Journal articles on the topic 'Natural resources – Zambia'

This paper analyzes the natural resources governance framework in Zambia. The research is the result of a broader project on natural resource governance with interviews performed in a number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa. The goal of the paper is to identify the gaps and inconsistencies within the Zambian natural resource policy framework, in an effort to broaden the understanding of how governance of the sector may be streamlined and optimized. It further offers suggestions on how other sectors, such as education, may be central to the development of a more successful natural resource framework. The paper focuses on Zambia as a country with a long history of mining and a relatively stable political environment, yet one in which tensions between government and the private sector remain, and policies on natural resource extraction which have been particularly volatile in recent years.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide detailed findings regarding the perceived role of corporate governance in Zambia. There have been no detailed studies of opinions in a setting such as Zambia, i.e. a nation which has experienced relative political calm and which has an abundance of natural resources – but where corporate governance failures have been blamed directly for economic difficulties. Design/methodology/approach The study reports the results of a series of 24 in-depth interviews with Zambians, including politicians, regulators, senior business executives, transnational organisation representatives, academics and governance consultants. The discussions were conducted face-to-face and recorded in all cases. Findings Understanding of corporate governance is at an embryonic stage in Zambia, but embedded corruption is likely to require addressing before any meaningful change is likely. A range of isomorphic forces appear to be prevalent and the study argues that root and branch change in structures and attitudes is a necessity if improvements are to be forthcoming. The paper concludes with a call for unity in purpose and recognition of current malignancies. Originality/value Despite Zambia’s idiosyncrasies, the evidence suggests that a pan-African picture is emerging, with growing awareness of the potential benefits of improved corporate behaviour – but deep cynicism exists about the likelihood of these arising given corruption in reward structures. Such is the extent of embeddedness in power amongst those who benefit from current arrangements that both mimetic and coercive forces are argued to be ranged against any shift in extant systems and processes.

The article sets out to examine the concept of customary or traditional land within the context of Zambia’s dual land system that is categorized as: customary/traditional land. In turn, the traditional land is controlled, allocated, and regulated through the Chiefs. Then there is formal land that is owned and controlled by the State through the Commissioner of Lands who works in consultation with the Ministry of Land and Natural Resources, in conjunction with the Ministry of Local Government and its District Councils. The article will thus examine the history of dual land system in Zambia; and will further evaluate the Land Act of 1995, whose purpose was to propose a wave of new land system reforms. The latter was intended to establish a more efficient system of land tenure conversion in Zambia. The article also examines the administration of conversion process of traditional/customary and State land. The article sets out on the premise that without effective tenure conversion policies in administering land, sustainable development in both traditional or customary and State areas will be hampered. To this effect, the issue of boundaries in customary or traditional communities will be discussed as a way of building territorial integrity and land management in customary land, through cadastral surveys that is apparent with the rise in population and demand for market-based activities in rural areas. The article will argue that without clearly defined systems of administration and demarcation of boundaries, between customary/traditional and State/formal lands in Zambia, this process will be prone to more land conflicts hindering socio-economic progress. Hence, the aim of the article is to investigate how the United Church of Zambia’s land has been administered and managed, considering the fact that most of its land is based both in customary/traditional areas that are controlled by the Chiefs and formal or State lands that are largely controlled by the government institutions. The methodology that will be used in or der to examine how the United Church of Zambia manages and administer its land will be qualitative methodology. The article will conclude that there is need for the United Church of Zambia to develop a land management policy that will assist the Church to manage and administer its lands that is both located in the traditional and government areas. Above all, the Church needs to ensure that leasehold conversion that is both customary and traditional authorities through the local Chiefs and the government through its Ministry of Land and Natural Resources, Commissioner of Lands, together with the Ministry of Local Government are legitimately acquired.

In theory, natural resource governance through co-management promises a rich array of benefits for local populations, from representative decision-making to legitimately equal and open access to natural resources. Anthropologists, social geographers and other practitioners of political ecology will not be surprised to learn that such theory rarely bears out in practice, but that instead sociopolitical relationships are forged in the niches created by reoriented power structures. These reconfigured relationships exhibit not only shifts in peer networks but also in relationships of scale, for example, among local fishers and chiefs, and chiefs and government agents. Recent application of a co-management system of enforcement in the Zambian portion of the Mweru-Luapula fishery shows how well-intentioned policy fails to produce expected results: leading to spoils for some and reduced value of access for others. This paper focuses on one among several case studies derived from this region. It describes how a small group of roughly fifty lake island residents gain advantage from the dubious legality of their incursion into a perpetually closed fish breeding area because, while legislative statute restricts all fishers from these fecund common-pool resource grounds, comanagement empowers "traditional" modes of authority with the de facto clout to rebuff civil officers charged with evicting these potentially destructive occupants. For their part, the recent immigrant squatters argue a moral imperative to residence by claiming autochthony. By doing so they leverage the comanagement prerogative intended to protect indigenous rights, while bolstering their own campaign to entrench themselves in the most valuable waters of the fishery.Keywords: co-management, fishery, commons, autochthony, Zambia, Mweru-Luapula fishery, Kanakashi Island

Production of high value agriculture and natural products has become a key instrument in economic development programs to accomplish the dual objectives of raising rural incomes and conserving valuable environmental resources. Rapid growth in global demand for organic and natural products has provided a strong economic incentive for small scale aid agencies to expand into this niche market. Through this analysis we investigate the economic impact that aid funded agricultural production has had on rural residents of Zambia and how this development strategy allows small scale aid donors to capitalize on the business and export opportunities in the Central African region. We want to determine what practices, if any, can be applied to other small development organizations working in economically deprived countries. The case for this analysis is Enright Flight Ministries, Inc. (EFM), a 501(c)3 not-for-profit organization with the dual objectives of promoting economic development and evangelism in Zambia. EFM has over 20 years experience in establishing agricultural production programs to support economic development in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia. Our focus will be on 5 major EFM agribusiness ventures: African hardwood products, organic honey, aloe vera, bananas, and fisheries. Analysis of the financial statements of EFM will be relied on to provide an accurate view of total investment into the various agricultural projects. Levels of investment will be discussed in light of the current global demand for each particular product. We break down project reports to determine what benefits accrue to both farm and non-farm rural Zambians. This financial analysis will be supplemented with semi-structured interviews performed with EFM administrative staff and aid recipients during the period August - December 2011. Special attention is paid to how aid recipients perceive the program benefits.

SUMMARYThis paper reviews the concept and practice of community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) as it has evolved in southern Africa, with a particular focus on Zimbabwe, Botswana, Namibia and, to a lesser extent, Zambia. It recognizes that, like democracy, CBNRM is both an imperfect process and a conceptual goal. The governance of economic processes, property rights and local political organization lie at the heart of CBNRM. The first challenge is to replace fiscal centralization, fees and bureaucracy (and the subsidization of alternative land uses) that have historically undervalued wild resources, so that CBNRM's comparative economic advantage is reflected in landholder and community incentives. Second, devolving property rights to communities shifts resource governance, responsibility and benefit appropriately to the local level. This necessitates accountable, transparent and equitable micro-governance, which in turn is linked to effective meso-level support and monitoring and cross-scale linkages between central government and local communities. This paper outlines the evolution of current models of CBNRM in the region and suggests core strategies for the next generation of CBNRM.

Constitutionalism may be gaining ascendancy in many countries in Africa. Yet thorough investigation of the extent to which current constitutions accord to the people their internationally recognised right to governance of their mineral wealth under Article 1(2) of the ICCPR has been lacking. Understanding the existing framework of rights which may support claims to land and natural resources is important. Constitutions of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Zambia demonstrate the reality of multiple, overlapping land interests and the limitations upon a people's claim to freely govern their mineral wealth.

Trypanosomiasis has been endemic in wildlife in Zambia for more than a century. The disease has been associated with neurological disorders in humans. Current conservation strategies by the Zambian government of turning all game reserves into state-protected National Parks (NPs) and game management areas (GMAs) have led to the expansion of the wildlife and tsetse population in the Luangwa and Zambezi valley ecosystem. This ecological niche lies in the common tsetse fly belt that harbors the highest tsetse population density in Southern Africa. Ecological factors such as climate, vegetation and rainfall found in this niche allow for a favorable interplay between wild reservoir hosts and vector tsetse flies. These ecological factors that influence the survival of a wide range of wildlife species provide adequate habitat for tsetse flies thereby supporting the coexistence of disease reservoir hosts and vector tsetse flies leading to prolonged persistence of trypanosomiasis in the area. On the other hand, increase in anthropogenic activities poses a significant threat of reducing the tsetse and wildlife habitat in the area. Herein, we demonstrate that while conservation of wildlife and biodiversity is an important preservation strategy of natural resources, it could serve as a long-term reservoir of wildlife trypanosomiasis.

Since 1950, the annual rainfall in the habitat of Black-cheeked Lovebirds Agapornis nigrigenis has decreased, increasing dependence on artificial water supplies. In this study, the seasonal water requirements and drinking behaviour of the lovebirds in their natural habitat were investigated. During the dry season, lovebirds drank at the same water-point in the early morning and late afternoon. Flock sizes of birds at drinking sites ranged from 1 to 175 individuals. Birds from one locale all drank at the same waterhole. Black-cheeked Lovebirds were vigilant and highly cautious drinkers that did not drink at waterholes when disturbed by humans or livestock. The implications for conservation of the species are discussed. Since water availability is a limiting factor for the Black-cheeked Lovebird, gradual desiccation of its habitat has caused the reduction of its small distributional range. Because of increasing dependence on artificial water supplies in a highly localized distribution the priority for conservation management of the species must be creating and maintaining water resources with minimal external disturbance.

The cultivation of food crops within the overall boundaries of towns and cities is not new, but has been forgotten or ignored in the last 20 years, while urbanisation has, it is thought, absorbed a disproportionate share of national resources. Can, however, an alternative form of urban development, less greedy of financial and natural assets, capable of satisfying the basic needs of the population and of reducing the vulnerability of the poorest, be envisaged, and is the food and energy system an appropriate starting point?1The first stage in studying any neglected area is to review existing evidence and policy, in order to reveal gaps and suggest avenues for future enquiry, policy formulation, and experiment.2In this article, the evidence presented will be from Zambia, and it will be the task of further research to assess the relevance of these findings to other towns and cities in the region.

A country's water resources are important not only for the continued well-being of its population but also because water is a critical element in its economic development. Water is vital for human, animal and plant life. Life cannot exist without it. Most domestic needs in developing countries are satisfied through direct access to natural sources. The World Health Organisation in 1976 estimated that only 38 per cent of the total population in developing countries had access to safe water supplies. This means that 62 per cent of the population resorted to lakes, rivers, streams and wells for domestic requirements. Many industries abstract water from rivers and lakes for their industrial processes and often return it to those sources as trade effluents. Water is a critical factor in agricultural production. In turn agricultural activities create by-products such as sediment loads and chemical residues with adverse impact on water quality.It is obvious therefore that a country must ensure that its water resources are rationally utilised and managed. Such utilisation and management entails the creation of normative and institutional structures, first, to regulate the allocation of an often scarce resource to competing legitimate demands and, secondly, to anticipate, prevent and control the adverse consequences of resources utilisation. This article examines the nature of the legal mechanisms instituted by selected African countries, viz. Zambia, Ethiopia, Ghana, Sudan and Kenya, for the control and prevention of water pollution. The objective is two-fold: first, to determine the adequacy of existing legal regimes and, secondly, to suggest how deficiencies in existing frameworks may be rectified.

SummaryLusala (Dioscorea hirtiflora Benth. subsp. pedicellata Milne-Redh) is an important wild edible tuber foraged widely from natural forests in Southern Zambia, but at risk from overharvesting and deforestation. Its propagation was investigated in glasshouse studies to explore potential domestication and future in situ and ex situ genetic resources conservation. Almost all tubers planted with visible shoot buds produced vines, with no effect of tuber size on vine emergence or tuber yield. Few tubers without visible shoot buds at planting produced vines, but those that did not re-tuberized. The progeny provided good vine emergence and similar tuber yield, with vines from tubers produced by re-tuberization being more vigorous. Re-tuberization in the absence of vine emergence also occurred in other experiments. Minisetts cut from the proximal end of tubers provided better vine emergence (with more from 20-mm than 10-mm-long sections) and greater tuber yield than mid- or distal minisetts. Nodal stem cuttings rooted well, vined, and provided small tubers. This study shows that lusala can be propagated successfully from tubers, minisetts, nodal vine cuttings, or mini-tubers from nodal vine cuttings, for genetic resources conservation and/or domestication. Domestication is likely to be hampered by the long period required for vines to emerge and establish. More sustainable foraging, including re-planting in natural forests, is recommended to balance consumption of lusala in the region and promote its long-term conservation.

SUMMARYSupplementary immunization activities (SIAs) are important in achieving high levels of population immunity to measles virus. Using data from a 2006 survey of measles vaccination in Lusaka, Zambia, we developed a model to predict measles immunity following routine vaccination and SIAs, and absent natural infection. Projected population immunity was compared between the current programme and alternatives, including supplementing routine vaccination with a second dose, or SIAs at 1-, 2-, 3-, 4- and 5-year intervals. Current routine vaccination plus frequent SIAs could maintain high levels of population immunity in children aged <5 years, even if each frequent SIA has low coverage (e.g. ⩾72% for bi-annual 60% coverage SIAs vs. ⩾69% for quadrennial 95% coverage SIAs). A second dose at 12 months with current coverage could achieve 81% immunity. Circulating measles virus will only increase population immunity. Public health officials should consider frequent SIAs when resources for a two-dose strategy are unavailable.

Wildlife culling is the most preferred form of wildlife utilization in ULGMA. Nevertheless, the frequency of game-meat consumption by local people is low, partly due to the problem of irregular meat sales from the culling scheme and partly due to the low purchasing capability of villagers. LIRDP needs to improve the distribution routine of meat sale at lower prices if the culling scheme is to fulfil its objective of providing game-meat to local people. It is also essential to spread comprehension of the use of benefits from wildlife utilization among the local residents. Any increase in the allocation of the wildlife harvest quota should be considered with caution in order that species are not harvested at a rate beyond their reproductive capacity.There is resentment against safari hunting, based on the opinion that it gives to foreigners the opportunities to utilize wildlife resources while the local people are forbidden access to them. Appreciation of benefits from safari hunting is minimal, and option for reduction of the off-take allocation quota is strong. Although safari hunting is the most prominent revenue-generating form of utilization, benefits from it are not visible to local communities. Exchange of information between LIRDP and the local communities concerned with the use of revenue from wildlife utilization programmes needs to be reinforced. This would be instrumental not only in minimizing misconceptions about safari hunting, but also in establishing cooperation between LIRDP and local communities. An increase in the number that may be taken of the more numerous species during DGL hunting could well be considered, so as to enable more local people to utilize wildlife resources legally.Control shooting has a marginal effect in reducing crop damage. Even though electric fencing could be an effective barrier against large animals such as Elephants, it would be better to encourage traditional methods of self-defence. Control shooting is advocated only if and when the problem gets out of hand. Subsistence poaching is widely successful, due to the skills of the practitioners, the use of appropriate traditional technology, and the low operating costs. These features may be considered favourably in wildlife culling operations. Through allocation of a sustainable off-take quota to local hunter cooperatives, their services could be used to provide game-meat to local communities.Continued confrontation with commercial poachers through regular and more intensive patrols is essential, particularly in vulnerable areas. LIRDP should maximize the services of Village Scouts stationed at Miliyoti and Kauluzi wildlife camps by providing adequate firearms and ammunition for more effective anti-poaching patrols in the game management areas than currently exist. To gain local support, LIRDP may consider an increased wildlife offtake quota for the Malaila Kunda traditional ceremony. This would serve to sustain local culture and would help to develop enthusiasm among local people for due conservation of animal wildlife and other natural resources.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to identify and analyse determinants of Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) into a number of African countries for the period 2003-2012. Design/methodology/approach – A series of panel data models are used to estimate the determinants of Chinese OFDI into eight African countries: Nigeria, South Africa, Zambia, Ghana, Kenya, Algeria, Egypt and the Sudan. Findings – Results highlighted that Chinese investment in African countries is driven by access to natural resources, and factors related to infrastructure quality and the regulatory environment enforced by host governments. Originality/value – To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is one of the first papers to identify empirical determinants of Chinese OFDI in Africa and it contributes from two perspectives. Firstly, it identifies drivers behind Chinese OFDI, but also importantly from the African perspective helps understand the reasons that attract investment from one of the world’s largest investors into one of the world’s poorest regions, given the emphasis that is placed on foreign direct investment today as an instrument of growth and development.

Recent debates in social anthropology on land acquisitions highlight the need to go further back in history in order to analyse their impacts on local livelihoods. The debate over the commons in economic and ecological anthropology helps us understand some of today’s dynamics by looking at precolonial common property institutions and the way they were transformed by Western colonization to state property and then, later in the age of neoliberalism, to privatization and open access. This paper focuses on Africa and refers to the work of critical scholars who show that traditional land tenure was misinterpreted as customary tenure without full property rights, while a broader literature on the commons shows that common-pool resources (pasture, fisheries, wildlife, forestry etc.) have been effectively managed by locally-developed common property institutions. This misinterpretation continues to function as a legacy in both juridical and popular senses. Moreover, the transformation of political systems and the notion of customary land tenure produced effects of central importance for today’s investment context. During colonial times a policy of indirect rule based on new elites was created to manage customary lands of so-called native groups who could use the land as long as it was of no value to the state. However, this land formally remained in the hands of the state, which also claimed to manage common-pool resources through state institutions. The neoliberal policies that are now demanded by donor agencies have had two consequences for land and land-related common-pool resources. On the one hand, states often lack the financial means to enforce their own natural resource legislation and this has led to de facto open access. On the other hand, land legally fragmented from its common-pool resources has been transformed from state to private property. This has enabled new elites and foreign investors to claim private property on formerly commonly-held land, which also leads to the loss of access to land related common-pool resources for more marginal local actors. Thus, the paper argues that this process does not just lead to land grabbing but to commons grabbing as well. This has furthermore undermined the resilience and adaptive capacity of local populations because access to common-pool resources is vital for the livelihoods of more marginal groups, especially in times of crisis. Comparative studies undertaken on floodplains in Botswana, Cameroon, Mali, Tanzania and Zambia based on a New Institutional Political Ecology (NIPE) approach illustrate this process and its impacts and show how institutional transformations are key to understanding the impacts of large-scale land acquisitions (LSLA) and investments in Africa.

Zimbabwe has faced persistent droughts from around year 1990 to date posing a structural food security challenge to the populace. Recently, the government of Zimbabwe introduced a blue print to spearhead and map sustainable balance in tapping value from the available natural and man-made resources in the country. This is known as the Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Socio-economic Transformation Programme (Zim Asset). Amongst its prospects, agriculture and nutrition has been reckoned as a sustainable cluster for economic development. This study was undertaken one and half years after the implementation of Zim Asset as an evaluation mechanism on the successes and challenges faced in transforming the Zimbabwean economy with specific reference to the Food and Nutrition Cluster. The study employed both post positivism and interpretivism philosophies applying quantitative and qualitative approaches in gathering research data. The research instruments included documentary evidence, face to face in-depth interviews and focus groups. The in-depth interviews explored issues to do with resources allocation in line with the Zim Asset agriculture sustenance objectives. Focus was therefore, on the four Ministries supporting the Food and Nutrition Cluster. Eighty percent of the respondents reported that the economic blue print has not made any significant strides in improving the country’s agricultural performance and food security since the inception of Zim Asset in October 2013. It was noted that the country continued to import maize from Zambia and other countries in the region. The major reason for its lack of success was due to the unavailability of resources to support the programme and the fact that land was allocated to unproductive and cell phone farmers. There was consensus that land audit and recapitalisation of the agriculture sector were critical in achieving the desired outcomes. The study recommends that the programme be adequately funded, so that the country can become self-sufficient.

SUMMARYThe performance obstacles surrounding community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) in southern Africa have much to do with understanding of environmental governance systems and how these are devolved. CBNRM appears to be failing because of flawed environmental governance systems compounded by their ineffective devolution. A case study in Zambia is used to illustrate why and how one CBNRM scheme for the most part faltered. It draws on practical experiences involving the devolution of decision-making and benefit-distribution processes on a floodplain wetland known as the Kafue Flats. While this CBNRM scheme was designed to facilitate the devolution of key components of an environmental governance system, the resultant efforts were largely unsuccessful because of the poor social relationships between government actors and local rural communities. It is argued that in Zambia, at least from an environmental governance system perspective, CBNRM has mostly failed. While generally bringing some marginal improvements to local communities, the construction and execution of an effective environmental governance system have been largely flawed.

Most sub-Saharan African (SSA) nations are governed by traditional economic models of using varied varieties of capital (including human), technological and natural approaches to supply goods and services. This has undoubtedly led to annual economic growth of about 3.2% in several African nations and higher per capita income as some of the major benefits, which have improved the standards of living and social wellbeing but conjointly have led to environmental degradation. In response to the environmental degradation problem, while benchmarking against international policies, this article evaluates approaches to economic development, environmental management, and energy production in the context of climate change. Case studies consider the mine-dependent nations of Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the agriculture-dependent nation of Rwanda. In Zambia and DRC, energy efficiency in the mining and metals industries could increase the electrification rate in Zambia and DRC by up to 50%. Additional industrial utilization of solar or wind energy is key to a stable energy supply, economic development and environmental protection. In Rwanda, population growth and land constraints point to economic growth and agricultural improvements as the key to sustainability and sustainable development. These case studies emphasize resource optimization, energy efficiency, renewable energy deployment, strategies to reduce biodiversity loss and environmental degradation, and the improvement of social wellbeing for both present and future generations to achieve an ecologically enhanced sub-Saharan Africa.

This research focuses on foreign intervention in the mining sectors of Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), concentrating on the transparency of agreements and regulation, or lack thereof, contributing to the longevity of mining practices and the livelihoods of local citizens. The current state of public information regarding natural resource extraction in both countries creates questions about state motives and investors’ economic incentive, with consequences of inequality, human rights offenses, and underdevelopment. Applying Immanuel Wallerstein’s world-systems theory, I describe the economic rationale behind global involvement in the region’s mining operations and identify potential power imbalances. I use commodity statistics, state documentation, and nongovernmental reports to analyze reporting trends on mining operations. Intergovernmental databases with development statistics also contribute to the research. In this study, I argue foreign intervention in underdeveloped, mineral rich countries does not have to be a purely exploitative relationship as emphasized by Wallerstein’s theory, demonstrated through the implementation of international transparency initiatives. These programs, implemented for the benefit of the resource abundant countries like Zambia and the DRC, can increase the accountability of governments and investing companies related to mining activities. Complete reporting on natural resource extraction increases investment values and the development and productivity of the mining industry.

The Ministry of Tourism and Arts (2018) identified an overall goal of utilizing Zambia’s natural and cultural resources as a tourism driver to increase economic growth for the country. However, the industry has experienced problems with attrition, productivity, and high mortality rates of wildlife police officers (WPOs) which negatively affects the ability to protect the wildlife and natural resources that drive the tourism industry. A systematic review of the evidence was conducted in support of the Ministry of Tourism and Arts (MOTA) to identify the key components of a workplace wellness and HIV/AIDS program to reduce the attrition and mortality of the WPOs. The findings from the review indicate the essential components of a wellness workplace and HIV/AIDS policy can be bucketed into four categories: (a) program design; (b) program growth; (c) disease management and prevention; and (d) program evaluation. Findings also indicate that wellness programs have a positive correlation with absenteeism, job satisfaction, job performance/productivity, employee turnover, and return on investment (ROI). However, management involvement and support to resource a program and reduce the stigma associated with it are necessary for its success. This case study presents evidence-based recommendations to assist the MOTA with the development and implementation of an effective Wellness Workplace Policy focusing on HIV/AIDS, other communicable and noncommunicable diseases, addiction, and mental health support. Recommendations included the formation of a workplace wellness committee, development and communication of the wellness program, engagement through employee forums, increased training for leadership, and the involvement of stakeholders as program advisors.

AbstractWe examine the environmental impacts of a cash transfer program in rural Zambia and investigate whether variation in market access is associated with heterogeneous impacts on natural resource use. We consider households’ use of firewood, charcoal, bushmeat and land for farming, as well as their ownership of non-farm businesses. We find that cash transfers increase the likelihood of charcoal consumption as well as the amount consumed for those living close to paved roads. The transfers also enable households to increase the size of their farms and establish non-farm businesses. These impacts are most pronounced for those living far from paved roads. While remoteness is associated with farm expansion in response to the cash transfer, more education causes those receiving the transfer to decrease the size of their farms. This impact heterogeneity has important implications for sustainable development.

Many of the world’s refugees remain in Africa, where they stay long-term, mainly in neighboring countries. The present directions point to integration, in which the host society and the political surroundings play a key role. This paper aims to investigate the ways in which public opinion towards and contact with refugees support integration processes. We apply this research to a settlement setting in rural Zambia, a recent dataset of 275 households from 2018, and an econometric analysis. This is the first study dealing with a set of factors that affect the hosts’ opinion towards and contact with refugees in an African settlement context, and with respect to the Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework produced by the United Nations. Our results show, particularly, the religiosity, group membership, life satisfaction, food insecurity, agricultural ownership and natural resource uses of the host society to be the main factors that need policy consideration for the promotion of refugee integration. Stakeholders dealing in host–refugee settings and seeking for durable solutions should roll out community programs to address threat perceptions and interaction improvements.

Nitrogen (N) is a major nutrient that limits crop production in southern Africa. We hypothesized that coppicing tree legumes, which are integrated in cropping systems, would intercept leaching nutrients and could also increase topsoil N in nutrient-depleted soils. This hypothesis was verified in three ongoing experiments at Msekera (experiments 1 and 2) and Kagoro (experiment 3) in Zambia. Planted tree fallows of Gliricidia sepium, Leucaena leucocephala, Acacia angustisma, and Sesbania sesban were compared with natural fallows and with continuous maize cropping with or without fertilizer (no-tree) controls. Top and subsoil samples were taken in the tree treatments and in the no-tree controls to establish short and long-term tree effects on soil N dynamics. 15N was introduced at various soil depths down to 2 m to determine the vertical root-reach of coppicing trees. Samples taken on two different dates showed that planted trees are capable of capturing subsoil N. The amounts retrieved by trees in experiment 2 did not vary with depth or dates except for A. angustisma which retrieved more N from the top 0.20 m than from the subsoil. L. leucocephala and G. sepium had similar characteristics in terms of coppice biomass production and N content, and both species rooted to at least 2 m. G. sepium in a mixture with S. sesban, retrieved more applied N than when planted alone, implying that mixed fallows may be effective in resource capture. There was more inorganic-N in the topsoil of coppiced fallows was significantly higher than in unfertilized maize plots. Subsoil N accumulation was evident under fertilized maize plots. There was less subsoil nitrate-N beneath planted trees than beneath mono-cropped maize plots indicating that trees probably retrieved subsoil N. Maize yields subsequent to coppicing tree fallows were at least 170% higher than unfertilized controls indicating improved soil fertility status in the tree systems.

Village economies and peasant households represent the main link between the economy and the environment in sub-Saharan Africa. The links from the macro level and down to the household level and further to the natural resource base are complex. It may therefore be difficult to predict the impact of macro policies and external shocks on the environment. This paper presents a typology of village economies and village economy-wide models. The framework is applied to a special case where a model is proposed and estimated to examine the impacts of external shocks, including structural adjustment policies, on cash-crop production and chitemene (shifting cultivation) in a remote Zambian village characterized by a missing (or negligible) labour market, input supply constraints, and credit rationing. Our findings indicate that structural adjustment policies, by decreasing the profitability of maize production, may encourage households to increase their chitemene production, resulting in more rapid deforestation.

The paper looks at the impact of climate change on migration patterns of women in Marange, Zimbabwe between 2006 and 2016. Correlational research design was used. Both quantitative and qualitative data were collected. A sample of 384 households was selected using a systematic deliberate convenience sampling technique. Focus group discussions, direct observation, desk research, a questionnaire survey and key informant interviews were used to collect data. The SPSS version 12 software was used to analyse quantitative data, while themes were developed for qualitative data. The results established that the major push factors for migration were due to the negative impact of climate change, particularly prolonged drought (94%) and hot temperatures (88%). Locally, migrants settled at water sources, wetlands, river banks and pasture lands with the worst affected areas being Mpudzi, Odzi, Burma Valley and Vumba. These new settlements posed social, economic, and administrative challenges and generated natural resource use conflicts at local level. Internationally, migrants settled in Mozambique, South Africa and Zambia. It emerged that young and single women (18-25 years) migrate more and permanently than older and married (>25 years) who were seasonal migrants. Women from large families (5-9 members) migrated more than those from smaller families (<3 members). The study concluded that the impact of climate change especially prolonged drought increases migration of young and single women from large families. It recommended an investment in infrastructure that promote irrigation and employment creation for locals in the diamond mining field to diversify their livelihood options and reduce outward migration of women

In southern Africa, many early conservation efforts from the late 1800s and early 1900s either displaced local communities or restricted their access to natural resources. This naturally affected community attitudes towards protected areas and efforts were later made to rectify growing tensions. In the last few decades of the 20th century, these efforts led to conservation and ecotourism models that increasingly included communities in the decision-making and benefit-sharing process in order to garner their support. Although the results of these policies were mixed, it is clear that the future success of conservation and, consequently, ecotourism in many areas will depend on the attitudes and behaviour of communities living in or adjacent to protected areas. Managing and understanding community expectations and attitudes under varying socio-economic circumstances will lead to more efficient, equitable and sustainable community-based conservation and ecotourism models. This study was based on 1400 community interview schedules conducted in Botswana, Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe, allowing for an accurate comparison of attitudes across countries, protected areas and communities. The results highlighted important demographic and socio-economic factors to consider in terms of understanding the attitudes of those living in and around protected areas. Suggestions were put forward for managing community relationships and garnering long-term support for protected areas and ecotourism. Conservation implications: It was observed that, in general, community members living in or adjacent to conservation areas in southern Africa have an understanding and appreciation of the importance of conservation. Formal education was found to positively impact attitudes and human–wildlife conflict negatively impacted attitudes, highlighting important policy focus areas.

Special Care Notice This article contains images of deceased people that might cause sadness or distress to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander readers. Introduction Like many cities, Perth was founded on wetlands that have been integral to its history and culture (Seddon 226–32). However, in order to promote a settlement agenda, early mapmakers sought to erase the city’s wetlands from cartographic depictions (Giblett, Cities). Since the colonial era, inner-Perth’s swamps and lakes have been drained, filled, significantly reduced in size, or otherwise reclaimed for urban expansion (Bekle). Not only have the swamps and lakes physically disappeared, the memories of their presence and influence on the city’s development over time are also largely forgotten. What was the site of Perth, specifically its wetlands, like before British settlement? In 2014, an interdisciplinary team at Edith Cowan University developed a digital visualisation process to re-imagine Perth prior to colonisation. This was based on early maps of the Swan River Colony and a range of archival information. The images depicted the city’s topography, hydrology, and vegetation and became the centerpiece of a physical exhibition entitled Re-imagining Perth’s Lost Wetlands and a virtual exhibition hosted by the Western Australian Museum. Alongside historic maps, paintings, photographs, and writings, the visual reconstruction of Perth aimed to foster appreciation of the pre-settlement environment—the homeland of the Whadjuck Nyoongar, or Bibbulmun, people (Carter and Nutter). The exhibition included the narrative of Fanny Balbuk, a Nyoongar woman who voiced her indignation over the “usurping of her beloved home ground” (Bates, The Passing 69) by flouting property lines and walking through private residences to reach places of cultural significance. Beginning with Balbuk’s story and the digital tracing of her walking route through colonial Perth, this article discusses the project in the context of contemporary pressures on the city’s extant wetlands. The re-imagining of Perth through historically, culturally, and geographically-grounded digital visualisation approaches can inspire the conservation of its wetlands heritage. Balbuk’s Walk through the City For many who grew up in Perth, Fanny Balbuk’s perambulations have achieved legendary status in the collective cultural imagination. In his memoir, David Whish-Wilson mentions Balbuk’s defiant walks and the lighting up of the city for astronaut John Glenn in 1962 as the two stories that had the most impact on his Perth childhood. From Gordon Stephenson House, Whish-Wilson visualises her journey in his mind’s eye, past Government House on St Georges Terrace (the main thoroughfare through the city centre), then north on Barrack Street towards the railway station, the site of Lake Kingsford where Balbuk once gathered bush tucker (4). He considers the footpaths “beneath the geometric frame of the modern city […] worn smooth over millennia that snake up through the sheoak and marri woodland and into the city’s heart” (Whish-Wilson 4). Balbuk’s story embodies the intertwined culture and nature of Perth—a city of wetlands. Born in 1840 on Heirisson Island, Balbuk (also known as Yooreel) (Figure 1) had ancestral bonds to the urban landscape. According to Daisy Bates, writing in the early 1900s, the Nyoongar term Matagarup, or “leg deep,” denotes the passage of shallow water near Heirisson Island where Balbuk would have forded the Swan River (“Oldest” 16). Yoonderup was recorded as the Nyoongar name for Heirisson Island (Bates, “Oldest” 16) and the birthplace of Balbuk’s mother (Bates, “Aboriginal”). In the suburb of Shenton Park near present-day Lake Jualbup, her father bequeathed to her a red ochre (or wilgi) pit that she guarded fervently throughout her life (Bates, “Aboriginal”).Figure 1. Group of Aboriginal Women at Perth, including Fanny Balbuk (far right) (c. 1900). Image Credit: State Library of Western Australia (Image Number: 44c). Balbuk’s grandparents were culturally linked to the site. At his favourite camp beside the freshwater spring near Kings Park on Mounts Bay Road, her grandfather witnessed the arrival of Lieutenant-Colonel Frederick Irwin, cousin of James Stirling (Bates, “Fanny”). In 1879, colonial entrepreneurs established the Swan Brewery at this significant locale (Welborn). Her grandmother’s gravesite later became Government House (Bates, “Fanny”) and she protested vociferously outside “the stone gates guarded by a sentry [that] enclosed her grandmother’s burial ground” (Bates, The Passing 70). Balbuk’s other grandmother was buried beneath Bishop’s Grove, the residence of the city’s first archibishop, now Terrace Hotel (Bates, “Aboriginal”). Historian Bob Reece observes that Balbuk was “the last full-descent woman of Kar’gatta (Karrakatta), the Bibbulmun name for the Mount Eliza [Kings Park] area of Perth” (134). According to accounts drawn from Bates, her home ground traversed the area between Heirisson Island and Perth’s north-western limits. In Kings Park, one of her relatives was buried near a large, hollow tree used by Nyoongar people like a cistern to capture water and which later became the site of the Queen Victoria Statue (Bates, “Aboriginal”). On the slopes of Mount Eliza, the highest point of Kings Park, at the western end of St Georges Terrace, she harvested plant foods, including zamia fruits (Macrozamia riedlei) (Bates, “Fanny”). Fanny Balbuk’s knowledge contributed to the native title claim lodged by Nyoongar people in 2006 as Bennell v. State of Western Australia—the first of its kind to acknowledge Aboriginal land rights in a capital city and part of the larger Single Nyoongar Claim (South West Aboriginal Land and Sea Council et al.). Perth’s colonial administration perceived the city’s wetlands as impediments to progress and as insalubrious environments to be eradicated through reclamation practices. For Balbuk and other Nyoongar people, however, wetlands were “nourishing terrains” (Rose) that afforded sustenance seasonally and meaning perpetually (O’Connor, Quartermaine, and Bodney). Mary Graham, a Kombu-merri elder from Queensland, articulates the connection between land and culture, “because land is sacred and must be looked after, the relation between people and land becomes the template for society and social relations. Therefore all meaning comes from land.” Traditional, embodied reliance on Perth’s wetlands is evident in Bates’ documentation. For instance, Boojoormeup was a “big swamp full of all kinds of food, now turned into Palmerston and Lake streets” (Bates, “Aboriginal”). Considering her cultural values, Balbuk’s determination to maintain pathways through the increasingly colonial Perth environment is unsurprising (Figure 2). From Heirisson Island: a straight track had led to the place where once she had gathered jilgies [crayfish] and vegetable food with the women, in the swamp where Perth railway station now stands. Through fences and over them, Balbuk took the straight track to the end. When a house was built in the way, she broke its fence-palings with her digging stick and charged up the steps and through the rooms. (Bates, The Passing 70) One obstacle was Hooper’s Fence, which Balbuk broke repeatedly on her trips to areas between Kings Park and the railway station (Bates, “Hooper’s”). Her tenacious commitment to walking ancestral routes signifies the friction between settlement infrastructure and traditional Nyoongar livelihood during an era of rapid change. Figure 2. Determination of Fanny Balbuk’s Journey between Yoonderup (Heirisson Island) and Lake Kingsford, traversing what is now the central business district of Perth on the Swan River (2014). Image background prepared by Dimitri Fotev. Track interpolation by Jeff Murray. Project Background and Approach Inspired by Fanny Balbuk’s story, Re-imagining Perth’s Lost Wetlands began as an Australian response to the Mannahatta Project. Founded in 1999, that project used spatial analysis techniques and mapping software to visualise New York’s urbanised Manhattan Island—or Mannahatta as it was called by indigenous people—in the early 1600s (Sanderson). Based on research into the island’s original biogeography and the ecological practices of Native Americans, Mannahatta enabled the public to “peel back” the city’s strata, revealing the original composition of the New York site. The layers of visuals included rich details about the island’s landforms, water systems, and vegetation. Mannahatta compelled Rod Giblett, a cultural researcher at Edith Cowan University, to develop an analogous model for visualising Perth circa 1829. The idea attracted support from the City of Perth, Landgate, and the University. Using stories, artefacts, and maps, the team—comprising a cartographer, designer, three-dimensional modelling expert, and historical researchers—set out to generate visualisations of the landscape at the time of British colonisation. Nyoongar elder Noel Nannup approved culturally sensitive material and contributed his perspective on Aboriginal content to include in the exhibition. The initiative’s context remains pressing. In many ways, Perth has become a template for development in the metropolitan area (Weller). While not unusual for a capital, the rate of transformation is perhaps unexpected in a city less than 200 years old (Forster). There also remains a persistent view of existing wetlands as obstructions to progress that, once removed, are soon forgotten (Urban Bushland Council). Digital visualisation can contribute to appreciating environments prior to colonisation but also to re-imagining possibilities for future human interactions with land, water, and space. Despite the rapid pace of change, many Perth area residents have memories of wetlands lost during their lifetimes (for example, Giblett, Forrestdale). However, as the clearing and drainage of the inner city occurred early in settlement, recollections of urban wetlands exist exclusively in historical records. In 1935, a local correspondent using the name “Sandgroper” reminisced about swamps, connecting them to Perth’s colonial heritage: But the Swamps were very real in fact, and in name in the [eighteen-] Nineties, and the Perth of my youth cannot be visualised without them. They were, of course, drying up apace, but they were swamps for all that, and they linked us directly with the earliest days of the Colony when our great-grandparents had founded this City of Perth on a sort of hog's-back, of which Hay-street was the ridge, and from which a succession of streamlets ran down its southern slope to the river, while land locked to the north of it lay a series of lakes which have long since been filled to and built over so that the only evidence that they have ever existed lies in the original street plans of Perth prepared by Roe and Hillman in the early eighteen-thirties. A salient consequence of the loss of ecological memory is the tendency to repeat the miscues of the past, especially the blatant disregard for natural and cultural heritage, as suburbanisation engulfs the area. While the swamps of inner Perth remain only in the names of streets, existing wetlands in the metropolitan area are still being threatened, as the Roe Highway (Roe 8) Campaign demonstrates. To re-imagine Perth’s lost landscape, we used several colonial survey maps to plot the location of the original lakes and swamps. At this time, a series of interconnecting waterbodies, known as the Perth Great Lakes, spread across the north of the city (Bekle and Gentilli). This phase required the earliest cartographic sources (Figure 3) because, by 1855, city maps no longer depicted wetlands. We synthesised contextual information, such as well depths, geological and botanical maps, settlers’ accounts, Nyoongar oral histories, and colonial-era artists’ impressions, to produce renderings of Perth. This diverse collection of primary and secondary materials served as the basis for creating new images of the city. Team member Jeff Murray interpolated Balbuk’s route using historical mappings and accounts, topographical data, court records, and cartographic common sense. He determined that Balbuk would have camped on the high ground of the southern part of Lake Kingsford rather than the more inundated northern part (Figure 2). Furthermore, she would have followed a reasonably direct course north of St Georges Terrace (contrary to David Whish-Wilson’s imaginings) because she was barred from Government House for protesting. This easier route would have also avoided the springs and gullies that appear on early maps of Perth. Figure 3. Townsite of Perth in Western Australia by Colonial Draftsman A. Hillman and John Septimus Roe (1838). This map of Perth depicts the wetlands that existed overlaid by the geomentric grid of the new city. Image Credit: State Library of Western Australia (Image Number: BA1961/14). Additionally, we produced an animated display based on aerial photographs to show the historical extent of change. Prompted by the build up to World War II, the earliest aerial photography of Perth dates from the late 1930s (Dixon 148–54). As “Sandgroper” noted, by this time, most of the urban wetlands had been drained or substantially modified. The animation revealed considerable alterations to the formerly swampy Swan River shoreline. Most prominent was the transformation of the Matagarup shallows across the Swan River, originally consisting of small islands. Now traversed by a causeway, this area was transformed into a single island, Heirisson—the general site of Balbuk’s birth. The animation and accompanying materials (maps, images, and writings) enabled viewers to apprehend the changes in real time and to imagine what the city was once like. Re-imagining Perth’s Urban Heart The physical environment of inner Perth includes virtually no trace of its wetland origins. Consequently, we considered whether a representation of Perth, as it existed previously, could enhance public understanding of natural heritage and thereby increase its value. For this reason, interpretive materials were exhibited centrally at Perth Town Hall. Built partly by convicts between 1867 and 1870, the venue is close to the site of the 1829 Foundation of Perth, depicted in George Pitt Morrison’s painting. Balbuk’s grandfather “camped somewhere in the city of Perth, not far from the Town Hall” (Bates, “Fanny”). The building lies one block from the site of the railway station on the site of Lake Kingsford, the subsistence grounds of Balbuk and her forebears: The old swamp which is now the Perth railway yards had been a favourite jilgi ground; a spring near the Town Hall had been a camping place of Maiago […] and others of her fathers' folk; and all around and about city and suburbs she had gathered roots and fished for crayfish in the days gone by. (Bates, “Derelicts” 55) Beginning in 1848, the draining of Lake Kingsford reached completion during the construction of the Town Hall. While the swamps of the city were not appreciated by many residents, some organisations, such as the Perth Town Trust, vigorously opposed the reclamation of the lake, alluding to its hydrological role: That, the soil being sand, it is not to be supposed that Lake Kingsford has in itself any material effect on the wells of Perth; but that, from this same reason of the sandy soil, it would be impossible to keep the lake dry without, by so doing, withdrawing the water from at least the adjacent parts of the townsite to the same depth. (Independent Journal of Politics and News 3) At the time of our exhibition, the Lake Kingsford site was again being reworked to sink the railway line and build Yagan Square, a public space named after a colonial-era Nyoongar leader. The project required specialised construction techniques due to the high water table—the remnants of the lake. People travelling to the exhibition by train in October 2014 could have seen the lake reasserting itself in partly-filled depressions, flush with winter rain (Figure 4).Figure 4. Rise of the Repressed (2014). Water Rising in the former site of Lake Kingsford/Irwin during construction, corner of Roe and Fitzgerald Streets, Northbridge, WA. Image Credit: Nandi Chinna (2014). The exhibition was situated in the Town Hall’s enclosed undercroft designed for markets and more recently for shops. While some visited after peering curiously through the glass walls of the undercroft, others hailed from local and state government organisations. Guest comments applauded the alternative view of Perth we presented. The content invited the public to re-imagine Perth as a city of wetlands that were both environmentally and culturally important. A display panel described how the city’s infrastructure presented a hindrance for Balbuk as she attempted to negotiate the once-familiar route between Yoonderup and Lake Kingsford (Figure 2). Perth’s growth “restricted Balbuk’s wanderings; towns, trains, and farms came through her ‘line of march’; old landmarks were thus swept away, and year after year saw her less confident of the locality of one-time familiar spots” (Bates, “Fanny”). Conserving Wetlands: From Re-Claiming to Re-Valuing? Imagination, for philosopher Roger Scruton, involves “thinking of, and attending to, a present object (by thinking of it, or perceiving it, in terms of something absent)” (155). According to Scruton, the feelings aroused through imagination can prompt creative, transformative experiences. While environmental conservation tends to rely on data-driven empirical approaches, it appeals to imagination less commonly. We have found, however, that attending to the present object (the city) in terms of something absent (its wetlands) through evocative visual material can complement traditional conservation agendas focused on habitats and species. The actual extent of wetlands loss in the Swan Coastal Plain—the flat and sandy region extending from Jurien Bay south to Cape Naturaliste, including Perth—is contested. However, estimates suggest that 80 per cent of wetlands have been lost, with remaining habitats threatened by climate change, suburban development, agriculture, and industry (Department of Environment and Conservation). As with the swamps and lakes of the inner city, many regional wetlands were cleared, drained, or filled before they could be properly documented. Additionally, the seasonal fluctuations of swampy places have never been easily translatable to two-dimensional records. As Giblett notes, the creation of cartographic representations and the assignment of English names were attempts to fix the dynamic boundaries of wetlands, at least in the minds of settlers and administrators (Postmodern 72–73). Moreover, European colonists found the Western Australian landscape, including its wetlands, generally discomfiting. In a letter from 1833, metaphors failed George Fletcher Moore, the effusive colonial commentator, “I cannot compare these swamps to any marshes with which you are familiar” (220). The intermediate nature of wetlands—as neither land nor lake—is perhaps one reason for their cultural marginalisation (Giblett, Postmodern 39). The conviction that unsanitary, miasmic wetlands should be converted to more useful purposes largely prevailed (Giblett, Black 105–22). Felicity Morel-EdnieBrown’s research into land ownership records in colonial Perth demonstrated that town lots on swampland were often preferred. By layering records using geographic information systems (GIS), she revealed modifications to town plans to accommodate swampland frontages. The decline of wetlands in the region appears to have been driven initially by their exploitation for water and later for fertile soil. Northern market gardens supplied the needs of the early city. It is likely that the depletion of Nyoongar bush foods predated the flourishing of these gardens (Carter and Nutter). Engaging with the history of Perth’s swamps raises questions about the appreciation of wetlands today. In an era where numerous conservation strategies and alternatives have been developed (for example, Bobbink et al. 93–220), the exploitation of wetlands in service to population growth persists. On Perth’s north side, wetlands have long been subdued by controlling their water levels and landscaping their boundaries, as the suburban examples of Lake Monger and Hyde Park (formerly Third Swamp Reserve) reveal. Largely unmodified wetlands, such as Forrestdale Lake, exist south of Perth, but they too are in danger (Giblett, Black Swan). The Beeliar Wetlands near the suburb of Bibra Lake comprise an interconnected series of lakes and swamps that are vulnerable to a highway extension project first proposed in the 1950s. Just as the Perth Town Trust debated Lake Kingsford’s draining, local councils and the public are fiercely contesting the construction of the Roe Highway, which will bisect Beeliar Wetlands, destroying Roe Swamp (Chinna). The conservation value of wetlands still struggles to compete with traffic planning underpinned by a modernist ideology that associates cars and freeways with progress (Gregory). Outside of archives, the debate about Lake Kingsford is almost entirely forgotten and its physical presence has been erased. Despite the magnitude of loss, re-imagining the city’s swamplands, in the way that we have, calls attention to past indiscretions while invigorating future possibilities. We hope that the re-imagining of Perth’s wetlands stimulates public respect for ancestral tracks and songlines like Balbuk’s. Despite the accretions of settler history and colonial discourse, songlines endure as a fundamental cultural heritage. Nyoongar elder Noel Nannup states, “as people, if we can get out there on our songlines, even though there may be farms or roads overlaying them, fences, whatever it is that might impede us from travelling directly upon them, if we can get close proximity, we can still keep our culture alive. That is why it is so important for us to have our songlines.” Just as Fanny Balbuk plied her songlines between Yoonderup and Lake Kingsford, the traditional custodians of Beeliar and other wetlands around Perth walk the landscape as an act of resistance and solidarity, keeping the stories of place alive. Acknowledgments The authors wish to acknowledge Rod Giblett (ECU), Nandi Chinna (ECU), Susanna Iuliano (ECU), Jeff Murray (Kareff Consulting), Dimitri Fotev (City of Perth), and Brendan McAtee (Landgate) for their contributions to this project. The authors also acknowledge the traditional custodians of the lands upon which this paper was researched and written. 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