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1
Raba-Schulze, Aleksandra. "UN Security Council Resolution 1325 as a key moment to integrate a gender perspective into the NATO agenda." Reality of Politics 26, no. 4 (2023): 100–111. https://doi.org/10.15804/rop2023408.
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Adopted in 2000, the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 marked a key moment in the integration of a gender perspective into the agenda of international institutions in the security field. The resolution emphasized the importance of the gender perspective in the context of armed conflict, the protection of women’s rights and peacebuilding. An organisation that plays a key role in achieving these goals is the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The article analyses the actions and initiatives undertaken by NATO to implement the UN Women, Peace and Security Agenda.
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Gray, Christine. "A Crisis of Legitimacy for the UN Collective Security System?" International and Comparative Law Quarterly 56, no. 1 (2007): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei154.
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The role of the UN and the legitimacy of its collective security system have been seriously challenged in recent years. First, because of the Security Council.s failure to act in cases of genocide or other humanitarian disaster. There has been much criticism of the limited and delayed response of the Security Council to events in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Rwanda, somewhat unfairly in so far as it was the lack of political will on the part of the Member States rather than any institutional failure that was responsible for the failure to act. Secondly, the UN's central role in collective security has been undermined by unilateral use of force by States. After the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 the UN was sidelined with regard to the forcible response against Afghanistan: in Operation Enduring Freedom the USA preferred not to act through the UN or even through NATO. Subsequently, the US National Security Strategy (September 2002) famously made no mention of the UN as a means of addressing perceived new threats from global terrorists. Most seriously, the US Operation Iraqi Freedom in 2003 was undertaken unilaterally, that is, without express Security Council authorization.1 This was often portrayed as a crisis of legitimacy for the UN as much as for the USA and the States which participated in the invasion. As the Deputy Secretary-General put it recently:
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Dekker, Ige F., and Eric P. J. Myjer. "Air Strikes on Bosnian Positions: Is NATO Also Legally the Proper Instrument of the UN?" Leiden Journal of International Law 9, no. 2 (1996): 411–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156596000271.
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For weeks, the air strikes that NATO executed in defence of the ‘safe area’ of Sarajevo were ‘hot news’. The fact that NATO would, eventually, execute these strikes had seemed inevitable for some time. The well-informed observer had sufficient indications to this effect via television and the newspapers. However, the media, and all of the debates in national parliaments, have never, or have scarcely, addressed the legal basis for these strikes. At first sight, this appeared to be a relatively simple question, since NATO repeatedly stressed that it was acting on a mandate from the UN Security Council. At a second glance, however, the legal basis of the NATO actions gives rise to a number of questions for which the answers are less easy to ascertain.
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Cremer, Ulrich. "Nach dem 11. September." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 32, no. 127 (2002): 183–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v32i127.701.
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After September 11 the military factor has increased, in NATO countries additional funds are allocated to arming. Unfortunately UN lose ground, as neither US nor NATO accept the UN monopoly on the use of force any more. NATO war against Yugoslavia in 1999 - not based on UN security council mandate - was not an exception. September 11 has catalyst function for political and military development already under way since 1991 when NATO updated Strategie Concept in Rome, decided for out-of.area missions and already saw the risk of terrorist acts. New NATO means an aggressive military network of meanwhile 46 nations in Europe including Russia. The war against terrorism smoothes the way for global „North Alliance" menacing the South. In future, the cooperation NATO-Russia will intensify. Within NATO the predominance of US over Western Europe is increasing. US leadership is not challenged in the next years as the EU plans for autonomous intervention forces still lade military key capabilities. As NATO provides for interoperability between NATO members and NATO Partnership for Peace countries as well it will maintain its important function for US. Thus, they will not give up NATO.
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Simic, Jasminka. "Challenges facing NATO in the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 61, no. 4 (2009): 387–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0904387s.
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During the entire post Cold-War era numerous security challenges were pushing NATO in search of a new mission. Although redefined several times in the past, NATO's mission is still not steady and in its final shape. NATO's framework is not final yet for several reasons: lack of internal balance; NATO is moving towards rather 'loose' formula of Trans-Atlantic relations, through a 'Coalition of the Willing', in which countries accept the level and scope of military engagement in war missions (Afghanistan and Iraq) according to their own interests. This certainly has influenced the character of NATO mission in the 21st Century. Therefore, NATO countries do not speak with 'one voice' and they do not equally participate in military missions. Instead, specific countries are engaged in specific issues, in compliance with UN Security Council resolutions. NATO deepening and widening process is continuing in the 21st Century. .
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Vitkauskaitė-Meurice, Dalia. "The UN-NATO Cooperation in Implementing the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1540." Jurisprudence 21, no. 2 (2014): 335–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.13165/jur-14-21-2-01.
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Луценко, С. И. "Безальтернативность института ООН в разрешении мировых конфликтов". СОВРЕМЕННОЕ ПРАВО, № 10 (26 жовтня 2019): 109–16. https://doi.org/10.25799/ni.2019.78.12.033.
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Автор рассматривает роль и особенности статуса Организации Объединенных Наций в современных реалиях. Резолюции Совета Безопасности ООН имеют фундаментальное значение для миссии ООН по обеспечению мира и безопасности. Недопустимо, чтобы некоторые международные организации (прежде всего НАТО) подменяли собой институт ООН (самостоятельно делегировали себе ряд полномочий ООН, подрывая существующую систему международной безопасности). The author considers the role and features of the status of the United Nations in modern realities. UN Security Council resolutions are fundamental to the UN mission for peace and security. It is unacceptable for some international organizations (primarily NATO) to replace the UN institution (they independently delegated a number of UN powers to themselves, undermining the existing system of international security).
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Dharmapuri, Sahana. "Implementing UN Security Council Resolution 1325: Putting the Responsibility to Protect into Practice." Global Responsibility to Protect 4, no. 2 (2012): 241–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598412x639728.
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Although the principle of the Responsibility to Protect has a number of supporters, there is still little agreement on institutional procedures to execute Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) systematically. This is due to a lack of consensus on how exactly to operationalize specific RtoP practices with regard to genocide, crimes against humanity, ethnic cleansing, and war crimes. The acceptance of this line of thinking is peculiar in its ignorance of the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (UN 1325) on Women, Peace and Security, by militaries, both national and multinational, over the last five to ten years. Misunderstanding, underutilization, and neglect of the UN 1325 mandate within the RtoP community has caused many important developments in the field to be overlooked. This article attempts to begin filling that gap. It presents an overview of what UN 1325 is about and compares UN 1325 to the Responsibility to Protect agenda. It also examines how implementing UN 1325 in UN and NATO peace and security operations is pushing the RtoP agenda forward in practical, not theoretical, terms in three key areas of military peace and security operations – the transformation of doctrine, command structure, and capabilities.
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Ulfstein, Geir, and Hege Føsund Christiansen. "THE LEGALITY OF THE NATO BOMBING IN LIBYA." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 62, no. 1 (2013): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589312000565.
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AbstractOn 17 March 2011 the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1973 authorizing member states to take forceful measures to protect Libyan civilians. Clearly NATO actions to protect civilians were within the mandate. But the authors claim that operations aiming at overthrowing the Qaddafi regime were illegal use of force. The overstepping of the mandate may have a negative effect on the credibility of the responsibility to protect in future gross human rights violations.
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Höhne, Roland. "Kontinuität und Wandel der deutsch-italienischen Beziehungen seit 1990." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 32, no. 4 (2000): 577–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.2000.5621.
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The end of the Cold War and the German Reunification changed the conditions of the German-Italian relations, but not the policies concerning Europe and the Security of both states. Cooperation on European (EU) and transatlantic (NATO) levels continued. Italy and Germany favoured the creation of European Intervention Forces within NATO and the widening and deepening of the European Union. There have been differences about the conditions of the enlargement of the European Union in Nice. Divergent opinions are still existing concerning common policies in the Mediterranean Area as well as reforms of the UN Security Council. In both cases the issue is not only the maintenance of international status but also to implement interest policies.
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Blokker, Niels, and Sam Muller. "NATO as the UN Security Council's Instrument: Question Marks From the Perspective of International Law?" Leiden Journal of International Law 9, no. 2 (1996): 417–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156596000283.
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In the previous contribution, Dekker and Myjer maintain that, from the viewpoint of international law, there are at least two problematic issues with regard to NATO's actions in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The first issue concerns the way in which the Security Council has, in a legal sense, shaped its authority over NATO's actions. The second issue is the question of whether NATO is entitled, under its own constitution, to execute such actions. The contribution of Dekker and Myjer was prompted by NATO's air strikes in defence of Sarajevo, which took place in August and September 1995. Their criticism also applies to the current actions that NATO is undertaking in the implementation of the Dayton Agreement, as they later elaborated in the periodical Transaktie. First and foremost, it must be noted that Dekker and Myjer deserve full credit for pointing out these legal aspects of these recent NATO actions. That being said, their two main points of criticism are debatable and, in our opinion, paint a less than consistent picture of the possibilities that the UN and NATO have to offer, in particular the possibilities that may or may not be provided by those organizations' constitutions to flexibly respond to the demands posed at the present time, as well as the room to manoeuvre that is available under the changed international balance of power.
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Komp, Lisa-Marie. "How the Responsibility to Protect Influences the Security Council’s Powers, Limits and Dynamic." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 4, no. 2 (2013): 315–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-00402005.
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In 2005, the Responsibility to Protect was adopted in the World Summit Outcome with the aim to enable an efficient response to humanitarian crises by making the Security Council “work better”. The swift reaction to the events in Libya sparked the hope that the new concept enabled the Security Council to function this smoothly in the future. The debates within the Council in relation to the NATO intervention demonstrate that the Responsibility to Protect was able to contribute to this success in certain, limited ways. At the same time, these debates were herald to the problems experienced in relation to the events in Syria. Through an analyses of the debates concerning Libya within the Council, debates in other UN bodies related to the new concept, State practice, and relevant documents, this article will outline the potential of the Responsibility to Protect to make the Council “work better”, as well as its limitations.
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Milano, Enrico. "The Security Council and Territorial Sovereignty: The Case of Kosovo." International Community Law Review 12, no. 2 (2010): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187197310x498589.
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AbstractMore than ten years since NATO intervened militarily to stop the violence and to create the conditions for a new regime of international administration, Kosovo remains at the top on the agenda of international actors and institutions. The present contribution examines the nature and scope of the Security Council’s action (and inaction) with regard to the political crisis and ensuing conflict emerged in Kosovo starting from the late 1990s and how that practice has shaped notions of territorial sovereignty. It analyses the different forms of international intervention in the four phases of the Kosovo controversy (from the 1998‐1999 crisis to the current situation post declaration of independence, passing through the UN administration of the territory and the negotiations on future status), the extent to which international law played a role in dictating outcomes and results and the ways in which the notion of territorial sovereignty was reinterpreted by the Council. The main conclusion reached is that, while some of the measures adopted throughout the years have introduced important novelties in the contemporary conception of territorial sovereignty, that has been the result of harsh bargaining between different states and groups of states in which the Council has only provided for the diplomatic setting, rather than the end products of the Council’s own policy and strategies. Moreover, as the current discussions over the mandate and legal basis of EULEX show, the interpretation of those measures and instruments has been remarkably at variance among the different actors, surfacing diplomatic conflicts and ‘agreements to disagree’ that have been frozen, in some cases for years, under neutral UN procedures and operational strategies.
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ANTONOPOULOS, CONSTANTINE. "Some Thoughts on the NATO Position in Relation to the Iraqi Crisis." Leiden Journal of International Law 17, no. 1 (2004): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156504001669.
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NATO is a collective self-defence regional organization that was established at the time of the Cold War, and the end of East–West confrontation gave rise to the debate about its future role. In the 1999 Washington summit a new strategic concept was promulgated, according to which NATO was to act as a collective security organization as well. The community of interest previously represented by the Eastern bloc has not been unequivocally replaced by a new one. Hence there is room for national interest to play greater role in the decision-making by the alliance. This decision-making is based on consensus, which is incompatible with assertions of strictly national policy. The institutional crisis within NATO in early 2003 was largely due to the transfer to within NATO of the disagreement among its member states in the UN Security Council over dealing with Iraq's alleged weapons of mass destruction. The crisis was ultimately resolved, but it exposed the serious limitations of the NATO decision-making process. While claims about the likelihood of NATO's survival seem premature, the recent institutional crisis may be a legitimate ground for considering institutional reform.
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Voitsikhovkyi, A. V., and O. S. Bakumov. "Armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine as a threat to the collective security system." Law and Safety 88, no. 1 (2023): 134–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/pb.2023.1.12.
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The Russian Federation’s unprovoked and unjustified war against Ukraine has changed the entire security environment, which will have long-term threatening consequences for the entire collective security system. The issue of forming an effective system of collective security is relevant not only for the international community, which is explained by its absolute importance in maintaining international law and order, but also for Ukraine in order to restore its state sovereignty and territorial integrity in countering Russian armed aggression. The purpose of the article is to clarify the essence of the collective security system, to analyze the activities of the most influential international security organizations (UN, NATO and OSCE) since the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian war and to assess their ability to end this war, to formulate problematic issues regarding the functioning of the existing collective security system, and to argue for the need to build a new collective security system with a definition of Ukraine's role and place in it.
 The conclusion of the study is that the modern system of collective security should be understood as a state of international relations that excludes violation of the general peace, threats to the security of states and peoples, and counteraction to acts of aggression, implemented by joint efforts of participating states at the global or regional levels.
 The collective security system is usually implemented through the activities of the UN, NATO and the OSCE in maintaining international law and order. However, in the context of numerous conflicts, including the Russian-Ukrainian war, there are more and more complaints about the activities of the UN, in particular the UN Security Council as the main body responsible for maintaining international peace and security. At the same time, the role of the UN should not be minimized, as the documents adopted by it are important for improving the collective security system and the international mechanism for bringing the aggressor state to justice. Despite the significant resistance of the Russian Federation, the UN, NATO and the OSCE strongly condemn Russia’s aggressive war against Ukraine and continue to provide our country with comprehensive support.
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Salihu, MA Arben. "NATO Intervention in Kosovo in light of Security Council Actions and International Law." ILIRIA International Review 3, no. 2 (2013): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v3i2.130.
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The horrors of World War Two made it universally clear that the world cannot progress without general respect for human rights. Still, the need for humanitarian intervention arose several times before 1999, but international political and military organisations including the UN, were either late or hesitant to prevent genocides or other related human catastrophes worldwide. The NATO intervention in Kosovo, however, marked the beginning of the new era in international relations. The facet of this intervention in view of legality is the topic of this paper. The aim of this study, above all, is to analyze the Security Council actions, debates and resolutions concerning situation in Kosovo, and the level of impact that the military operation had in international law (in particular) and international relations (in general). The study uses many authentic documents issued by the United Nations Security Council itself and other material related to the theme in order to develop an argument on the points raised. Throughout, this research paper has attempted to answer numerous issues related to the topic and offer a balanced view on the all the themes examined. Several but distinct points raised focus on relevant core subjects, discuss the challenges and opportunities of the humanitarian intervention and offer recommendations regarding the future of such operation for the well being of the humanity.
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Kriz, Zdenek. "On some aspects of the UN Security Council Mandate Application during the NATO Operation Unified Protector." Obrana a strategie (Defence & Strategy) 12, no. 2 (2012): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/1802-7199.12.2012.02.017-026.
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Nikitin, Alexander I. "The Evolution of Peacekeeping Operations : Interview with Professor Alexander I. Nikitin." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 4 (2020): 738–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-4-738-746.
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Professor Dr. Alexander I. Nikitin is a leading Russian IR scholar, an expert on problems of international security, international conflicts, peacekeeping operations, activities of international organizations. Professor of the Political Sciences Department at MGIMO University, Director of the MGIMO Center for Euro-Atlantic Security of the Institute for International Studies, Director of the Center for Political and International Studies, Professor of the State Management Department of the Lomonosov Moscow State University, Professor of the Public Policy Department of the Research University - Higher School of Economics, President Emeritus of the Russian Political Science Association (RPSA) and Chairman of the RPSA International Cooperation Council. Subject area: International Security, Peacekeeping, Conflict Resolution, International Relations, NATO Policy and Russia - NATO Relations, International Organizations (UN, OSCE, NATO, CSTO, SCO), Nuclear Policy and Non-Proliferation, Regulation of Private Military and Security Companies, Civil-Military Relations. Born in 1958, graduated from the Department of Philosophy of Moscow State University in 1979. PhD (International Relations) in 1983 and 2000. Research work for 10 years (1979-1989) in the USA and Canada Studies Institute (Senior Research Fellow, Head of Section). From 1989 to the present day Dr. Nikitin has been teaching in the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (from 1996 to the present day - Professor of the Department of Political Sciences). From 2004 to the present day - Director of the Center for Euro-Atlantic Security of the Institute for International Studies at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations. Center specializes in research in the spheres of international security and international relations. In his interview Professor Dr. Alexander I. Nikitin describes the current state of international peacekeeping, current trends and characteristics of conflicts and their impact on international relations. Professor Nikitin assesses Russias participation in peacekeeping operations within the UN and other formats of international cooperation.
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Pasternak, Igor, Andrii Krap, Lesya Yastrubetska, Dymytrii Grytsyshen, and Larysa Sergiienko. "International Organisations' Contributions to Establishing and Safeguarding Global Legal Standards and Financial Stability." International Journal of Religion 5, no. 9 (2024): 390–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.61707/ty6a9076.
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This article explores the roles and distinctive characteristics of major global institutions, including the United Nations (UN), European Union (EU), Council of Europe (CoE), Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and World Trade Organization (WTO). It offers a concise overview of international organisations as collaborative partnerships among states with defined objectives while also analysing the underlying motivations for their establishment. The study employs diverse investigative methodologies, including thorough literature reviews and statistical analyses, to examine core concepts such as “legal order”, “international legal order”, “international security”, and “global security”. It takes a historical perspective to trace the evolution of international organisations and utilises generalisation and diagnostic techniques to offer practical recommendations and reach conclusions. The article differentiates between “international security? and “global security”, underscoring the latter’s broader scope. Furthermore, it underscores the pivotal role of the United Nations (UN) in safeguarding global peace, fostering amicable ties among nations, advancing international collaboration, and acting as a forum for coordinating various national endeavours. International organisations, spearheaded by the United Nations (UN), are pivotal in upholding the international legal framework and safeguarding global security in the face of ever-evolving challenges and threats.
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MacQueen, Norrie. "Belated Decolonization and UN Politics against the Backdrop of the Cold War: Portugal, Britain, and Guinea-Bissau's Proclamation of Independence, 1973–1974." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 4 (2006): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.4.29.
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When a guerrilla movement opposing Portuguese rule in Guinea-Bissau issued a unilateral declaration of independence in September 1973, it created a dilemma for Portugal's allies in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Although Britain, like other NATO countries, wanted to keep Portugal within the alliance, British officials were exasperated by the Portuguese regime's refusal to let go of its colonies in Africa. When the United Nations (UN) took up the issue of Guinea-Bissau, Britain came under intense pressure from Portugal to proffer its support. Declassified documents from the British National Archives underscore the difficulties that ensued. British officials were mindful of their relationship with Portugal, but they were unsure of the intentions of the other Western permanent members of the UN Security Council and were worried about damaging Britain's broader position in Africa. This dilemma was not resolved until April 1974 when a military coup in Lisbon led to the Portuguese withdrawal from Guinea-Bissau.
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Giegerich, Thomas. "The Expanding Concepts of “Peace and Security” in International and European Law: Protecting Sustainable Peace and Human Life in Dignity." Zeitschrift für europarechtliche Studien 26, no. 4 (2023): 539–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1435-439x-2023-4-539.
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On the UN as well as the European level, the concepts of peace and security have been broadened. Negative peace has been extended to positive peace and security from inter-State security against military and hybrid attacks to inter- and intra-State human security from numerous other threats. Security as a multidimensional concept includes democratic, rule of law and human rights, economic and environmental security as well as cybersecurity. Within the framework of the UN collective security system, a European Security Architecture has been established consisting of four complementary organisations: NATO, the Council of Europe, the EU and the OSCE. They jointly contribute to maintaining, promoting or building positive peace and human security in Europe and the wider world. With their different focusses, expertise and strengths – military, political, legal, economic, financial, moral – they strive together to prevent, repel and remove threats in any (including hybrid) form to sustainable peace and human life in dignity. In thus pooling their forces, the four organisations have come a long way, but have an even longer way to go. Especially the EU needs to transform itself into a supranational European Defence Union with its own defence forces.
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Eichler, Jan. "European Security and Stability after Kosovo." Czech Journal of International Relations 35, no. 4 (2000): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/cjir.1094.
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The NATO intervention in Kosovo in the spring of 1999 was the result of the refusal to be inactive and merely watch the abuse of military force and the massacre of the civilian population. The decision about what concrete form it was to take was reflected also by fears that a land operation could have worse effects than air strikes. The positions of the majority of the direct protagonists in the decision-making process were unequivocally in favour of the operation. From the point of view of the impact on the thinking and decisions of dictators, the most important effect of the Allied Farce operation could have been a serious warning given to all politicians who wanted to act in the same way as Milosevic. But in their assessment professional journals point out that fundamental political issues have not been solved, that the stability of the Balkan countries has been further undermined and that innocent people have been subjected to punishment. Amnesty International argued that NATO had not adopted all essential measures to protect the civilian population, as stipulated by Supplementary Protocol I of the Geneva Convention of 1949. At the moment a number of contradictions are linked with decisions on intervention in the name of humanitarian values. The priority of political approaches could well result in the restriction of soldiers’ freedom to take decisions. NATO member states have the greatest potential for carrying out operations of this type, but that also have the lowest potential for making sacrifices. The role of the UN is being questioned and, consequently, the practice of international law is becoming relative. The relative nature of the sovereignty of the state is relative because it threatens only those states which do not possess nuclear weapons and are not permanent members of the UN Security Council. The inequality of states with regard to security, war and peace has become more prominent at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st century. The decision-making processes within NATO are, and will continue to be influenced by the position, role and influence of the USA. The conviction, deeply rooted in America, that the US is a model of future society, that the US has a worldwide mission and right to oversee what the others are doing, to judge them and in an extreme situation even to punish them could result in an “erosion” of its present position. In decisions about its security strategy in a period after Kosovo, the US will be able to choose between several alternatives, especially between global unilateralism, advocating the maximum influence and some kind of globalist role of NATO or cooperative security. According to Tony Blair, Kosovo was a triumph of a progressive approach to international relations over the long obsolete traditional concept. Others (including Solana) believe that Kosovo is an exception which neither forms a precedent nor lays down the rules of the game. It is, therefore, nor likely that the conflict between traditions and a new approach towards international relations will be solved in the foreseeable future. There are a number of more or less serious differences and disagreements between states which adopted a negative stance to the NATO intervention in Kosovo, and that is why they can hardly create a compact community advocating a comprehensive strategy against NATO. A return towards a confrontation is, therefore, most unlikely.
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Barbieri, Michele, and Nane Aleksanyan. "Human Security as a Factor of Sustainable Security in Post-War Armenia." Journal of Political Science: Bulletin of Yerevan University 3, no. 2(8) (2024): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/jops/2024.3.8.042.
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This article examines the problem of human security as a factor in sustainable security in post-war Armenia. In post-war Armenia, the scope of global responsibility of small states is expanding, and sustainable security and sustainable development are becoming the basis of the discourse on the problems of the future of the South Caucasus and the object of political aspirations to strengthen peace on the part of the UN, the EU, the NATO, the Council of Europe, the OSCE and Western countries. The article comparatively analyzes approaches to the study of human security and sustainable security in post-war Armenia, the position on the relationship between development and security in its modern broad interpretation, characteristic of contemporary political science discussions. Authors pay main attention to the analysis of the role of sustainable security in the evolution of the idea of sustainable development of small states of the South Caucasus to the modern approach of the link between security, resilience and development. Authors identified and substantiated the characteristic features of human security and sustainable security in post-war Armenia, which hinder the improvement of the quality of life and the formation of human capital.
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Riyanto, Sigit. "KEAMANAN INTERNASIONAL KOLEKTIF DAN PERAN ORGANISASI REGIONAL." TANJUNGPURA LAW JOURNAL 5, no. 1 (2021): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.26418/tlj.v5i1.46225.
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Abstract Following the end of the Second World War, international community adopted International Collective Security system and institutionalized in the United Nations Charter. This system considered as the new international security architecture in which the United Nations Security Council has the responsibility to design and implement accordingly in the framework of preserving international peace and security in line with the purposes and principles of the United Nations. Interestingly Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter also provides constitutional basis for the involvement of regional organizations in the maintenance of international peace and security. As regional organizations are very diverse and not all of them are having the same posture, structure, resources and capability in the context of dealing with the challenges related to international peace and security, this article aimed at analysed the role and position of the regional organization in supporting the implementation of International Collective Security system. The first part traces the concept of International Collective Security embodied in the UN charter. The second part assesses the current engagement and role of regional organization in Europe, with special attention directed to The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The third part critically examines the current legal arrangement in Asia with particular attention given to the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). In conclusion the capability of NATO in supporting the implementation of the International Collective Security system upon the authorization of the UN Security Council is widely recognized by the international community. However, the overstepping of the mandate may have a negative effect in the future, particularly on the credibility of the responsibility to protect in the context of gross human rights violations. In such a context, to became a more effective player in the future, ASEAN needs to make further adjustment.Abstrak Salah satu penanda penting pembentukan organisasi internasional PBB adalah diterima dan dilembagakannya sistem Keamanan Internasional Kolektif dalam Piagam PBB. Sistem Keamanan Internasional Kolektif merupakan arsitektur keamanan internasional yang baru yang diterima masyarakat internasional paska Perang Dunia Kedua. Dalam sistem ini Dewan Keamanan PBB memiliki tanggungjawab utama untuk merancang dan mengimplementasikan sesuai dengan maksud dan tujuan pembentukan PBB. Faktanya, Piagam PBB Bab VIII juga memberikan landasan konstitusional bagi kerangka Kerjasama regional dalam rangka melaksanakan upaya-upaya perdamaian dan keamanan internasional. Mengingat kini terdapat berbagai organisasi internasional dengan beragam struktur, kapasitas, dan kapabilitas dalam upaya menangani masalah-masalah perdamaian dan keamanan internasional; tulisan ini dimaksudkan untuk mengkaji posisi dan peran organisasi regional dalam mendukung implementasi sistem keamanan internasional kolektif. Bagian pertama mengkaji institusionalisasi Keamanan Internasional Kolektif dalam Piagam PBB. Bagian kedua mengkaji keterlibatan organisasi regional di Eropa, dengan perhatian utama terhadap NATO. Bagian ketiga mengkaji secara kritis kerangka kerjasama regional di Asia, dengan perhatian utama kepada ASEAN. Faktanya kapasitas NATO dalam mendukung implementasi sistem keamanan internasional kolektif telah diakui dan mendapat apresiasi masyarakat internasional. Namun demikian, kegiatan yang melampaui mandat yang diberikan kepadanya telah menimbulkan kekhawatiran tentang akuntabilitas dan kredibilitasnya untuk memberikan perlindungan mana kala terjadi pelanggaran HAM di masa depan. Dalam konteks yang sama ASEAN perlu melakukan transformasi signifikan untuk dapat berperan lebih efektif dalam tatakelola internasional di masa depan.
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TKAVC, SUZANA. "UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325 AND THE ROLE OF GENDER PERSPECTIVE." WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY ON THE 15TH ANNIVERSARY OF UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325/ ŽENSKE, MIR IN VARNOST OB 15. OBLETNICI SPREJETJA RESOLUCIJE VARNOSTNEGA SVETA ORGANIZACIJE ZDRUŽENIH NARODOV 1325, VOLUME 2016/ ISSUE 18/3 (September 30, 2016): 19–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179//bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.18.3.2.
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An increasingly intensive activity has been noticed recently at the international level with regard to the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 and associated resolutions. More and more international events regarding women, peace and security are being organised every year, education and training programmes as well as a conceptual framework of the gender perspective are being developed, and system solutions in both international organisations and national structures are being put forward. One of such solutions is the appointment of ambassadors for women, peace and security, as well as of gender advisors on gender perspective. Last year, a full-time advisor position in this field was set up at the General Staff of the Slovenian Armed Forces. Being a subject matter expert for the area of gender perspective in the Slovenian Armed Forces, I am pleased that the importance of the agenda regarding women, peace and security has been recognised and that a publication has been issued at the academic level by involving experts and gaining support from the leadership. I am grateful to my international colleagues for their papers, for having kindly responded to the invitation to share their views, solutions and experiences with us. This is indeed the main value of this publication: sharing is caring. The set of topics demonstrates to what extent the Resolution and the gender perspective are implemented, ranging from the international level, through national solutions and to the realisation in international operations and missions. Although Resolution 1325 is extensively explained in individual papers, I would like to introduce several key factors linking the Resolution and the gender perspective, to proffer a better understanding of the topic and emphasise why the integration of the gender perspective is vital for both Slovenian and international landscape. The basis for this discussion are conceptual solutions of international organisations and my participation in the NATO Committee on Gender Perspectives. Actions like this are vital for they aim to develop the said area and encourage new ways of thinking,thereby highlighting compound gender-related topics and informing the practices of Slovenian Armed Forces. Resolution 1325 is a milestone for the role of women in conflict prevention and resolution, in peace processes, humanitarian response and in post conflict reconstruction. It underlines three interlinking factors, i.e. women, peace and security. There is no security without peace, and no peace without a safe and secure environment. Moreover, there is no peace and security without addressing the entire population. In the past, women were frequently excluded from peace processes. If solely one perspective is included, the expected result can be partial. In 15 years since the adoption of Resolution 1325, the increased asymmetric threats in a complex security environment have resulted in the need for more comprehensive approaches to ensure security and peace around the world. During this time, many facts which were ignored in the past have been seriously discussed at the international level with the aim of finding solutions. Armed conflicts and the post-conflict period affect women differently than men. Boys and girls too are affected differently, in relative terms. Importantly, acts of men and women in such circumstances can be either different or the same, but due to socially constructed perceptions they are accepted differently. More particularly, it should be stressed that socially constructed is their gender, which is a concept that this introduction defines as social and cultural characteristics associated with a given sex (whereas sex refers to biological differences between males, females, and intersex persons, and is assigned at birth). Gender as such materialises in our reality: for example, while during armed conflicts the majority of men are recruited for combat tasks, women stay at home with children or are forced to leave their homes. That is why they make up the majority of internally displaced persons and refugees both on refugee routes and in refugee camps. Their safety is compromised in such circumstances; they are often targeted by groups of combatants, kidnapped, enslaved or abused. It should also be noted that girls and boys are not exposed in the same way: girls can be subject to pre- mature and forced marriages, boys to early recruitment into combatant groups. As regards the general recognition of the role of men and women in armed conflicts and beyond, the most common perception is of women as victims and men as combatants. However, the truth is that women also are combatants and strong actors for peace, and men are victims of intentionally committed acts. Furthermore, a serious problem in contemporary conflicts is sexual and gender-based violence. This is an alarming issue. This form of violence is predominantly inflicted against women, although also girls, boys and men suffer from it, either in the form of torture or as a weapon of war. It could be said that the gender perspective in relation to international operations and missions has, on the one hand, developed for the purpose of implementing Resolution 1325 and, on the other hand, resulted from militaries’ experiences. Central to the gender perspective in international operations and missions is making women’s and men’s experiences and concerns integral to operation processes, whilst taking into account the different security-related situations these individuals face in line with their gender. As it has been argued, there is evidence that women and men, boys and girls, face different security risks - a process underpinned by the way their masculinities and femininities are perceived in a given culture and society, i.e. gender. Being able to recognise and understand the entire security situation as broadly as possible is crucial for operational effectiveness. Recognising the routes of women, which are usually different from routes used by men due to their individual gender roles, can affect the execution of an operation. Such information influences the provision of security, force protection and operational success. Therefore, the integration of the gender perspective into every process at all levels and in every stage of action is of extreme importance; comprehensive information on situation in the area of operation contribute to decisions of those in command. Experiences gained in international operations and missions have led to observations on certain limitations in the execution of tasks, particularly at the tactical level, for example as regards the exclusion of women from the local environment, particularly in those areas of operation where women are not allowed to communicate publicly with unknown men and where the structure and personnel are predominantly male. The inclusion of the gender perspective into task accomplishment has thus become a necessity to which international organisations, such as UN, NATO, the EU and other have drawn attention. In their structures, the contemporary armed forces need both female and male members at all levels and on different duties. This holds true for the fulfilment of tasks in international operations and missions and for the execution of tasks in domestic environment. International organisations tend to increasingly emphasize the importance of the inclusion of women into all structures; however, questions regarding women in armed forces keep appearing in the military, particularly as regards gender equality, physical performance of women and removal of restrictions in relation to the fulfilment of certain duties for women. There are growing tendencies to implement the gender equality principle, whereby a risk of equating equality with sameness may appear in the militaries. However, to perceive equality as sameness can lead to unilateral or too general solutions. Concerns, for example, that taking into account the biological differences between men and women in setting the standards could mean lower criteria and poorer performance actually lead to more important question: are standards really defined according to the requirements of individual duties or are they too general, and are they also established on the basis of the inclusion of gender perspective? It is crucial to understand that different tasks require different competences and preparedness of an individual. Indeed, the truth is that men and women will never be the same. There is variety between males and females which should be recognised as an advantage and not as a weakness. Failing to include the spectrum of gender, the wholeness cannot be reached; the inclusion of both male and female perspective on the same issue leads to integrity by bringing together the diversity. Due to changing security environment, we all are faced with new challenges, requiring even stronger networking of organisations both at the national and international levels in order to ensure comprehensive and effective solutions. Meteorological changes causing large-scale destruction call more often for the engagement of the armed forces in search and rescue tasks. Last year, mass migration from conflict zones, the Middle East and Africa to Europe required the involvement of the armed forces into tasks at home. Similarly as in fulfilling the tasks in international operations and missions, the armed forces and other government and non-government organisations dealing with refugees and migrants were faced with different cultures, where socially determined roles of men and women have great significance. Such circumstances promote further knowledge about the integration of gender perspective in new directions. The fundamental fact that the society is made up of women and men, girls and boys, remains, just as the diversity which, in its integrity, should bring us all towards ensuring security and peace. I wish you a pleasant reading of papers hoping they will help broaden new horizons and encourage new thoughts.
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Suy, Eric. "NATO's Intervention in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia." Leiden Journal of International Law 13, no. 1 (2000): 193–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500000133.
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At the outset of the conflict over Kosovo, the use of armed force by NATO member states has been justified to force the Government of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to accept and sign the Rambouillet agreement. Later on, the use of force was justified in order to prevent a major humanitarian catastrophe. But examination of the relevant Security Council resolutions and of the circumstances surrounding the Rambouillet negotiations shed a totally different light on the legal arguments advanced by proponents of NATO's intervention. Modern international law on the use of force by states, as enshrined in the UN Charter, is still at the core of inter-state relations.
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Wright, Katharine AM. "Telling NATO’s story of Afghanistan: Gender and the alliance’s digital diplomacy." Media, War & Conflict 12, no. 1 (2017): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635217730588.
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NATO’s public diplomacy plays an important role in constituting the alliance’s identity in global politics, yet has remained marginal to many scholarly accounts of the alliance. This article considers NATO’s increasing footprint in digital diplomacy and the role of gendered narratives in shaping it. The central point of analysis is NATO’s ‘story of Afghanistan’, told in the web-documentary Return to Hope, which was released to much acclaim in September 2014 to coincide with the drawdown of the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) from Afghanistan. It finds personal narratives given precedence over historical events, key temporal omissions and the silencing of Afghan women. As such, it provides an important critique of the masculinist protection logic underpinning NATO’s efforts, which has served to instrumentalize (Afghan) women and falls short of expectations given the alliance’s commitment to UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and the Women, Peace and Security agenda.
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Pasternak, Igor, Andrii Krap, Lesya Yastrubetska, Dymytrii Grytsyshen, and Larysa Sergiienko. "The Role and Influence of International Organizations in Shaping and Maintaining International Legal Order and Global General and Financial Security." Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 11, no. 12 (2023): e2363. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v11i12.2363.
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Objective: This article delves into the functions and distinctive features of major international organizations, with a primary focus on the United Nations (UN), European Union (EU), Council of Europe (CoE), Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and World Trade Organization (WTO). It provides a clear definition of international organizations as voluntary associations among states with specific objectives while examining the factors contributing to their formation.
 
 Methods: The study employs a range of research methods, including a comprehensive analysis of existing literature, statistical comparisons to elucidate key concepts like "legal order," "international legal order," "international security," and "global security." It employs a historical perspective to trace the evolution of international organizations and utilizes generalization and diagnostic methods to offer practical recommendations and conclusions.
 
 Results: Global security concerns encompass various domains such as public health, environmental sustainability, energy security, and more. This article underscores the distinction between "international security" and "global security," emphasizing the latter's more encompassing scope. Furthermore, it highlights the central role played by the United Nations (UN) in preserving global peace, nurturing friendly relations among nations, promoting international cooperation, and serving as a platform for harmonizing diverse national actions.
 
 Conclusions: International organizations, most notably the UN, assume a pivotal role in upholding the international legal order and safeguarding global security against the backdrop of dynamically evolving challenges and threats.
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Hadri, Arbër. "The Kumanovo agreement: Establishing the conditions for Kosovo’s governance." Academic Journal of Business, Administration, Law and Social Sciences 11, no. 1 (2025): 88–97. https://doi.org/10.2478/ajbals-2025-0007.
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Abstract The research paper examines the pivotal role of the “Kumanovo Military-Technical Agreement” in shaping Kosovo’s post-conflict governance framework. Signed on June 9, 1999, the agreement ended hostilities, facilitated the withdrawal of Serbian forces, and laid the foundation for Kosovo’s transformation into an international protectorate under United Nations oversight. It established a secure environment for reconstruction, peacebuilding, and the transition to self-governance. The agreement’s significance stems from its provisions for military withdrawal, the establishment of NATO-led Kosovo Force (KFOR), and the creation of Air and Ground Safety Zones to ensure regional stability. It also outlined the necessity of international civilian and military involvement to oversee Kosovo’s political evolution, as institutionalized in UN Security Council Resolution 1244. This resolution authorized NATO’s military mission and established the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) to manage the transition to democratic self-rule. The paper employs a historical-critical methodology, integrating comparative and interpretative analyses of the agreement’s text, associated resolutions, and their practical implementation. It evaluates the agreement’s effectiveness in facilitating peace and governance while addressing challenges such as delays in UNMIK’s deployment and coordination with local authorities. Despite these obstacles, the “Kumanovo Agreement” and UN Security Council Resolution 1244 provided a robust framework for stabilizing Kosovo. They enabled infrastructure rebuilding, established security, and laid the groundwork for democratic self-governance. This analysis underscores the agreement’s enduring impact on Kosovo’s journey toward political consolidation and self-determination.
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Pattison, James. "The Ethics of Humanitarian Intervention in Libya." Ethics & International Affairs 25, no. 3 (2011): 271–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679411000256.
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Wars and interventions bring to the fore certain ethical issues. For instance, NATO's intervention in Kosovo in 1999 raised questions about the moral import of UN Security Council authorization (given that the Council did not authorize the action), and the means employed by interveners (given NATO's use of cluster bombs and its targeting of dual-use facilities). In what follows, I consider the moral permissibility of the NATO-led intervention in Libya and suggest that this particular intervention highlights three issues for the ethics of humanitarian intervention in general. The first issue is whether standard accounts of the ethics of humanitarian intervention, which draw heavily on just war theory, can capture the prospect of mission creep. The second issue is whether epistemic difficulties in assessing the intervention's likely long-term success mean that we should reject consequentialist approaches to humanitarian intervention. The third issue concerns selectivity. I outline an often overlooked way that selectivity can be problematic for humanitarian intervention.
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Yasien, Prof Dr Ammar Hameed, and Assist Lecture Faisal Ghazi Nasser. "Implementing the Concept of the Responsibility to Protect in Libya." International and Political Journal, no. 56 (September 1, 2023): 225–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31272/ipj.i56.252.
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After the protests that broke out in Libya in February 2011, the Security Council and other UN bodies relied on the concept of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to address the humanitarian situation resulting from those protests. The Council issued Resolution 1970, which imposed a package of sanctions on Libya, and then issued Resolution 1973, which allowed military intervention there. Shortly after starting to implement the military campaign, it became clear that NATO exploited these decisions to implement its own agenda and worked to overthrow the Libyan regime. Further, its military operations caused the killing and wounding of many civilians, as well as the destruction of civilian and other objects. This experience distorted the concept of the responsibility to protect, deepened discussions about it and produced what is known as the Brazilian initiative “Responsibility to Protect” (RWP) and the Chinese version “Responsible Protection” (RP) as an attempt to overcome the negatives resulting from the implementation of (R2P) in Libya.
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Kurthen, Hermann. "German Foreign Policy Rules for Action during the 2011 Libya Crisis." German Politics and Society 38, no. 4 (2020): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380401.
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This article presents the conceptualization of fundamental foreign policy beliefs of 62 German decision-makers and experts from the executive branch, parliament, think tanks, media, and academia concerning the March 2011 un Security Council resolution on Libya. The actors’ perceptions were abductively inferred from qualitative interviews using the reconstructivist theoretical framework. Four types of respondents were identified: Realists, Normalizers, Traditionalists, and Pacifists. While they shared the general imperatives of military restraint, alliance solidarity, multilateralism, and upholding values, their specific partisan-ideological interpretation of the application of those rules for action in the case of Libya differed. Both Normalizers and Traditionalists perceived Germany’s UN vote abstention and non-participation in the NATO-led intervention as a break with German foreign policy and a costly mistake, whereas the Realists and Pacifists were in support of the German center-right coalition government’s policy of military restraint, although for very different reasons.
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Filimonova, Anna Igorevna, and Kseniya Dmitrievna Kot. "The negotiation process and the Martti Ahtisaari Plan as a way to the unconditional state independence of the "Republic of Kosovo"." Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), no. 4 (March 18, 2021): 257 (322)—269 (333). http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2104-02.
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The article presents an analysis of one of the most acute and urgent problems of our time — the acquisition of the de facto independence declared by Pristina on February 17, 2008 by the separatist forces of the Kosovo Albanians, represented mainly by the former leaders of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, of the sabotage and punitive character of the fighting, and the Albanian politicians completely subordinate to them by that time. The authors focused on identifying the role of the UN (UN Security Council and the UN Civil Administration in Kosovo and Metohija — UNMIK), the United States, the EU, and Serbia since the beginning of the illegitimate process of negotiations, not on the implementation of the binding UN Security Council Resolution No. 1244, but on the completely contradictory negotiations on the status of Kosovo and Metohija, the failure of which, however, led, as planned, to the proclamation of the creation of the "Republic of Kosovo" and its subsequent strengthening on the basis of the principles underlying the preparation and conduct of these negotiations, as well as the Martti Ahtisaari Plan. The article covers the period from the end of the NATO military aggression against the FRY (June 1999) to February 17, 2008 – the starting point of the creation of the quasistate of Kosovo. The materials of the article can be used in the educational process within the "International Relations" and "Political Science" program tracks. English version of the article on pp. 322-333 at URL: https://panor.ru/articles/negotiation-and-martti-ahtisaariplan-as-a-path-to-the-unconditional-state-independence-of-the-republic-of-kosovo/65975.html
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Rivera, Adelaida. "Responsibility To Protect: What For?" Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 20 (June 29, 2013): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.20.6.
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On March 17th 2011, the United Nations Security Council approved the Resolution 1973 which authorized the use of force in Libya in order to protect civilians from the attacks performed by the state armed forces. The military action by NATO in Libya has resulted in diverse and divided opinions. The recourse of Responsibility to protect appeared later as a measure intended to be implemented in the ongoing conflict in Syria, but after two failed resolutions, it became clear that some UN Security Council members are not willing to repeat the Libyan scenario. This text aims to examine some basic notions of the R2P concept, its application in Libya and the implications of the results after the Libyan case on its possible application in Syria. Should the discussed objectives behind the application of Responsibility to Protect in the Libyan case and its results be determinant on the decision whether this doctrine can be applied in Syria? Is it possible that the mistakes committed in Libya, the atrocities now experienced in Syria and the non-response by the international community could mark the end of the whole concept of Responsibility to Protect? These questions are intended to be discussed in this paper.
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Kuwali, Dan. "‘Humanitarian Rights’: Bridging the Doctrinal Gap between the Protection of Civilians and the Responsibility to Protect." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 4, no. 1 (2013): 5–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-00401004.
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The right to intervene under Article 4(h) of the African Union (AU) Constitutive Act and the third pillar of responsibility to protect (R2P) provides for the possibility of using military force to protect civilians from mass atrocities. However, both Article 4(h) and R2P do not specify how the military can or should use force to protect civilians. The omission to define how the military should use force to protect populations at risk was brought to the fore by the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1973, through which NATO has been criticized to have overstepped the Security Council mandate. The doctrinal deficit on protecting civilians is worsened by legalistic thinking on the normative separation of human rights and humanitarian law, a division driven by their historical roots. Nonetheless, human rights violations occur during warfare and humanitarian law violations may also be human rights violations. Both spheres of law are complimentary and mutually reinforcing and victims do not distinguish whether they have suffered human rights or humanitarian law violations. What they need is protection. This paper presents a ‘humanitarian rights’ approach as the symbiotic methodology for civilian protection that recognizes the inherent dignity and worth of every human being.
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Jovanović, Vladislav. "The destruction of SFRY and Serbia." Napredak 2, no. 3 (2021): 15–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2-34635.
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The paper recapitulates the process of the destruction of the Yugoslav state (SFRY and FRY). Special attention is given to the key factor in that process, the will of the West, embodied in the USA and the EC (EU), for whom the continued existence of Yugoslavia was no longer of geopolitical interest. The conferences on Yugoslavia, organized in Brussels and The Hague, were supposed to serve to legitimize this goal: the disappearance of Yugoslavia. The author points out that when the West did not manage to achieve its goal with political solutions, it involved NATO, through the aggression in 1999. Previously, Serbia's legitimate opposition to terrorist acts by the KLA on its territory, as an internal issue par excellence, was declared a threat to "peace and security in the world", and the UN Security Council took it as a permanent topic of its sessions. There had been secessionist uprisings and armed conflicts in UN member states before, as there are today, but the Security Council never before dared to violate the article of the UN Charter that states that these questions are the exclusive competence of the member state concerned. An exception was made only in the case of Serbia, although the defense against KLA terrorism was legal and limited to the territory of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija, i.e., the Yugoslav state border was never crossed. The false claim of William Walker, the head of the OSCE mission in Kosovo and Metohija, concerning the massacre in Racak, was the cause of the war of aggression against the FRY. By illegally naming the protectorate of Kosovo as the so-called state of the Albanian national minority, the West took this as the final stroke in the dismemberment of Yugoslavia and Serbia, thus ignoring the story of the phoenix rising from its ashes.
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Grant, Mark Lyall. "Updating Security and Defence Policy." National Institute Economic Review 250 (November 2019): R40—R46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011925000116.
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Executive SummaryThreats to the security of the UK are evolving with the changing nature of conflict and balance of power in the world. They are multiple and fragmented, and domestic and online as well as overseas in nature: principally state-based threats such as posed by Russian activity; terrorism; cyber-attacks; and serious organised crime. To respond, the United Kingdom will need flexible capabilities aimed at fostering infrastructural and societal resilience as much as conventional defence. Above all, the UK needs to focus on maintaining, promoting, and defending the international rules-based order, as represented by the UN and NATO among other institutions.The UK possesses significant assets to these ends, including its continuing status as one of eight acknowledged nuclear powers – a status that it should not abandon unilaterally; permanent membership of the UN Security Council; membership of the ‘Five Eyes' intelligence community; and its internationally respected armed forces.But effort and resources are required to support these commitments, for example in helping to encourage other European states to spend more on defence; in contributing to UN peace-keeping operations or other collaborative overseas actions; and most of all in ensuring that army and navy manpower is rebuilt. Two per cent of GDP is no longer sufficient for the proper defence of the nation. Even allowing for the demands of other parts of government, the target for defence spending should be raised in the next review to 2.2 per cent.The principal focus will need to be on efficiency and redeployment of resources as the current equipment-heavy procurement cycle comes to an end. In particular, investment needs to continue to be rebalanced towards new capabilities such as drone technology, offensive and defensive cyber and intelligence manpower.But, to avoid any weakening of the country's security, priority should be given to negotiating a new agreement on security and intelligence cooperation with its European allies to replace the arrangements it had within the EU.
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VEGIČ, VINKO. "POSREDOVANJE NATA V KRIZAH – IZKUŠNJE IN IZZIVI OPERACIJE V LIBIJI." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2013/ ISSUE 15/1 (May 30, 2013): 11–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179//bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.15.1.1.
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Po izbruhu nemirov v Libiji v začetku leta 2011 so v Varnostnem svetu ZN sprejeli resolucijo, ki je zagotovila mandat za mednarodno posredovanje v Libiji. Dva dni po sprejetju resolucije so ameriške, britanske in francoske sile začele operacije za vzpostavitev embarga in območja prepovedi letenja nad Libijo. Konec marca je po- veljevanje in nadzor nad operacijo Združeni zaščitnik prevzel Nato, v njej so sodelo- vale vojaške sile 14 držav članic Nata in 4 partnerskih držav. Operacija je prispevala k zmanjšanju civilnih žrtev spopadov in pomagala opoziciji pri odstranitvi režima Moamerja Gadafija. Operacija Združeni zaščitnik je primer učinkovitega posredovanja Nata v krizi, vendar je tudi opozorila na več težav in pomanjkljivosti glede strategije in glede vojaških zmogljivosti Nata pri izvajanju kriznega menedžmenta. V Natu so se pri obravnavi libijske krize pokazala različna stališča zaveznic, ki so privedla do resnih političnih razprav v zavezništvu. Vendar je bila kljub tem razlikam izvedba operacije mogoča. Operacija je opozorila na znatne pomanjkljivosti na področju vojaških zmogljivosti in na odvisnost evropskih zaveznic od vojaških zmogljivosti ZDA na nekaterih pomembnih področjih. Izkušnje operacije opozarjajo tudi na politična in vojaška vprašanja, s katerimi se bo Nato verjetno srečal ob podobnih operacijah v pri- hodnosti. Med zaveznicami je mogoče pričakovati različna stališča in pristope glede vloge Nata v prihodnjih krizah, kot tudi različno pripravljenost vojaško prispevati k operacijam. Za učinkovit krizni menedžment pa bo potrebno tudi več fleksibilnosti. After the outbreak of civil unrest in Libya at the beginning of 2011, UN Security Council adopted resolution which authorized international intervention in Libya. Two days after the authorization, U.S., British and French forces launched operations to enforce embargo and no-fly zone over Libya. By the end of March NATO, took over command and control of the operation “Unified Protector”, which was conducted by the armed forces of 14 NATO countries and 4 partner countries. The operation reduced the number of civilian casualties in conflict and supported the opposition to overthrow Muammar al-Qaddafi. Operation “Allied Protector” is an example of NATO’s effective intervention in crisis; however it also revealed shortcomings and impediments concerning NATO’s crisis management strategy and military capabilities. NATO’s approach to Libyan crisis demonstrated different positions among allies which resulted in serious political debates. Despite these differences NATO was able to launch the operation. The operation revealed serious deficiencies in military capabilities and European NATO members’ dependency on the U.S. in some key military capabilities. Lessons from operation also point to political and military questions which NATO will probably face in the case of similar operations in the future. Concerning NATO’s role in future crisis, different positions and approaches among allies could be expected as well as different levels of willingness to contribute military to operations. Effective crisis management will also require more flexibility.
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Kuzmin, E. L. "75TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE UN: HOPES AND REALITIES." Courier of Kutafin Moscow State Law University (MSAL)), no. 12 (March 14, 2021): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2311-5998.2020.76.12.038-052.
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Examining the history of the UN creation in the first part of the article, the author focuses on an exceptionally significant issue settled in 1945 during the Crimean Conference of the Heads of the Three Great Powers, namely: the order of voting in the UN Security Council. Various appeals to renounce the “veto” of permanent members of the UN Security Council enshrined in the UN Charter have become the main leitmotif of numerous attempts of the United States and their closest allies to revise the UN Charter. Reviewing such proposals, the author notes that populist ideas the essence of which constitutes the call to replace, based on the principles of equality of all States, an international Organization by a supranational structure whose activities would actually be based on the principle of “who has force, has power” have been disseminated in Western political and scientific circles.The author goes on to consider the crucial question: whether the Organization have been able to cope with its main mission: to maintain international peace and security?Listing the outstanding universal documents of our time developed in the bowels of the UN, the author calls the most notable, in his opinion, achievement of the Organization — a real liberation of dozens of countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America from colonial oppression. Analyzing the activities of the UN, the author acknowledges that the Organization in many respects is still far from its unifying convergent essence: the US and its NATO allies lead the policy aiming at crashing the system of international relations, based on the central role of the UN in world politics; the US promote a concept that implies the creation of closed alliances to develop and implement measures bypassing the UN. Amid such realities, Russia, seeking to strengthen multilateral principles in international affairs, emphasizes the creation of a self-regulating international system, which requires collective leadership of the leading States that is represented geographically and civilizationally, and exercised with full respect for the central and coordinating role of the United Nations.The article also draws attention to the fact that modern reality identifies more and more intractable problems, which often lead to the “autonomization” of international law: “niches” that are not filled with legal material inevitably give rise to situations where the gaps concerned are governed by particular and special rules based on bilateral or regional foundations, The author sees the empowerment of international law in the approval of principles of intercivilizational communication, the pursuance of synthesis of various legal systems, ideologies, cultures, religions and other spiritual values, which would provide a reliable basis for strengthening the importance and influence of international law.
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Belukhin, N. "The Role of the UN Peacemaking Operations in the Foreign Policy of Denmark in the 1990s: from an Exemplary Peacemaker to an Ardent Atlanticist." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 3 (2021): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2021-3-41-50.
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Under the Cold War Denmark successfully employed the UN peacemaking operations to increase its own international status and strengthen relations with the key Western allies. The Nordic model of peacemaking was later considered as an example to be followed by other European states in the 1990s. As the role of the UN gradually declined during the 1990s and the UN peacemaking operations led to major failures, most notably the Srebrenica massacre and the Rwandan genocide, NATO, as well as the EU, started expanding their own activities in the sphere of peacemaking and peace enforcement. As a consequence, Denmark stopped considering the UN peacemaking as the main framework for international activism and started getting increasingly engaged in coalition operations and NATO operations as a means to win the favor of the key ally — the USA. Another factor that significantly contributed to Denmark’s growing atlanticism was the so-called "defense clause" which prevented Denmark from participating in the military dimension of the emerging CFSP within the EU and later CSDP. The Danish international activism acquired therefore a tangible military element which on the one hand enabled Denmark to punch above its weight, but at the same time became contradictory to the very ideas and goals which made international activism attractive for the Danish public in the first place. The initial value- and identity-driven UN peacemaking eventually became reduced to a means of accomplishing limited goals of status-seeking and ensuring the country’s place as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. It is thus becoming increasingly difficult for Denmark to reconcile the adherence to humanitarian diplomacy and Nordic "Peace Brand" with aggressive military activism.
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Cerna, Christina M. "The Nicolas Maduro Regime (O.A.S.)." International Legal Materials 59, no. 2 (2020): 226–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilm.2020.13.
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On September 11, 2019, twelve states parties invoked the Inter-American Treaty on Reciprocal Assistance (TIAR), because they considered the crisis in Venezuela to have a destabilizing impact on the peace and security of the hemisphere. Venezuela was one of the twelve, voting in favor; this was because, on April 9, 2019, the Organization of American States (OAS) formally recognized Juan Guaido's representative, Gustavo Tarre, in lieu of Nicolas Maduro's Ambassador. At the OAS General Assembly in June, Tarre's appointment was approved in a much contested and heated session. The OAS has thirty-five member states and approximately one-third of its membership supported the invocation of the TIAR. The TIAR is the OAS's mutual defense pact; it was last invoked following the events of September 11, 2001. Article 5 of the NATO Charter, calling for collective action in the case of an armed attack on one member, is derived from Article 3 of the TIAR. Following invocation of the TIAR, the Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs (the OAS equivalent to the UN Security Council, but without veto power) held its 30th meeting in New York City during the UN General Assembly. The result of that meeting was the adoption of the Resolution under consideration here.
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GRABOVSKA, Iryna. "THE FEMALE "FACE" OF UKRAINE’S WAR AGAINST THE RUSSIAN AGGRESSOR." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 30 (2022): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2022.30.4.
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The Author analyzes the role of Ukrainian women in the war with the Russian aggressor. Attention is focused on the gender dimension of modern warfare, including in the context of NATO‟s political principles on gender issues. It is noted that this war also has a "female face", as was said, for example, by the first lady of Ukraine, Olena Zelenska. Today, 17% of the Ukrainian Armed Forces are women. All of them in the army of Ukraine even before this war were 23% of the total number of personnel. More than 1,000 female servicemen became commanders. Today, Ukraine remains a NATO partner country, therefore compliance with provisions 1325, 1820, 1888, 1889, 1960, 2106, 2122, 2422, 2467 and 2493 of the UN Security Council Resolution on women, peace and security, which are the basis of gender policy as a United Nations, as well as NATO, is not canceled. It is noted that a number of military professions (sharpshooters, scouts, hospitalists) are more successfully performed by women, as the experience of the Second World War and NATO military operations proved. The life strategies of not only combatants, but also non-combatants are analyzed. Attention is also paid to such an irritating topic as the participation of women in the fight against Ukraine on the side of the separatists in ORDLO. Examples of the participation of women in Ukrainian territories in military operations in historical times are also given. The modern civilized world perceived with great surprise and amazement the ability of Ukrainians to resist the aggressor. The foreign press is actively searching for the roots of courage, dignity and stability of the Ukrainian people. As for Ukrainian women, it will not be superfluous to turn to the historical past, which has many heroic pages that will help to understand the truth about the Ukrainian people. The article concludes that gender consolidation, mutual respect and understanding of women and men fighting together against the Rashism will only contribute to the movement towards Ukraine‟s victory in the war against the Russian aggressor.
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Nikitin, Alexander. "European Union’s Crisis Response Potential and Military-Technical Cooperation of the EU member-states." Contemporary Europe, no. 98 (October 1, 2020): 142–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope52020142154.
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The article analyzes the origins and current trends in the development of the crisis response structures and mechanisms within the European Union. The reasons for the failures of the EU in the implementation of the plans of previous decades to create EU Armed Forces separate from NATO are being considered. Thirty-four military, police, border and consultative operations and EU missions in conflict regions are being typologized in the article. It is concluded that the most in-demand operations were EU police and numerous "training" or "consultative" missions aimed at creating modern and professional state security forces in unstable regions. Although formally the European Union is only a subregional international organization, in practice the EU does not consider it necessary to legitimize its own interventions into conflicts through UN mechanisms. Operations and missions are conducted on the basis of the European Council's own policy decisions. However, the EU does not conduct openly coercive military-political missions on its own, leaving decisions on them to the UN Security Council. The article analyzes the structure, types, purposes of several dozen programs of military-technical and military-political cooperation implemented by the European Union within the framework of the EU Permanent Structured Cooperation Program (PESCO). The author structurally subdivides PESCO programs into groups: structures and means of joint crisis response, military-infrastructure programs, naval initiatives, programs in information and communication and cyber-spheres, logistics and military-medical programs, military-training programs. The content of each group's programs is reviewed in detail. The article substantiates the conclusion that the implementation of the currently announced PESCO programs will strengthen mostly the EU's marginal (background) capabilities in operations and missions under the Common Security and Defense Policy. PESCO does not actually include programs directly aimed at any drastic improvement of capability for missions and operations in crisis and conflict regions outside the EU.
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NUHIU, Qani. "THE INFLUENCE OF RUSSIA (PERMANENT MEMBER OF THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL) ON THE THREAT TO WORLD PEACE AND SECURITY-WITH SPECIAL FOCUS ON THE WESTERN BALKANS." International Journal of Legal Sciences-JUSTICIA 12, no. 21-22 (2024): 351–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.62792/ut.jus.v12.i21-22.p2789.
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The United Nations Organization is a global organization emerging from the aftermath of the Second World War, which, according to the Organization's Charter, its main purpose is the preservation of peace and security in the world; the development of friendly relations between nations; achieving international cooperation for solving economic, social, cultural humanitarian problems, etc. and the intention that the UN itself becomes a center for harmonizing actions to achieve common goals. The Security Council is the body that within the Organization has the main and direct responsibility for maintaining global peace and security. In the framework of the Security Council, the permanent members are the countries with the most political and diplomatic influence in the world, but at the same time they have the greatest responsibility for the implementation of the provisions of the UN Charter. The behavior of these states is of essential importance for world peace. Often the member states of the Security Council, due to their interests, not only do not adhere to the main principles when it comes to preventing any member state from jeopardizing stability and peace by protecting the interests of certain aggressor states, but it also happens that with provocation and direct participation in wars and armed conflicts endanger world peace. From the founding of the UN to today, the most blatant case of starting a very dangerous war conflict is Russia. Precisely because of this fact, in this paper the object of research will be Russia, which uses the position of a permanent member of the Security Council, not only for the protection of its political interests, but also by participating in armed conflicts and by declaring war on sovereign states. Since the end of the Second World War, and especially during the Cold War, but also after 2008, Russia has either participated in many armed conflicts or caused them. Objectively, within the framework of this research, it is impossible to include all cases, therefore we will focus only on the Russian influence and endangering peace in the Western Balkans. The paper deals with the indirect and direct Russian influence in some of the countries of the Western Balkans, emphasizing the concrete circumstances and characteristics of each country in particular. For this research, the professional literature, the most relevant international juridical act, the media that inform about actual events in Russia is a direct destabilizing factor, etc. The research relies mainly on the method of analysis of juridical acts, defense doctrines highlighted above, facts of real political events, diplomatic disputes and military conflicts. Based on the analyzed information, we come to the conclusion of research results, conclusions and suggestions for the future political, military, economic, development measures that should be taken by the international community, including NATO, EU, OSCE and other international organizations in which democratic and peacekeeping states adhere, with the aim of maintaining peace, stability and preventing Russia from extending its influence to a dominant size, since as an authoritarian state that it is, as a result, there would be various long-term wars and conflicts in the Western Balkans.
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Yaro, David Suaka, and Y. T. Longi Felix. "DEVELOPING ALTERNATIVES: CITIZENS PERSPECTIVES ON CAUSES AND THE RAMIFICATIONS OF THE 2003 CONFLICT IN DARFUR." International Journal of Conflict Management 3, no. 1 (2022): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.47941/ijcm.913.
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This manuscript provides an alternative examination of the causes and the ramifications of the conflict in Darfur. The findings reveled the causes of the conflict to be religion, racial segregation, resources, geographical factors, the influx of weapons etc. and the ramifications are Genocide/Killing, Starvation, Rape, Fear and insecurity, Destruction of Property etc. The parties involved are Government forces, Janjaweed, USA, China Libya, Egypt etc. A purposive sampling technique was used to select 26 respondentswhich include, Diplomats, Civil Servants, Students and refugees. The instrument used for data collection was a semi-structured interview guide. It was conducted within the framework of ‘identity politics. The recommendation to the Sudanese Government is that the government has the following role to play: Protection of the civilian population by the Sudanese government. This can be done by: Publishing and disseminating orders eliminating the targeting of inhabitants, properties and indiscriminate attacks,and enforcement of orders prohibiting the targeting of civilians and civilian property and indiscriminate attacks. Publicise and enforce a policy that embraces zero tolerance for violence against women. Enforcement of UN/ AU Resolutions: The Security Council veto on invasive military flights must be enforced. The AU and NATO should agree on enforcement processes to be applied if Khartoum violates the injunction in United Nation Security Council Resolution 1591 and National Reconciliation: There should be reconciliation that comprises of prosecution of perpetrators of atrocities, the safe return of villagers to their villages and violence compensation.
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Adamu, Awa Njoworia Valerie. "The Applicability of Humanitarian Intervention and the Responsibility to Protect During Armed Conflicts: Russia-Ukraine War in Focus." American Journal of Law and Political Science 2, no. 1 (2023): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.58425/ajlps.v2i1.111.
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Purpose: Humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect have been at the centre of debate in the UN, among states and civil societies. The failure of the International Community to use military force to intervene in the case of Syria and the ongoing atrocities in Ukraine has weakened the enthusiasm that was kindled by the authorized use of force in Libya. This paper aimed at critically examining the situation in Russia-Ukraine in order to propose a way forward for the protection of civilians in Ukraine through humanitarian intervention.
 Methodology: To this end, the paper recalls the responsibility to protect bestowed on States and the International Community, evaluating the positive impacts of humanitarian intervention in Kosovo and Libya. Adopting a purely doctrinal research method, this paper questions why the international community is reluctant in using military intervention in the Russia-Ukraine situation in order to protect civilians, curb human rights violations and maintain peace and security.
 Findings: The study found out that the fear to trigger war in the whole of Europe and the fact that Russia is a permanent member of the Security Council with veto power have weakened this enthusiasm to intervene.
 Conclusion: The study concludes that there is necessity for humanitarian intervention to protect civilians in Ukraine by NATO and other States.
 Recommendation: This study recommends the use of the majority voting system in decisions to apply humanitarian intervention instead of the veto system. The study also recommend that permanent members of the Security Council who are involved in gross violation of human rights like Russia should be suspended and eventually removed as a Permanent member if violations persist.
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Qiu, Xueping, Vladimir Pecheritsa, and Xuan Lo. "Militarisation of the Arctic and Problems of Strengthening the Security of the Russian North." Russian and Chinese Studies 8, no. 1 (2024): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2587-7445.2024.8(1).57-68.
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The relevance is due to the fact that the main rea¬sons and prerequisites for the expansion of military activity of the Arctic countries are caused by the aggravation of the international situation in the world, the emergence of a new architecture of international relations. It is emphasised that the increasing role of the Russian Federation in the global energy and food markets, as well as in the global maritime logistics, blocks the United States and its NATO allies, forcing them to pursue an aggressive course and militarize the Arctic. Russia is forced to retaliate by strengthening its defence in this region. The article is aimed at the author's assessment of the processes of militarisation of the Arctic, the authors use the following research methods: structural-functional logistic, historical-comparative. The task of the research is to study the strengthening of the role of the Arctic in modern conditions. The article uses elements of expertise. Strengthening the Arctic security of the Russian Federation hopes for a sensible approach and independent from the U.S. Arctic policy of small states members of the Arctic Council, such as Iceland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, which Washington tries to “twist arms” and forces to strengthen military presence in the region. Moscow also counts on the support of such friendly countries as India and China to develop the Arctic and strengthen regional security in this emerging region. A good dialogue and joint practical activities in the Arctic have already been built with China. Its economy, economic power, and growing political weight as a nuclear power and as a permanent member of the UN Security Council are indisputable. China is increasingly becoming a global superpower capable of really confronting the United States.
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Brown, Chris. "Moral Agency and International Society." Ethics & International Affairs 15, no. 2 (2001): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2001.tb00360.x.
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There is no body that has the legal right to exercise agency on behalf of international society (IS), even though the notion of “society” encapsulated in IS is, in principle, close to that conveyed by bodies such as clubs and associations that can be represented by, for example, a board of directors or governing committee. Some have argued that the UN or the Security Council can exercise agency on behalf of IS, but in view of the “underinstitutionalization” of IS in the UN, a more interesting possibility is that groups of states may authorize themselves to act on the behalf of IS as “coalitions of the willing.” However, the contrasting experience of the Gulf War of 1990/91 and the Kosovo campaign of 1999 suggest that the degree of ideological coherence of the coalition in question is an important variable here - in 1999, NATO was able with some plausibility to represent the wider international society because of its commitment to certain core democratic values, while in 1991 the Gulf War coalition could only act conservatively in restoring the status quo because of its diverse nature.
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Maruschak, Iryna. "The United Kingdom in the Gulf War and the Position of NATO (1990 – 1991)." European Historical Studies, no. 10 (2018): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.10.103-115.
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The article touches upon the participation of Great Britain in the Gulf war of 1990-1991. This war was one of the largest armed conflicts after the Second World War, in which Britain took part. The reaction of London to the actions of the regime of Saddam Hussein has been analyzed. The political and military aspects of the crisis development in Iraq have been outlined. The quick decision-making and activity of the UNO Council during the settlement of the Iraqi crisis have been unfolded. The UN has been adopting 12 resolutions per year in order to put an end to the occupation of Kuwait, to restore international peace and security in the region. The position and approach of the North Atlantic Alliance to resolving the Iraqi crisis has been researched. The importance of NATO diplomatic consultations and the rapid response to the crisis situation on the periphery of the Alliance territory, as well as the cooperation between Britain and its allies, first of all, the United States, have been revealed. The activities of the international coalition, mainly the NATO member states, where the leading place was represented by the British military, have been highlighted. Major military operations, such as Desert Shield, Desert Storm and Grunbi which liberated the Kuwaiti territory from the Iraqi forces have been analyzed.
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ZIĘBA, Ryszard. "Współczesne stosunki polsko-rosyjskie: uwarunkowania, problemy, implikacje." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (November 2, 2018): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2011.16.3.2.
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Contemporary Polish-Russian relations are examined, taking into consideration the broad internal conditions in Poland and in Russia. Negative mutual stereotypes prevail in both countries, shaped in the course of a complicated history of mutual relations, while the concepts of international policies in both states are underdeveloped and divergent. Polish-Russian relations are increasingly more influenced by external conditions, such as the profound change Europe is going through and the evolution of the entire international order. The most important modern issues in Polish-Russian relations concern the persistent differences in the perception of the history of mutual relations, dissimilar concepts of the European security system, and energy security. The conditions of relations between Poland and Russia affect Poland’s ability to pursue its international interests in many areas: in relations with Russia and the CIS, in the forum of international organizations (NATO, EU, Council of Europe, OSCE and the UN), in relations with Poland’s closest allies and partners (Germany, France, U.S. and Ukraine). Finally, Polish-Russian relations influence the position and international role of Poland, limiting it when these relations are bad or augmenting it when they are good. Since late 2007 Poland has been trying to conduct a pragmatic policy and normalize its relations with Russia. In general, Polish-Russian reconciliation seems feasible.