Academic literature on the topic 'NATO peacekeeping concept'

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Journal articles on the topic "NATO peacekeeping concept"

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Bazhukov, Vladimir. "NATO "Peacekeeping" Operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992–1995): Concept and Reality." Administrative Consulting, no. 1 (June 7, 2018): 34–41. https://doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2018-1-34-41.

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In this article the peculiarities of NATO peacekeeping concept, that was created in the course of violent conflict resolution in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992–1995 are being reviewed; the methods and factors of the alliance legalization in UN peacekeepingstructures are being analyzed, types of transformation of military bloc from a peacekeeper into a conflicting party are being researched.
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Bazhukov, Vladimir. "NATO "Peacekeeping" Operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992–1995): Concept and Reality." Administrative consulting, no. 1 (2018): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2018-1-34-41.

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Aden, Dimas Ashari Septa, and Annisa Maulina. "Studi Eksplanatif Keputusan Finlandia Bergabung Menjadi Anggota Nato Dalam Teori Persepsi." Indo Green Journal 1, no. 4 (2023): 224–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31004/green.v1i4.55.

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Finland is a country that is active in various peace activities, namely in the field of peace such as peacekeeping, peacemaking and providing foreign aid. Since Russia annexed the Crimean Peninsula in 2014. This action has received criticism from various parts of the world, especially the European Union. This also made relations between Russia and Finland even colder and more limited due to the emergence of Finnish perceptions of Russia's annexation, so this gave birth to a policy in a spiral model in 2014. Relations between Russia and the European Union, especially Finland, were further exacerbated when Russia carried out a major invasion of Ukraine in 2022. So this gave birth to Finland's perception of the Russian invasion in which Russia did not seek security but instead became revisionist. So finally Finland decided to join as a member of NATO in the concept of deterrence.
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BERŠNAK, KRISTIAN. "RAZVOJ SPECIALNIH SIL SV IN IZKUŠNJE IZ AFGANISTANA." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2015/ ISSUE 17/1 (May 30, 2016): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.17.1.3.

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Slovenska vojska je od osamosvojitve do danes dosegla velik napredek pri razvoju zmogljivosti specialnih sil, kar s svojo vrhunsko usposobljenostjo in pripravljenostjo ter interoperabilnostjo s sorodnimi enotami Nata v praksi nenehno potrjuje njena Enota za specialno delovanje (ESD). Potencial enote se kaže predvsem pri izpolnjevanju obveznosti RS v mednarodnih operacijah in na misijah. Članek na primeru delovanja ESD ponuja razmislek o povezanosti med razvojnim konceptom specialnih sil SV ter njihovo resnično »in field« uporabo. Najvidnejši primer delovanja ESD v mirovnih operacijah in na misijah je bila napotitev v sklopu dvajsetega slovenskega kontingenta v operacijo Isafa. Element ESD je kot del Desete skupne bojne skupine za specialno delovanje pod vodstvom komponentnega poveljstva specialnih sil Isafa prvič v zgodovini SV sodeloval v operacijah specialnih sil Nata, in sicer v smislu nekonvencionalnega delovanja, s temeljno nalogo vojaške pomoči afganistanskim varnostnim silam. SV je z delovanjem elementa ESD v sklopu specialnih sil Isafa potrdila svoje zmogljivosti v praksi in tako v zahtevnem mednarodnem okolju dokazala, da je strateški koncept RS, povezan z razvojem specialnih sil SV, pravilen in predvsem uresničljiv. Since Slovenia’s independence to date, the Slovenian Armed Forces (SAF) achieved significant progress in developing the capabilities of special forces. This is being continuously confirmed by SAF Special Operations Unit (SOU) in practice with its superior competence and readiness as well as the interoperability with similar NATO units. The unit’s potential is mainly reflected in the fulfilment of the obligations of the Republic of Slovenia in international operations and missions. Using the example of SOU operations, the article provides a reflection on the relationship between the development concept of SAF Special Operations Unit and its actual in field use. The most visible example of SOU activities in peacekeeping operations and missions was the deployment of the 20th Slovenian contingent to the ISAF operation. For the first time in the history of the SAF, the SOU element which was subordinated to the Combined Special Operations Task Force 10 led by Combined Forces Special Operations Component Command - Afghanistan participated in NATO special operations forces in terms of unconventional operations. Its basic task was to provide military assistance to the Afghan security forces. With the engagement of SOU element within ISAF special forces the SAF confirmed its capabilities in practice and proved in the international environment that the strategic concept of the Republic of Slovenia associated with the development of SAF special forces was accurate and fully implementable.
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Boysen, Jens. "Niemiecka „cywilność” a rosyjska „bojowość” jako czynniki strategicznej orientacji w kontekście międzynarodowego bezpieczeństwa." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 25/1 (April 28, 2017): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2017.25.07.

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Germany and Russia are key players in the area of security policy, particularly in Europe but also outside the continent. The two countries, however, show completely different approaches to specific issues. While Russia (like many other powers) quite openly continues to conduct traditional ‘realistic’ diplomacy guided mainly by national interests, Germany is a ‘champion of multilateralism’ that refers to the ‘interests of all humanity’. This remarkable altruism of the nation state has its origin in the history of National Socialism, which, according to the German political élite, delegitimized the concept and the policy of ‘national interest’. As a result of this peculiar political culture, Germany is indeed a reliable partner in NATO, the European Union and other organizations. However, in political practice, the neurotic attitude of the German élite with regard to military affairs often makes cooperation with its partners difficult in the area of security and defence. This attitude has also severely affected the condition of the Bundeswehr and led to disregard for the interests of German soldiers in peacekeeping missions. In contrast, Russia (again) has never reviewed its Stalinist past and the social position of the army is as high as it was in Soviet times. As a result, the country may be less sympathetic than Germany and lacks civic culture, but the cynical policy of Moscow is somewhat more predictable when it comes to hard politics.
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Lisovenko, D., and G. Belous. "MILITARY FORCES OF THE ARMED FORCES OF UKRAINE AND NATO AS THE BASIS OF SECURITY AND STABILITY IN THE BLACK SEA REGION." Collection of scientific works of Odesa Military Academy 2, no. 14 (2021): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37129/2313-7509.2020.14.2.51-58.

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The article considers the issue of Cooperation of Ukraine with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Beginning in 2014, Ukraine is actually improving control with the use of international assistance in the security industry and the relevant reporting on operational and tactical levels. General activities of Ukraine and the Alliance in the direction of security and defence, objectives: transformation and strengthening of the national security and defence sector, in relation to the performance of inherent tasks, according to the interests of the country. To ensure regional, large-scale and stable security; to facilitate and improve the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine; to involve Ukraine in the performance of tasks in accordance with the requirements of the state defence and participation in international operations; to achieve effective compatibility of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in the context of other component parts of defence and security to ensure the performance of tasks in international operations and exercises. After the annexation of the Crimea by the Russian Federation, the Armed Forces of Ukraine received significant assistance in 2014. The priority of joint activities with NATO is primarily to guarantee the alliance of the principle of collective defence, to preserve and strengthen peace and to ensure the prospect of future security. The Alliance's ability to perform strategic tasks depends on a high degree of coordination and planning of compatible actions at the political level of the defence sector. Analysis of the participation of the Naval Forces of Ukraine and the Alliance during joint international exercises and operations, the events of the war in 2014, the military aggression of the Russian Federation, the construction of relations between Ukraine and the United States during the armed conflict, adaptation of NATO standards and principles – a number of issues for the need for rapid solution in turbo mode. Based on the analysis, the authors conclude that it is legitimate and expedient to use and gain experience in the context of the concept of development of the Navy of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Involvement and participation in multinational military exercises is a set of measures in the context of international military cooperation, which is allowed in conditions as close as possible to combat and real. Comprehensive improvement of the level of combat training of units of the Navy of the Armed Forces of Ukraine during the increase of the level of professionalism, combat readiness and combat ability. The necessity of introduction and application of compatible measures for performance of peacekeeping, humanitarian, search and rescue and other special tasks is the priority of the concept of modern Ukraine. Constant improvement of the combat readiness level in modern conditions is achieved during the international exercises for the necessity and possibility to strengthen the professional experience of partnership, which always fundamentally affects the quality of combat tasks ahead of the number of participants involved in joint activities. Keywords: NATO, Alliance, Ukrainian Navy, Armed Forces of Ukraine, standards, training, security, Charter.
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Pușcașu, Gigel, and Dorin Eparu. "ENHANCEMENT OF THE NATIONAL DEFENCE POSTURE BY USING THE MILITARY POWER." STRATEGIES XXI - Security and Defense Faculty 17, no. 1 (2021): 88–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2668-2001-21-10.

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The development of a national defence enhanced posture is a fundamental requirement in line with the developments of the current and possible future security environment, as well as regards the commitments made at North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and European Union (EU) level in relation with the development of capabilities and contributions to missions and operations. Romanian Army prepares, integrates at national level and, if necessary, makes use, in accordance with the law, of all available resources. While peacekeeping or peace-building operations are presented in the various defence and national security strategies as the last resort, the last option after all other measures have been actively explored, it remains in the eyes of public opinion and policy makers the first face of the armed forces, the heart of the profession of soldier. The conventional deterrence has always existed – if vis pacem para bellum. Two main mechanisms can discourage a potential opponent. The first is the threat of retaliation, also known as deterrence by punishment. The second mechanism consists in persuading him of the impossibility, or at least of great practical difficulty, of achieving his immediate objectives, thus prompting him to give up not for fear of the consequences of his action, but due to his low chances of success. The guarantee of sovereignty, independence and state unity, the territorial integrity of the country and constitutional democracy is the most fundamental task of the armed forces. It is, after all, the primary role of defending the land of the homeland when it is threatened. The most obvious expression of that is the concept of ensuring the capacity to implement defence plans drawn up at national level.
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Buhaichuk, K. L. "Stabilisation measures on the de-occupied territories: conceptual interpretation, classification, and application features." Law and Safety 92, no. 1 (2024): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/pb.2024.1.01.

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The publication provides a scientific analysis of the “stabilisation measures” concept which has recently been used to determine the specifics of public authorities and law enforcement agencies' activities on the de-occupied territories of our country. It has been proved that the concept of “stabilisation measures” arose in the course of NATO peacekeeping operations in the Balkans and is primarily associated with law enforcement activities of specially authorised military units capable of performing police functions. According to NATO’s Joint Doctrine (AJP-3.22), stabilisation measures are defined as special activities aimed at strengthening or providing temporary replacement for local police forces to help restore and/or maintain public order and security, the rule of law and the protection of human rights.
 It is emphasised that the understanding of the content of stabilisation measures in national and foreign practice is different. Foreign researchers mainly associate stabilisation measures with law enforcement actions: ensuring public order and security, combating crime, protecting civilians, etc. In our country, a broader interpretation of the term has been formed, which, in addition to purely police measures, includes social, humanitarian, informational, and economic measures that cover the comprehensive restoration and development of the de-occupied territories.
 It is proposed to divide stabilisation measures into general and special ones. The first type is related to the restoration of state power on the de-occupied territory, as well as to ensuring the vital activity of its civilian population. Special stabilisation measures are carried out to prevent sabotage and reconnaissance groups and illegal armed groups from entering the de-occupied territory and committing terrorist acts on infrastructure and communications facilities, ensuring public safety and order, preventing and suppressing crimes and other offences, eliminating the consequences of emergencies, and searching for persons who have committed crimes against the foundations of national security, war crimes and other offences during the occupation of the territory.
 The number of conceptual provisions on the interpretation of the definition, purpose, principles, types and peculiarities of application of stabilisation measures in Ukraine have been formulated.
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Kutyrev, Georgy. "EU and Latin America Security Cooperation: History and Evolution." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (March 2024): 225–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2024.1.20.

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Introduction. This article aims to analyze the process of security cooperation between the European Union and countries in Latin America from the perspective of historical institutionalism and the methodological tools proposed by the Copenhagen School. The author covers the main stages of the development of relations between these two regions, starting with early initiatives in the field of political and economic support and moving towards deeper cooperation in the field of security. Methods. The main theoretical and methodological support of this study is historical neo-institutionalism, which focuses attention on the role of institutional choices made earlier in the historical past, i.e., the “path dependence” principle. The research uses the sector-specific approach to security analysis developed by the Copenhagen School. Analysis and results. In the historical context, three main stages can be distinguished in the development of relations between the EU and the countries of the LCA in the field of security. The first bipolar stage (1945–1991) was characterized mainly by political and economic support from the United States and NATO as the main structure of regional security. Relations between the EU and Latin American countries at this time were sporadic, largely complicated by multiple crises within Latin American countries. However, in the 1960s, relations in the fields of economic cooperation and economic security began to be built between the regions. In the conditions of the second stage, post-bipolar (1991–2014), the concept of strategic partnership begins to be actively developed between regions, not only in the economic but also in the political and military spheres. Also, the EU, trying to simultaneously institutionally build its own security policy and the European army, began to conduct peacekeeping operations during this period with varying success (since 2003). The current stage (from 2014 to present) is characterized by growing contradictions between Russia, Ukraine, and the collective West, consolidated around the United States, as well as the destruction of the newly created post-bipolar regional security system. The LCA countries, which are afraid of being drawn into a conflict, are trying to develop their own course in the field of security policy.
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Mlađenović, Mirjana. "RAZVOJ I REDEFINISANjE ULOGE MIROVNIH OPERACIJA UN U OČUVANjU MEĐUNARODNOG MIRA I BEZBEDNOSTI." Glasnik prava XIII, no. 1 (2022): 107–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/gp.1301.107m.

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This paper explains the importance and role of United Nations peacekeeping missions in solving social crises and conflicts. The historical basis of the conflicts themselves, as well as their causes and development in different societies, is analyzed. The role of the collective security system is also defined with reference to the first established system of this kind through the Statute of the League of Nations. Normative-legal frameworks of peace operations and their conceptual concepts and existing types are presented. Types of cooperation between the United Nations and regional organizations during peace operations, primarily cooperation with NATO, as well as their advantages and disadvantages during cooperation are presented. What is highlighted in the paper is the current state of peacekeeping operations and the challenges they face. Modern peacekeeping missions and their legality are presented, as well as the basis for organizing new types of peacekeeping operations and the conditions necessary for their maintenance and further development.
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Book chapters on the topic "NATO peacekeeping concept"

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"Introduction." In Executive Policing, edited by Renata Dwan. Oxford University PressOxford, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199258246.003.0001.

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Abstract ‘Executive policing’ is the newest term to enter the Jexicon of United Nations peacekeeping. The phrase has come into use in diplomatic and international policing circles only since the establishment of the UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) in June 1999 following the intervention by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY). Like much of the terminology of peacekeeping, executive policing is a specialized term. What is executive policing? How does it differ from any other type of policing? Where and when does it happen? Unlike much peacekeeping jargon, executive policing is a fairly precise concept. It refers to the power and practice of law enforcement by international police within a particular territory. This power derives from the assumption by the UN of sovereign authority over the area (either all or part of a state) and its practice from the establishment of a transitional administration. To date, UNMIK and the UN Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET), established in October 1999, are the only two examples of executive policing in a peace operation. There are at least three reasons why so few executive policing operations have been established. These reasons also point to some of the distinguishing characteristics of the phenomenon.
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Mamedov, Ilgar M. "Turkey’s policy in the Balkans in the light of transformations in South-Eastern Europe in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries." In Central and South-Eastern Europe in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries: researches and documents. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences; Nestor-Istoriia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2712-8342.2021.2.24.

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Europe in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries (Ilgar M. Mamedov) Concern for the political and cultural rights of the Muslim and Turkish population of the Balkans became the main reason for Turkish involvement in the region in the 1990s. Turkey secured its presence in the Balkans mainly within and through NATO. However, Turkey also took independent steps. The main means of Turkey's policy included condemnation of violence, calls for dialogue, peace initiatives, humanitarian actions, and participation in peacekeeping operations.
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Bradley, Miriam. "Bosnian War, 1992–1995." In The Politics and Everyday Practice of International Humanitarianism. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198840695.003.0005.

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Abstract Chapter 4 focuses on the 1992–1995 Bosnian War and the failure of the international response to protect the civilian population. When war broke out, the international community mounted a huge and high-profile humanitarian relief effort, led by the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and supported by a UN peacekeeping force, the United Nations Protection Force in Yugoslavia (UNPROFOR). The relief effort represented an impressive accomplishment, but neither the humanitarian agencies nor the peacekeeping forces succeeded in protecting the civilian population from attack. The UN Security Council designated a number of predominantly Bosnian Muslim towns as safe areas but failed to protect them from Serb forces, who attacked as part of a policy of ethnic cleansing. Despite the obvious limitations of the humanitarian response, it served as a ‘humanitarian alibi’ which major powers could point to in order to show they were doing something even as they avoided serious foreign policy engagement. Not only did the humanitarian response thus conceal a lack of more concerted political or military action, but it was also sometimes in tension with it. With thousands of aid workers and lightly armed peacekeepers spread thinly across Bosnian territory, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) could not engage in substantial airstrikes, such that the Serb forces could violate international humanitarian law without fear of serious reprisals. Only after numerous attacks on the so-called safe areas and the ethnic cleansing of around 8,000 men and boys from Srebrenica in July 1995 was NATO shamed into serious intervention, ending the war.
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