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Journal articles on the topic 'NATO and the UN Security Council'

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Published: 5 June 2025

Last updated: 2 August 2025

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1

Raba-Schulze, Aleksandra. "UN Security Council Resolution 1325 as a key moment to integrate a gender perspective into the NATO agenda." Reality of Politics 26, no. 4 (2023): 100–111. https://doi.org/10.15804/rop2023408.

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Adopted in 2000, the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 marked a key moment in the integration of a gender perspective into the agenda of international institutions in the security field. The resolution emphasized the importance of the gender perspective in the context of armed conflict, the protection of women’s rights and peacebuilding. An organisation that plays a key role in achieving these goals is the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The article analyses the actions and initiatives undertaken by NATO to implement the UN Women, Peace and Security Agenda.

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2

Gray, Christine. "A Crisis of Legitimacy for the UN Collective Security System?" International and Comparative Law Quarterly 56, no. 1 (2007): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei154.

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The role of the UN and the legitimacy of its collective security system have been seriously challenged in recent years. First, because of the Security Council.s failure to act in cases of genocide or other humanitarian disaster. There has been much criticism of the limited and delayed response of the Security Council to events in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Rwanda, somewhat unfairly in so far as it was the lack of political will on the part of the Member States rather than any institutional failure that was responsible for the failure to act. Secondly, the UN's central role in collective security h

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3

Dekker, Ige F., and Eric P. J. Myjer. "Air Strikes on Bosnian Positions: Is NATO Also Legally the Proper Instrument of the UN?" Leiden Journal of International Law 9, no. 2 (1996): 411–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156596000271.

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For weeks, the air strikes that NATO executed in defence of the ‘safe area’ of Sarajevo were ‘hot news’. The fact that NATO would, eventually, execute these strikes had seemed inevitable for some time. The well-informed observer had sufficient indications to this effect via television and the newspapers. However, the media, and all of the debates in national parliaments, have never, or have scarcely, addressed the legal basis for these strikes. At first sight, this appeared to be a relatively simple question, since NATO repeatedly stressed that it was acting on a mandate from the UN Security C

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Cremer, Ulrich. "Nach dem 11. September." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 32, no. 127 (2002): 183–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v32i127.701.

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After September 11 the military factor has increased, in NATO countries additional funds are allocated to arming. Unfortunately UN lose ground, as neither US nor NATO accept the UN monopoly on the use of force any more. NATO war against Yugoslavia in 1999 - not based on UN security council mandate - was not an exception. September 11 has catalyst function for political and military development already under way since 1991 when NATO updated Strategie Concept in Rome, decided for out-of.area missions and already saw the risk of terrorist acts. New NATO means an aggressive military network of mea

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5

Simic, Jasminka. "Challenges facing NATO in the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 61, no. 4 (2009): 387–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0904387s.

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During the entire post Cold-War era numerous security challenges were pushing NATO in search of a new mission. Although redefined several times in the past, NATO's mission is still not steady and in its final shape. NATO's framework is not final yet for several reasons: lack of internal balance; NATO is moving towards rather 'loose' formula of Trans-Atlantic relations, through a 'Coalition of the Willing', in which countries accept the level and scope of military engagement in war missions (Afghanistan and Iraq) according to their own interests. This certainly has influenced the character of N

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6

Vitkauskaitė-Meurice, Dalia. "The UN-NATO Cooperation in Implementing the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1540." Jurisprudence 21, no. 2 (2014): 335–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.13165/jur-14-21-2-01.

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Луценко, С. И. "Безальтернативность института ООН в разрешении мировых конфликтов". СОВРЕМЕННОЕ ПРАВО, № 10 (26 жовтня 2019): 109–16. https://doi.org/10.25799/ni.2019.78.12.033.

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Автор рассматривает роль и особенности статуса Организации Объединенных Наций в современных реалиях. Резолюции Совета Безопасности ООН имеют фундаментальное значение для миссии ООН по обеспечению мира и безопасности. Недопустимо, чтобы некоторые международные организации (прежде всего НАТО) подменяли собой институт ООН (самостоятельно делегировали себе ряд полномочий ООН, подрывая существующую систему международной безопасности). The author considers the role and features of the status of the United Nations in modern realities. UN Security Council resolutions are fundamental to the UN mission

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8

Dharmapuri, Sahana. "Implementing UN Security Council Resolution 1325: Putting the Responsibility to Protect into Practice." Global Responsibility to Protect 4, no. 2 (2012): 241–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598412x639728.

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Although the principle of the Responsibility to Protect has a number of supporters, there is still little agreement on institutional procedures to execute Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) systematically. This is due to a lack of consensus on how exactly to operationalize specific RtoP practices with regard to genocide, crimes against humanity, ethnic cleansing, and war crimes. The acceptance of this line of thinking is peculiar in its ignorance of the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (UN 1325) on Women, Peace and Security, by militaries, both national and multinational, ov

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9

Ulfstein, Geir, and Hege Føsund Christiansen. "THE LEGALITY OF THE NATO BOMBING IN LIBYA." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 62, no. 1 (2013): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589312000565.

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AbstractOn 17 March 2011 the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1973 authorizing member states to take forceful measures to protect Libyan civilians. Clearly NATO actions to protect civilians were within the mandate. But the authors claim that operations aiming at overthrowing the Qaddafi regime were illegal use of force. The overstepping of the mandate may have a negative effect on the credibility of the responsibility to protect in future gross human rights violations.

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Höhne, Roland. "Kontinuität und Wandel der deutsch-italienischen Beziehungen seit 1990." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 32, no. 4 (2000): 577–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.2000.5621.

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The end of the Cold War and the German Reunification changed the conditions of the German-Italian relations, but not the policies concerning Europe and the Security of both states. Cooperation on European (EU) and transatlantic (NATO) levels continued. Italy and Germany favoured the creation of European Intervention Forces within NATO and the widening and deepening of the European Union. There have been differences about the conditions of the enlargement of the European Union in Nice. Divergent opinions are still existing concerning common policies in the Mediterranean Area as well as reforms

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11

Blokker, Niels, and Sam Muller. "NATO as the UN Security Council's Instrument: Question Marks From the Perspective of International Law?" Leiden Journal of International Law 9, no. 2 (1996): 417–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156596000283.

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In the previous contribution, Dekker and Myjer maintain that, from the viewpoint of international law, there are at least two problematic issues with regard to NATO's actions in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The first issue concerns the way in which the Security Council has, in a legal sense, shaped its authority over NATO's actions. The second issue is the question of whether NATO is entitled, under its own constitution, to execute such actions. The contribution of Dekker and Myjer was prompted by NATO's air strikes in defence of Sarajevo, which took place in August and September 1995. Their criticism

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Komp, Lisa-Marie. "How the Responsibility to Protect Influences the Security Council’s Powers, Limits and Dynamic." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 4, no. 2 (2013): 315–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-00402005.

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In 2005, the Responsibility to Protect was adopted in the World Summit Outcome with the aim to enable an efficient response to humanitarian crises by making the Security Council “work better”. The swift reaction to the events in Libya sparked the hope that the new concept enabled the Security Council to function this smoothly in the future. The debates within the Council in relation to the NATO intervention demonstrate that the Responsibility to Protect was able to contribute to this success in certain, limited ways. At the same time, these debates were herald to the problems experienced in re

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13

Milano, Enrico. "The Security Council and Territorial Sovereignty: The Case of Kosovo." International Community Law Review 12, no. 2 (2010): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187197310x498589.

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AbstractMore than ten years since NATO intervened militarily to stop the violence and to create the conditions for a new regime of international administration, Kosovo remains at the top on the agenda of international actors and institutions. The present contribution examines the nature and scope of the Security Council’s action (and inaction) with regard to the political crisis and ensuing conflict emerged in Kosovo starting from the late 1990s and how that practice has shaped notions of territorial sovereignty. It analyses the different forms of international intervention in the four phases

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ANTONOPOULOS, CONSTANTINE. "Some Thoughts on the NATO Position in Relation to the Iraqi Crisis." Leiden Journal of International Law 17, no. 1 (2004): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156504001669.

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NATO is a collective self-defence regional organization that was established at the time of the Cold War, and the end of East–West confrontation gave rise to the debate about its future role. In the 1999 Washington summit a new strategic concept was promulgated, according to which NATO was to act as a collective security organization as well. The community of interest previously represented by the Eastern bloc has not been unequivocally replaced by a new one. Hence there is room for national interest to play greater role in the decision-making by the alliance. This decision-making is based on

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Voitsikhovkyi, A. V., and O. S. Bakumov. "Armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine as a threat to the collective security system." Law and Safety 88, no. 1 (2023): 134–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/pb.2023.1.12.

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The Russian Federation’s unprovoked and unjustified war against Ukraine has changed the entire security environment, which will have long-term threatening consequences for the entire collective security system. The issue of forming an effective system of collective security is relevant not only for the international community, which is explained by its absolute importance in maintaining international law and order, but also for Ukraine in order to restore its state sovereignty and territorial integrity in countering Russian armed aggression. The purpose of the article is to clarify the essence

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16

Salihu, MA Arben. "NATO Intervention in Kosovo in light of Security Council Actions and International Law." ILIRIA International Review 3, no. 2 (2013): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v3i2.130.

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The horrors of World War Two made it universally clear that the world cannot progress without general respect for human rights. Still, the need for humanitarian intervention arose several times before 1999, but international political and military organisations including the UN, were either late or hesitant to prevent genocides or other related human catastrophes worldwide. The NATO intervention in Kosovo, however, marked the beginning of the new era in international relations. The facet of this intervention in view of legality is the topic of this paper. The aim of this study, above all, is t

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Kriz, Zdenek. "On some aspects of the UN Security Council Mandate Application during the NATO Operation Unified Protector." Obrana a strategie (Defence & Strategy) 12, no. 2 (2012): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/1802-7199.12.2012.02.017-026.

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18

Nikitin, Alexander I. "The Evolution of Peacekeeping Operations : Interview with Professor Alexander I. Nikitin." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 4 (2020): 738–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-4-738-746.

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Professor Dr. Alexander I. Nikitin is a leading Russian IR scholar, an expert on problems of international security, international conflicts, peacekeeping operations, activities of international organizations. Professor of the Political Sciences Department at MGIMO University, Director of the MGIMO Center for Euro-Atlantic Security of the Institute for International Studies, Director of the Center for Political and International Studies, Professor of the State Management Department of the Lomonosov Moscow State University, Professor of the Public Policy Department of the Research University -

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Pasternak, Igor, Andrii Krap, Lesya Yastrubetska, Dymytrii Grytsyshen, and Larysa Sergiienko. "International Organisations' Contributions to Establishing and Safeguarding Global Legal Standards and Financial Stability." International Journal of Religion 5, no. 9 (2024): 390–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.61707/ty6a9076.

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This article explores the roles and distinctive characteristics of major global institutions, including the United Nations (UN), European Union (EU), Council of Europe (CoE), Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and World Trade Organization (WTO). It offers a concise overview of international organisations as collaborative partnerships among states with defined objectives while also analysing the underlying motivations for their establishment. The study employs diverse investigative methodologies, including thorough literature r

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20

MacQueen, Norrie. "Belated Decolonization and UN Politics against the Backdrop of the Cold War: Portugal, Britain, and Guinea-Bissau's Proclamation of Independence, 1973–1974." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 4 (2006): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.4.29.

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When a guerrilla movement opposing Portuguese rule in Guinea-Bissau issued a unilateral declaration of independence in September 1973, it created a dilemma for Portugal's allies in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Although Britain, like other NATO countries, wanted to keep Portugal within the alliance, British officials were exasperated by the Portuguese regime's refusal to let go of its colonies in Africa. When the United Nations (UN) took up the issue of Guinea-Bissau, Britain came under intense pressure from Portugal to proffer its support. Declassified documents from the Brit

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Giegerich, Thomas. "The Expanding Concepts of “Peace and Security” in International and European Law: Protecting Sustainable Peace and Human Life in Dignity." Zeitschrift für europarechtliche Studien 26, no. 4 (2023): 539–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1435-439x-2023-4-539.

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On the UN as well as the European level, the concepts of peace and security have been broadened. Negative peace has been extended to positive peace and security from inter-State security against military and hybrid attacks to inter- and intra-State human security from numerous other threats. Security as a multidimensional concept includes democratic, rule of law and human rights, economic and environmental security as well as cybersecurity. Within the framework of the UN collective security system, a European Security Architecture has been established consisting of four complementary organisat

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22

Eichler, Jan. "European Security and Stability after Kosovo." Czech Journal of International Relations 35, no. 4 (2000): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/cjir.1094.

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The NATO intervention in Kosovo in the spring of 1999 was the result of the refusal to be inactive and merely watch the abuse of military force and the massacre of the civilian population. The decision about what concrete form it was to take was reflected also by fears that a land operation could have worse effects than air strikes. The positions of the majority of the direct protagonists in the decision-making process were unequivocally in favour of the operation. From the point of view of the impact on the thinking and decisions of dictators, the most important effect of the Allied Farce ope

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Barbieri, Michele, and Nane Aleksanyan. "Human Security as a Factor of Sustainable Security in Post-War Armenia." Journal of Political Science: Bulletin of Yerevan University 3, no. 2(8) (2024): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/jops/2024.3.8.042.

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This article examines the problem of human security as a factor in sustainable security in post-war Armenia. In post-war Armenia, the scope of global responsibility of small states is expanding, and sustainable security and sustainable development are becoming the basis of the discourse on the problems of the future of the South Caucasus and the object of political aspirations to strengthen peace on the part of the UN, the EU, the NATO, the Council of Europe, the OSCE and Western countries. The article comparatively analyzes approaches to the study of human security and sustainable security in

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Riyanto, Sigit. "KEAMANAN INTERNASIONAL KOLEKTIF DAN PERAN ORGANISASI REGIONAL." TANJUNGPURA LAW JOURNAL 5, no. 1 (2021): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.26418/tlj.v5i1.46225.

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Abstract Following the end of the Second World War, international community adopted International Collective Security system and institutionalized in the United Nations Charter. This system considered as the new international security architecture in which the United Nations Security Council has the responsibility to design and implement accordingly in the framework of preserving international peace and security in line with the purposes and principles of the United Nations. Interestingly Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter also provides constitutional basis for the involvement of regio

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TKAVC, SUZANA. "UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325 AND THE ROLE OF GENDER PERSPECTIVE." WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY ON THE 15TH ANNIVERSARY OF UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325/ ŽENSKE, MIR IN VARNOST OB 15. OBLETNICI SPREJETJA RESOLUCIJE VARNOSTNEGA SVETA ORGANIZACIJE ZDRUŽENIH NARODOV 1325, VOLUME 2016/ ISSUE 18/3 (September 30, 2016): 19–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179//bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.18.3.2.

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An increasingly intensive activity has been noticed recently at the international level with regard to the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 and associated resolutions. More and more international events regarding women, peace and security are being organised every year, education and training programmes as well as a conceptual framework of the gender perspective are being developed, and system solutions in both international organisations and national structures are being put forward. One of such solutions is the appointment of ambassadors for women, peace and

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Suy, Eric. "NATO's Intervention in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia." Leiden Journal of International Law 13, no. 1 (2000): 193–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500000133.

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At the outset of the conflict over Kosovo, the use of armed force by NATO member states has been justified to force the Government of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to accept and sign the Rambouillet agreement. Later on, the use of force was justified in order to prevent a major humanitarian catastrophe. But examination of the relevant Security Council resolutions and of the circumstances surrounding the Rambouillet negotiations shed a totally different light on the legal arguments advanced by proponents of NATO's intervention. Modern international law on the use of force by states, as ens

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Wright, Katharine AM. "Telling NATO’s story of Afghanistan: Gender and the alliance’s digital diplomacy." Media, War & Conflict 12, no. 1 (2017): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635217730588.

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NATO’s public diplomacy plays an important role in constituting the alliance’s identity in global politics, yet has remained marginal to many scholarly accounts of the alliance. This article considers NATO’s increasing footprint in digital diplomacy and the role of gendered narratives in shaping it. The central point of analysis is NATO’s ‘story of Afghanistan’, told in the web-documentary Return to Hope, which was released to much acclaim in September 2014 to coincide with the drawdown of the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) from Afghanistan. It finds personal narrative

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Pasternak, Igor, Andrii Krap, Lesya Yastrubetska, Dymytrii Grytsyshen, and Larysa Sergiienko. "The Role and Influence of International Organizations in Shaping and Maintaining International Legal Order and Global General and Financial Security." Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 11, no. 12 (2023): e2363. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v11i12.2363.

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Objective: This article delves into the functions and distinctive features of major international organizations, with a primary focus on the United Nations (UN), European Union (EU), Council of Europe (CoE), Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and World Trade Organization (WTO). It provides a clear definition of international organizations as voluntary associations among states with specific objectives while examining the factors contributing to their formation.  Methods: The study employs a range of research method

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Hadri, Arbër. "The Kumanovo agreement: Establishing the conditions for Kosovo’s governance." Academic Journal of Business, Administration, Law and Social Sciences 11, no. 1 (2025): 88–97. https://doi.org/10.2478/ajbals-2025-0007.

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Abstract The research paper examines the pivotal role of the “Kumanovo Military-Technical Agreement” in shaping Kosovo’s post-conflict governance framework. Signed on June 9, 1999, the agreement ended hostilities, facilitated the withdrawal of Serbian forces, and laid the foundation for Kosovo’s transformation into an international protectorate under United Nations oversight. It established a secure environment for reconstruction, peacebuilding, and the transition to self-governance. The agreement’s significance stems from its provisions for military withdrawal, the establishment of NATO-led K

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Pattison, James. "The Ethics of Humanitarian Intervention in Libya." Ethics & International Affairs 25, no. 3 (2011): 271–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679411000256.

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Wars and interventions bring to the fore certain ethical issues. For instance, NATO's intervention in Kosovo in 1999 raised questions about the moral import of UN Security Council authorization (given that the Council did not authorize the action), and the means employed by interveners (given NATO's use of cluster bombs and its targeting of dual-use facilities). In what follows, I consider the moral permissibility of the NATO-led intervention in Libya and suggest that this particular intervention highlights three issues for the ethics of humanitarian intervention in general. The first issue is

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Yasien, Prof Dr Ammar Hameed, and Assist Lecture Faisal Ghazi Nasser. "Implementing the Concept of the Responsibility to Protect in Libya." International and Political Journal, no. 56 (September 1, 2023): 225–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31272/ipj.i56.252.

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After the protests that broke out in Libya in February 2011, the Security Council and other UN bodies relied on the concept of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to address the humanitarian situation resulting from those protests. The Council issued Resolution 1970, which imposed a package of sanctions on Libya, and then issued Resolution 1973, which allowed military intervention there. Shortly after starting to implement the military campaign, it became clear that NATO exploited these decisions to implement its own agenda and worked to overthrow the Libyan regime. Further, its military operation

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Kurthen, Hermann. "German Foreign Policy Rules for Action during the 2011 Libya Crisis." German Politics and Society 38, no. 4 (2020): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380401.

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This article presents the conceptualization of fundamental foreign policy beliefs of 62 German decision-makers and experts from the executive branch, parliament, think tanks, media, and academia concerning the March 2011 un Security Council resolution on Libya. The actors’ perceptions were abductively inferred from qualitative interviews using the reconstructivist theoretical framework. Four types of respondents were identified: Realists, Normalizers, Traditionalists, and Pacifists. While they shared the general imperatives of military restraint, alliance solidarity, multilateralism, and uphol

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Filimonova, Anna Igorevna, and Kseniya Dmitrievna Kot. "The negotiation process and the Martti Ahtisaari Plan as a way to the unconditional state independence of the "Republic of Kosovo"." Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), no. 4 (March 18, 2021): 257 (322)—269 (333). http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2104-02.

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The article presents an analysis of one of the most acute and urgent problems of our time — the acquisition of the de facto independence declared by Pristina on February 17, 2008 by the separatist forces of the Kosovo Albanians, represented mainly by the former leaders of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, of the sabotage and punitive character of the fighting, and the Albanian politicians completely subordinate to them by that time. The authors focused on identifying the role of the UN (UN Security Council and the UN Civil Administration in Kosovo and Metohija — UNMIK), the United States,

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Rivera, Adelaida. "Responsibility To Protect: What For?" Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 20 (June 29, 2013): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.20.6.

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On March 17th 2011, the United Nations Security Council approved the Resolution 1973 which authorized the use of force in Libya in order to protect civilians from the attacks performed by the state armed forces. The military action by NATO in Libya has resulted in diverse and divided opinions. The recourse of Responsibility to protect appeared later as a measure intended to be implemented in the ongoing conflict in Syria, but after two failed resolutions, it became clear that some UN Security Council members are not willing to repeat the Libyan scenario. This text aims to examine some basic no

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Kuwali, Dan. "‘Humanitarian Rights’: Bridging the Doctrinal Gap between the Protection of Civilians and the Responsibility to Protect." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 4, no. 1 (2013): 5–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-00401004.

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The right to intervene under Article 4(h) of the African Union (AU) Constitutive Act and the third pillar of responsibility to protect (R2P) provides for the possibility of using military force to protect civilians from mass atrocities. However, both Article 4(h) and R2P do not specify how the military can or should use force to protect civilians. The omission to define how the military should use force to protect populations at risk was brought to the fore by the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1973, through which NATO has been criticized to have overstepped the Security Coun

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Jovanović, Vladislav. "The destruction of SFRY and Serbia." Napredak 2, no. 3 (2021): 15–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2-34635.

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The paper recapitulates the process of the destruction of the Yugoslav state (SFRY and FRY). Special attention is given to the key factor in that process, the will of the West, embodied in the USA and the EC (EU), for whom the continued existence of Yugoslavia was no longer of geopolitical interest. The conferences on Yugoslavia, organized in Brussels and The Hague, were supposed to serve to legitimize this goal: the disappearance of Yugoslavia. The author points out that when the West did not manage to achieve its goal with political solutions, it involved NATO, through the aggression in 1999

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Grant, Mark Lyall. "Updating Security and Defence Policy." National Institute Economic Review 250 (November 2019): R40—R46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011925000116.

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Executive SummaryThreats to the security of the UK are evolving with the changing nature of conflict and balance of power in the world. They are multiple and fragmented, and domestic and online as well as overseas in nature: principally state-based threats such as posed by Russian activity; terrorism; cyber-attacks; and serious organised crime. To respond, the United Kingdom will need flexible capabilities aimed at fostering infrastructural and societal resilience as much as conventional defence. Above all, the UK needs to focus on maintaining, promoting, and defending the international rules-

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VEGIČ, VINKO. "POSREDOVANJE NATA V KRIZAH – IZKUŠNJE IN IZZIVI OPERACIJE V LIBIJI." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2013/ ISSUE 15/1 (May 30, 2013): 11–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179//bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.15.1.1.

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Po izbruhu nemirov v Libiji v začetku leta 2011 so v Varnostnem svetu ZN sprejeli resolucijo, ki je zagotovila mandat za mednarodno posredovanje v Libiji. Dva dni po sprejetju resolucije so ameriške, britanske in francoske sile začele operacije za vzpostavitev embarga in območja prepovedi letenja nad Libijo. Konec marca je po- veljevanje in nadzor nad operacijo Združeni zaščitnik prevzel Nato, v njej so sodelo- vale vojaške sile 14 držav članic Nata in 4 partnerskih držav. Operacija je prispevala k zmanjšanju civilnih žrtev spopadov in pomagala opoziciji pri odstranitvi režima Moamerja Gadafij

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Kuzmin, E. L. "75TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE UN: HOPES AND REALITIES." Courier of Kutafin Moscow State Law University (MSAL)), no. 12 (March 14, 2021): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2311-5998.2020.76.12.038-052.

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Examining the history of the UN creation in the first part of the article, the author focuses on an exceptionally significant issue settled in 1945 during the Crimean Conference of the Heads of the Three Great Powers, namely: the order of voting in the UN Security Council. Various appeals to renounce the “veto” of permanent members of the UN Security Council enshrined in the UN Charter have become the main leitmotif of numerous attempts of the United States and their closest allies to revise the UN Charter. Reviewing such proposals, the author notes that populist ideas the essence of which con

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Belukhin, N. "The Role of the UN Peacemaking Operations in the Foreign Policy of Denmark in the 1990s: from an Exemplary Peacemaker to an Ardent Atlanticist." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 3 (2021): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2021-3-41-50.

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Under the Cold War Denmark successfully employed the UN peacemaking operations to increase its own international status and strengthen relations with the key Western allies. The Nordic model of peacemaking was later considered as an example to be followed by other European states in the 1990s. As the role of the UN gradually declined during the 1990s and the UN peacemaking operations led to major failures, most notably the Srebrenica massacre and the Rwandan genocide, NATO, as well as the EU, started expanding their own activities in the sphere of peacemaking and peace enforcement. As a conseq

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Cerna, Christina M. "The Nicolas Maduro Regime (O.A.S.)." International Legal Materials 59, no. 2 (2020): 226–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilm.2020.13.

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On September 11, 2019, twelve states parties invoked the Inter-American Treaty on Reciprocal Assistance (TIAR), because they considered the crisis in Venezuela to have a destabilizing impact on the peace and security of the hemisphere. Venezuela was one of the twelve, voting in favor; this was because, on April 9, 2019, the Organization of American States (OAS) formally recognized Juan Guaido's representative, Gustavo Tarre, in lieu of Nicolas Maduro's Ambassador. At the OAS General Assembly in June, Tarre's appointment was approved in a much contested and heated session. The OAS has thirty-fi

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GRABOVSKA, Iryna. "THE FEMALE "FACE" OF UKRAINE’S WAR AGAINST THE RUSSIAN AGGRESSOR." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 30 (2022): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2022.30.4.

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The Author analyzes the role of Ukrainian women in the war with the Russian aggressor. Attention is focused on the gender dimension of modern warfare, including in the context of NATO‟s political principles on gender issues. It is noted that this war also has a "female face", as was said, for example, by the first lady of Ukraine, Olena Zelenska. Today, 17% of the Ukrainian Armed Forces are women. All of them in the army of Ukraine even before this war were 23% of the total number of personnel. More than 1,000 female servicemen became commanders. Today, Ukraine remains a NATO partner country,

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Nikitin, Alexander. "European Union’s Crisis Response Potential and Military-Technical Cooperation of the EU member-states." Contemporary Europe, no. 98 (October 1, 2020): 142–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope52020142154.

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The article analyzes the origins and current trends in the development of the crisis response structures and mechanisms within the European Union. The reasons for the failures of the EU in the implementation of the plans of previous decades to create EU Armed Forces separate from NATO are being considered. Thirty-four military, police, border and consultative operations and EU missions in conflict regions are being typologized in the article. It is concluded that the most in-demand operations were EU police and numerous "training" or "consultative" missions aimed at creating modern and profess

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NUHIU, Qani. "THE INFLUENCE OF RUSSIA (PERMANENT MEMBER OF THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL) ON THE THREAT TO WORLD PEACE AND SECURITY-WITH SPECIAL FOCUS ON THE WESTERN BALKANS." International Journal of Legal Sciences-JUSTICIA 12, no. 21-22 (2024): 351–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.62792/ut.jus.v12.i21-22.p2789.

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The United Nations Organization is a global organization emerging from the aftermath of the Second World War, which, according to the Organization's Charter, its main purpose is the preservation of peace and security in the world; the development of friendly relations between nations; achieving international cooperation for solving economic, social, cultural humanitarian problems, etc. and the intention that the UN itself becomes a center for harmonizing actions to achieve common goals. The Security Council is the body that within the Organization has the main and direct responsibility for mai

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Yaro, David Suaka, and Y. T. Longi Felix. "DEVELOPING ALTERNATIVES: CITIZENS PERSPECTIVES ON CAUSES AND THE RAMIFICATIONS OF THE 2003 CONFLICT IN DARFUR." International Journal of Conflict Management 3, no. 1 (2022): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.47941/ijcm.913.

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This manuscript provides an alternative examination of the causes and the ramifications of the conflict in Darfur. The findings reveled the causes of the conflict to be religion, racial segregation, resources, geographical factors, the influx of weapons etc. and the ramifications are Genocide/Killing, Starvation, Rape, Fear and insecurity, Destruction of Property etc. The parties involved are Government forces, Janjaweed, USA, China Libya, Egypt etc. A purposive sampling technique was used to select 26 respondentswhich include, Diplomats, Civil Servants, Students and refugees. The instrument u

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Adamu, Awa Njoworia Valerie. "The Applicability of Humanitarian Intervention and the Responsibility to Protect During Armed Conflicts: Russia-Ukraine War in Focus." American Journal of Law and Political Science 2, no. 1 (2023): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.58425/ajlps.v2i1.111.

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Purpose: Humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect have been at the centre of debate in the UN, among states and civil societies. The failure of the International Community to use military force to intervene in the case of Syria and the ongoing atrocities in Ukraine has weakened the enthusiasm that was kindled by the authorized use of force in Libya. This paper aimed at critically examining the situation in Russia-Ukraine in order to propose a way forward for the protection of civilians in Ukraine through humanitarian intervention. Methodology: To this end, the paper re

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Qiu, Xueping, Vladimir Pecheritsa, and Xuan Lo. "Militarisation of the Arctic and Problems of Strengthening the Security of the Russian North." Russian and Chinese Studies 8, no. 1 (2024): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2587-7445.2024.8(1).57-68.

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The relevance is due to the fact that the main rea¬sons and prerequisites for the expansion of military activity of the Arctic countries are caused by the aggravation of the international situation in the world, the emergence of a new architecture of international relations. It is emphasised that the increasing role of the Russian Federation in the global energy and food markets, as well as in the global maritime logistics, blocks the United States and its NATO allies, forcing them to pursue an aggressive course and militarize the Arctic. Russia is forced to retaliate by strengthening its defe

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Brown, Chris. "Moral Agency and International Society." Ethics & International Affairs 15, no. 2 (2001): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2001.tb00360.x.

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There is no body that has the legal right to exercise agency on behalf of international society (IS), even though the notion of “society” encapsulated in IS is, in principle, close to that conveyed by bodies such as clubs and associations that can be represented by, for example, a board of directors or governing committee. Some have argued that the UN or the Security Council can exercise agency on behalf of IS, but in view of the “underinstitutionalization” of IS in the UN, a more interesting possibility is that groups of states may authorize themselves to act on the behalf of IS as “coalition

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Maruschak, Iryna. "The United Kingdom in the Gulf War and the Position of NATO (1990 – 1991)." European Historical Studies, no. 10 (2018): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.10.103-115.

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The article touches upon the participation of Great Britain in the Gulf war of 1990-1991. This war was one of the largest armed conflicts after the Second World War, in which Britain took part. The reaction of London to the actions of the regime of Saddam Hussein has been analyzed. The political and military aspects of the crisis development in Iraq have been outlined. The quick decision-making and activity of the UNO Council during the settlement of the Iraqi crisis have been unfolded. The UN has been adopting 12 resolutions per year in order to put an end to the occupation of Kuwait, to rest

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ZIĘBA, Ryszard. "Współczesne stosunki polsko-rosyjskie: uwarunkowania, problemy, implikacje." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (November 2, 2018): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2011.16.3.2.

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Contemporary Polish-Russian relations are examined, taking into consideration the broad internal conditions in Poland and in Russia. Negative mutual stereotypes prevail in both countries, shaped in the course of a complicated history of mutual relations, while the concepts of international policies in both states are underdeveloped and divergent. Polish-Russian relations are increasingly more influenced by external conditions, such as the profound change Europe is going through and the evolution of the entire international order. The most important modern issues in Polish-Russian relations con

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