ‘hawala’ was implicated by US authorities in the funding of the acts of terrorism committed on September 11 in 2001.
Although the focus of this multilateral effort was predominantly on the Islamic hawala system, the regime targeted any MVT system not linked to an established commercial banking operation. In this way UNSCR 1373 put a line in the sand between trustworthy and untrustworthy financial service providers. The necessity of this unprecedented step was ostensibly in order to prevent any future global acts of terrorism and maintain international peace and security. However, the regime’s approach implicitly legitimized formal Westernstyle financial systems while delegitimising all others. This study contends that a significant implication of this securitized approach to global financial governance was the creation of a Global Trust Conflict (GTC).
The Global Financial Crisis of 2007/2008 and the adoption of Bitcoin as legal tender by El Salvador emphasize the significance of this Conflict. Moreover, the emergence of blockchain technology, Decentralized Finance (DeFi), and Distributed Ledger Technology (DLT) represents a new and challenging front in which the implications of the Conflict may be significant. Particularly in terms of the prevailing nature of trust provision services throughout the global economy. As a result, new possibilities for the shape of global order have arisen as state and private interests compete to influence the future of remittances. This research argues that the UNSCR 1373 mandate is anti-competition and served to institutionalize distrust of non-bank MVT systems. This includes traditionally informal remittances and emergent decentralized value transfer systems built on blockchain technology. This thesis concludes that a Global Trust Conflict exists, which constitutes the most significant barrier to regulatory efficacy and compliance aimed at MVT systems.
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Schweigman, David. "The authority of the Security Council under chapter VII of the UN Charter : legal limits and the role of the International court of justice /." The Hague : Kluwer law international, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38914501x.
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Schuringa, Charlotte. "Turkey and its call for a safe area in Syria." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-296969.
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Abrahamsson, Zarah. "Mind the gap! : The decision making gap between the Security Council and the Troop Contributing Countries; when "all necessary means" is not enough." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6601.
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This two part thesis investigates the lack of definition of the wording “all necessary means” and how it ultimately impacts a decision making gap between the Security Council and the troop contributing countries regarding the use of force in UN peace operations. The assumptions are based on Reus-Smit’s constructivist theory, emphasizing that both politics and international law needs to be studied with a holistic approach in order to understand how the two realms shape each other. The assumption of this thesis is that “all necessary means” is not providing enough guidance to constrain the TCCs to behave as sovereign, equal actors in an anarchical structure. The second part of the thesis is a within-case-study of MONUC/MONUSCO, and the Security Council resolution 2098 that established the Force Intervention Brigade.
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Sjöberg, Skoglund Johanna. "Regionala organisationer som säkerhetsaktörer : En studie av regionala organisationer som verktyg för säkerhet och förstärkare av legitimitet och inkludering." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6993.
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The regional security aspect is becoming increasingly more important within security studies. The United Nations and the United Nations Security Council has expressed an intent to utilize regional organizations as security actors with regards to maintaining international peace and security, with the purpose of achieving a greater sense of legitimacy for conflict resolution. This study aims to explore the possibilities of using such organizations within regions of varying stability, and how this usage can relate to the idea of legitimacy. Based on regional security complex theory, this study seeks to show how regional organizations have been used by the Security Council within different security sectors, and how this usage is affected by the degree of integration within the region. The result of the study show that the idea of legitimacy is easiest to achieve in regions with a mid-level degree of regional integration and concerning questions of political security. The results also show a tendency within the Security Council to use organizations from other regions with higher levels of integration in regions with lower levels of integration, and raises the question if this way of using regional organizations may risk harming the ultimate goal of legitimacy.
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Pejchal, Vladislav. "Úloha OSN při řešení syrského problému." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197887.
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This thesis deals with the Syrian conflict. The Syrian conflict has continued for over three years (April 2014) and still constitutes a topical and developing affair. It represents a pressing and unresolved national and international issue. There is a vast amount of groups with different ideas involved in this conflict. During the conflict, conventional, as well as chemical weapons were used. The consequences of the fighting are mostly faced by local inhabitants who have been severely suffering due to the harsh living and humanitarian conditions. The aim of this thesis is to depict the problems of the Syrian conflict, evaluate the role the UN has had up to the present, and answer the question whether the UN has totally failed in solving the Syrian conflict, or not.
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Janečka, Martin. "Role OSN v irácké krizi v období 2002 - 2007." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-114231.
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The thesis primarily aims to describe main events and a role of the United Nations in Iraq in 2002-2005. However, since broader knowledge in needed, the thesis also deals with historical events in Iraq and in the UN Security Council. Equally, it seeks to explain in a concise manner the specificities in Iraq that played or play an essential role. In the period after the American invasion in 2003 the thesis confront US expectations and plans with the reality on Iraqi soil and UN standpoints. In fact, the link through the whole thesis is the depiction of the relationship between the US and the Security Council and after the invasion also with UN Assistance mission in Iraq (UNAMI). Given the limited extent the thesis is concluded by the elections to the permanent Iraqi parliament in December 2005.
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Farhan, Abdi Gurhan. "Examining the impact of Security Council Resolution 2036 (2012) on Somalia’s Peace and State-building Efforts : A study on repercussions of neighbouring country’s participation in UN-mandated peacekeeping mission." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-42949.
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There is an incredible plethora of research studies on Peace Operations, Peacebuilding, and Statebuilding Studies; however, the literature on the deployment of neighbouring forces in peacekeeping operations has not been as broad as in-depth as other studies. This thesis aims to contribute to intervention theories, especially when the neighbouring countries play a specific part. Thus, the thesis aims at closing specific theoretical and empirical gaps. In so doing, this thesis looks momentarily at the roles played by the colonial past's effects at the birth of the Somali state. However, the thesis compounds' main theoretical focus on examining the concept of peace and conflict theories and empirically analysing regional interventions, particularly Kenya's intervention into Somalia militarily and the UN adaptation of resolution 2036(2012) and its impact on Somalia’s peacebuilding and statebuilding efforts.
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Berquó, André Taddei Alves Pereira Pinto. "A reforma do conselho de segurança da ONU e as pretensões do Brasil." Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2011. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/4351.
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Previous issue date: 2011-03-23<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>This work has by object to examine the thematic of the Security Council s reform and the
pretensions of Brazil, to contribute in a comprehension of a subject so interesting, relevant
and urgent to the International Society and the United Nations. The Organ in question is
responsible for the monitoring of international peace and security, being the principal organ of
the United Nations, monopolizing the capacity of adopting coercive measures of the
Organization, which are the sanctions and the use of the Force, to any Estate-Member that
disrespects the principles and purposes of the UN s Charter. However, this Organ, very
important for that the UN can manage and stabilize the International Society, needs reforms in
its structure, that preserves an obsolete composition of fifteen members, being five
permanents with right of veto, beyond the regulamentation and the amplification of its
attributions, so that the UN can develop conjoined with its members each purpose and
principle included in its Constituent Treaty. The UN s Security Council reform is also a
subject very defended by Brazil, although it doesn t have a foreign policy well defined
allowing to have a major international force than it actually has and that prejudices the
country in its pretensions, which aren t very well defined too. It is the State-member of UN
that for ten times occupied the elective seats of the organ, beside of Japan, that is the one that
more occupied the function of elective member of Security Council. Its activism during its
biennials always was for promoting the pacific ways of controversies instead of taking more
rigid measures, which are the sanctions and the authorized force of the Security Council to
prevail its purposes, pleading a seat as permanent member and the amplification of the
number of permanent and elective members to equilibrate the forces inside the organ. The
research will be developed in three parts: to explore the generality of the International Society
and of the United Nations to insert the UN s Security Council; to develop and to discuss the
UN s Security Council reform; and to debate the interests that the Brazil has about this Organ.<br>Este trabalho tem por objeto examinar a temática da reforma do Conselho de Segurança e as
pretensões do Brasil, para contribuir na compreensão de um assunto tão interessante,
relevante e urgente à Sociedade Internacional e as Nações Unidas. O órgão em questão é
responsável pelo monitoramento da paz e da segurança internacionais, sendo o principal órgão
das Nações Unidas, monopolizando a capacidade de adotar medidas coercitivas da
Organização, que são as sanções e o uso da Força, a qualquer Estado-membro que desrespeite
os princípios e propósitos da Carta da ONU. Contudo, este Órgão, importantíssimo para que a
ONU possa gerenciar e estabilizar a Sociedade Internacional, necessita de reformas em sua
estrutura, que preserva uma composição obsoleta de quinze membros, sendo cinco
permanentes com direito de veto, além da regulamentação e da ampliação de suas atribuições,
a fim de que a ONU possa desenvolver conjuntamente com os seus membros cada propósito e
princípio contido em seu Tratado-constitutivo. A reforma do Conselho de Segurança das
Nações Unidas também é um assunto muito defendido pelo Brasil, embora este não tenha uma
política externa bem definida que permita ter uma força internacional maior do que tem
atualmente e que prejudica o país em suas pretensões, que também não são bem definidas. O
Brasil é o Estado-membro da ONU que por dez vezes ocupou os assentos eletivos do Órgão,
ao lado do Japão, o que mais ocupou a função de membro eletivo do Conselho de Segurança.
O seu ativismo durante os seus biênios sempre foi de promover os meios pacíficos de
controvérsias ao invés das medidas mais rígidas, que são as sanções e a Força autorizada pelo
Conselho de Segurança para prevalecer os seus propósitos, pleiteando uma vaga como
membro permanente e a ampliação do número de membros permanentes e eletivos para
equilibrar as forças dentro do Órgão. A pesquisa será desenvolvida em três partes: explorar a
generalidade da Sociedade Internacional e das Nações Unidas para inserir o Conselho de
Segurança da ONU; desenvolver e discutir a reforma do Conselho de Segurança da ONU; e
debater os interesses que o Brasil tem a respeito do Órgão.
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Van, Tonder Delarey. "Peacebuilding in Mozambique with special reference to the UN policy on landmine removal." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51870.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The end of the Cold War had a profound impact on the qualitative and quantitative nature of the
UN's peace and security agenda, representing a shift from traditional peacekeeping to a broader,
more ambitious and intrusive notion of peacekeeping. This evolution was marked by an expanded
UN engagement in a broad range of intra-state conflicts and characterised by UN undertakings
towards aspects of national political and socio-economic reconstruction including the evolution
of humanitarian action.
Responding to the expanded United Nations agenda for international peace and security and at
the request of the UN Security Council (UNSC) Boutros Boutros-Ghali prepared the conceptual
foundations of the UN's role in global peace and security in his seminal report, An Agenda for
Peace (July, 1992). The Secretary General outlined five inter-connected roles that he projected
the UN would play in the fast changing context of post-Cold War international politics, namely:
preventive diplomacy, peace enforcement, peacemaking, peacekeeping and post-conflict peacebuilding.
The UNSG described the newly defined concept of post-conflict peacebuilding as action organised
"(to) foster economic and social co-operation with the purpose of developing the social,
political and economic infrastructure to prevent future violence, and laying the foundations for a
durable peace."
With specific reference to landmines in An Agenda for Peace the UNSG stressed that peacebuilding
following civil war and internal strife must address the serious problem of landmines, which
remained scattered in present or former combat zones. The UNSG underscored that mine action
(demining) should be emphasised in terms of reference of peacekeeping operations which is
crucially important in the restoration of activity when peacebuilding is under way.
The United Nations involvement in the Mozambican peace process (1992-1995) has been interpreted
as the culmination of a major success story in wider peacekeeping in Africa under UN auspices
- a category of peace operation, which included peacemaking, peacekeeping, humanitarian
assistance, peacebuilding and electoral assistance. Mozambique's peace process has subsequently
been cited as a model UN peacekeeping operation which could be adapted to post-conflict situation
elsewhere.
Within the context of landmines as a threat to post-conflict peacebuilding as articulated by the
UNSG in An Agenda for Peace, the study focuses on how the United Nations implemented mine
action initiatives in operationalising the concept of peacebuilding in Mozambique. In this context,
the study reviews the UN operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) and its capacity, responsiveness
and vision in implementing mine action initiatives, both in terms of the operational requirements
of the ONUMOZ peacekeeping mission and the development oflonger-term humanitarian mine
action programmes in Mozambique. To this end, the study views the establishment of a sustainable
indigenous mine action capacity as a sine que non for post -conflict peacebuilding.
From this perspective, the study interprets the 1999 Mine Ban Treaty Prohibiting the Use, Stockpile,
Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on their Destruction and the rights
and obligations of Mozambique as a State Party to the Treaty as the most appropriate instrument
towards the creation of an indigenous Mozambican mine action capacity to address the long-term
effects oflandmines on post-conflict peacebuilding.
In terms of methodology the approach was historical-analytical and in essence a deductive
method of research was followed.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die einde van die Koue Oorlog het diepgaande verandering teweeggebring ten opsigte van die
Verenigde Nasies se vredes en sekuriteits regime ter handhawing van internasionale vrede en
sekuriteit. Hierdie periode is gekenmerk deur 'n skerp toename in intra-staatlike konflikte en
gevolglik in die kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe aard en omvang van Verenigde Nasies vredesoperasies
in terme van die VN Handves.
Ten einde die verantwoordelikhede van die Verenigde Nasies met betrekking tot die handhawing
van vrede en sekuriteit in die snel - veranderende konteks van die post - Koue Oorlog periode
aan te spreek, het die Sekretaris - Generaal van die Verenigde Nasies, Boutros Boutros - Gali,
in opdrag van die Veiligheidsraad die konseptuele fundering van die VN se rol verwoord in sy
pioniersverslag - Agenda vir Vrede (1992).
In sy verslag van Julie 1992 identifiseer en omskryf die Sekretaris-Generaal vyf verbandhoudende
konsepte wat sou dien as meganismes ter beslegting van internasionale konflik, naamlik
voorkomende diplomasie (preventive diplomacy), vredesingryping (peace enforcement),
maak van vrede (peacemaking), vredesoperasies (peacekeeping) en post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie
(post-conflict peacebuilding).
Die Sekretaris-Generaal het post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie omskryf as die "vestiging van
sosio-ekonomiese samewerking met die oogmerk om die sosiale, politieke en ekonomiese infrastruktuur
te ontwikkel ten einde hernude konflik te voorkom en ter grondlegging van langdurige
vrede".
Met spesifieke verwysing na die korrelasie tussen landmyne en post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie
het die Sekretaris-Generaal benadruk dat landmyne 'n bedreiging inhou vir die konsolidasie van
vrede na burgeroorlog en interne konflik, en veral binne die raamwerk van 'n VN vredesoperasie
in terme van 'n VN Veiligheidsraad mandaat.
Die VN se vredesrol in Mosambiek word allerweë beskou as een van die mees suksesvolle
VN vredesoperasies ooit. Die doel van die studie is gevolglik om ondersoek in te stel na die
toepassing van die konsep van post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie met spesifieke verwysing na
die Mosambiekse vredesproses en die rol van die Verenigde Nasies se Operasie in Mosambiek
(ONUMOZ). In die opsig fokus die studie spesifiek op die rol van ONUMOZ (1992-1995) en
suksesse en tekortkomings in sy vredesmandaat ten opsigte van die implementering van aksies
om die kort-en-langtermyn impak van landmyne in terme van post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie
in Mosambiek aan te spreek.
Vanuit hierdie konteks, vertolk die studie die Landmyn Verdrag (1999) en die totale verbod op
die aanwending, opgaar, produksie en oordrag van landmyne en die vernietiging daarvan as die
mees geskikte raamwerk waarbinne Mosambiek 'n inheemse vermoë tot stand kan bring ten
einde die langtermyn impak van landmyne op post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie effektief aan te
spreek.
Vanuit 'n metodologiese oogpunt word in hierdie studie histories analities te werk gegaan en
die benadering is beskrywend - verklarend van aard. Verder is die metode van ondersoek in
wese deduktief van aard.
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Araújo, Wemblley Lucena de. "O Brasil no conselho de segurança da ONU: a posição brasileira sobre as operações de paz no Haiti e Timor Leste." Universidade Estadual da Paraíba, 2014. http://tede.bc.uepb.edu.br/tede/jspui/handle/tede/2128.
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Previous issue date: 2014-07-18<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>The present dissertation aims to analyze the position of Brazil in the Security Council (SC) of the United Nations (UN) about the peace operations in Haiti and East Timor. Since its first performances until the latest mandates in United Nations Security Council (UNSC), the Brazil intends to integrate this body of definite form and from that status, raising its prestige and influence in the international arena. The Brazilian claims due to a permanent seat on the UNSC defend security at the regional level (Haiti - Latin America and the Caribbean) and the strengthening of procedures for cooperation with the countries of the region (Haiti) and the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries - CPLP (East Timor) are characterized as axes that reinvigorate the importance of Brazil's role within the UNSC. Thus, Haiti and East Timor are emblematic cases of engagement of Brazilian foreign policy in troubled conflict scenarios and systematically discussed in the UNSC. Thus, based on the use of a descriptive, analytical and qualitative methodology, the central objective of this dissertation is to analyze the Brazilian position in the UNSC about the discussions on peace operations in Haiti and East Timor, and from that position, discuss the main paradigmatic elements that contribute to the understanding of Brazilian foreign policy.<br>A presente dissertação tem como propósito analisar a posição do Brasil no Conselho de Segurança (CS) da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) sobre as operações de paz no Haiti e no Timor Leste. Desde suas primeiras atuações no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas (CSNU) aos mandatos mais recentes, o Brasil intenciona integrar de forma definitiva nesse organismo e a partir desse status, elevar o seu prestígio e a sua influência no cenário internacional. As pretensões brasileiras em função de um assento permanente no CSNU, na defesa da segurança no âmbito regional (Haiti América Latina e Caribe) e no fortalecimento dos processos de cooperação com os países da região (Haiti) e da Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa CPLP (Timor Leste) se configuram como eixos que revigoram a importância da atuação do Brasil no âmbito do CSNU. Desse modo, o Haiti e o Timor Leste constituem casos emblemáticos do engajamento da política externa brasileira em cenários conturbados por conflitos e sistematicamente discutidos no âmbito do CSNU. Dessa forma, baseando-se na utilização de uma metodologia descritiva, analítica e qualitativa, o objetivo central dessa dissertação consiste em analisar o posicionamento brasileiro no CSNU diante das discussões sobre as operações de paz no Haiti e no Timor Leste, e a partir desse posicionamento, discutir os principais elementos paradigmáticos que contribuem para o entendimento da política externa brasileira.
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Engelbrechtová, Nicole. "Současné vnitřní proměny Číny a vliv na mezinárodní vztahy v 21. století." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-201955.
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The thesis deals with China's Internal Challenges and the Impact on International Relations in the 21st century. First it analyses the transformation of the middle class, urbanisation and the one-child policy. After that the thesis deals with the economic boom of China, its present position in the world economy and its domestic and foreign investments. Attention is also focused on the increasing assertiveness of China in foreign affairs, particularly with regard to its voting in the UN Security Council. Finally, the thesis analyses the problems of disputed island and interior territories that China claims.