Journal articles on the topic 'Navarre (Kingdom)'

Resumen: Desde su establecimiento en 1300, la dominicana Provincia de Aragón la fueron configurando los conventos de los Reinos de Aragón, Valencia, Navarra, Mallorca y el Principado de Cataluña con la Cerdaña y el Rosellón, Cerdeña y Sicilia. Si bien la conquista e incorporación del Reino de Navarra a Castilla fue en 1512, no ocurrió lo mismo con los conventos dominicanos navarros que después de diversos intentos de la Corona, sólo culminó su incorporación a la Provincia de España en 1569. Esta segregación ha sido un tema escasamente estudiado por los historiadores y es el que se analiza en este trabajo. Palabras clave: dominicos, Provincia de Aragón, Corona de Castilla, siglo XVAbstract: Since its establishment in 1300, the Dominican Province of Aragon was configured by the convents of the Kingdoms of Aragon, Valencia, Navarra, Mallorca and the Principality of Catalonia (with the Cerdanya and Roussillon), Sardinia and Sicily. Although the conquest and incorporation of the Kingdom of Navarre into Castile was in 1512 not happened the same with the Dominican convents of Navarre, that only after several attempts of the Crown culminated its incorporation into the Province of Spain in 1569. This segregation has been a topic rarely studied by historians and is the main topic of this paper. .Keywords: dominicans, Province of Aragon, Crown of Castile, 15th siecle

According to an account which had until recently gone unnoticed, at the beginning of the 14th century and despite belonging to the Kingdom of Navarre, the village of Goizueta was ascribed to the Kingdom of Castile intus Ypuzcoam. Within the context of the shaping of the border between the northwest of the Kingdom of Navarre and the Kingdom of Castile, this paper aims to track down historical information about the village of Goizueta and to compare its situation with that of other villages in the same mountainous area to reveal the impact of factors such as population, geography, communications, the dissolution of the noble manor of Juan Corbarán de Leet and the expansion of the domain of the Collegiate Church of Roncesvalles. Keywords: Navarre; Goizueta; border; manors; sovereignty. RESUMEN La villa de Goizueta, a tenor de una noticia que hasta la fecha había pasado desapercibida, se atribuía a comienzos del siglo xiv al reino de Castilla «intus Ypuzcoam» a pesar de su pertenencia al reino de Navarra. En el contexto de la configuración de la frontera entre los reinos de Navarra y Castilla en su tramo noroccidental, en este trabajo se plantea rastrear las noticias históricas sobre la localidad de Goizueta y comparar su situación con la de otras villas de ese mismo espacio montañoso para conocer la incidencia de factores como el poblamiento, la geografía, las comunicaciones, la disolución del señorío nobiliario de Juan Corbarán de Leet y la ampliación del dominio de la colegiata de Roncesvalles. Palabras clave: Navarra; Goizueta; frontera; señoríos; soberanía.

ABSTRACTThis article evaluates the presence of Muslim communities in the Kingdom of Navarre in the late Middle Ages. Following the Christian Reconquest of the Navarrese bank of the Ebro in 1119, a sizeable Muslim community remained in Christian territory until 1516. This article focuses on the fifteenth century, a period for which religious coexistence in the smallest of the Iberian Christian kingdoms is in need of further contextualisation. An analysis of existing scholarship and new archival evidence throws light on the economic activities of the Muslims in Tudela as well as on their relationship with the Navarrese monarchy, their collective identity, their legal systems and their relationships not only with their Christian and Jewish neighbours, but also with other Iberian Muslim communities including those of Al Andalus, or Moorish Iberia.

The mediaeval historiographical memory of the Crusades in the Kingdom of Navarre is unique precisely because two of its monarchs, the Counts of Champagne—Theobald I and II—actively participated in the Crusader campaigns during 1239–1241 and in 1270, respectively. Despite the importance of the Crusades which, starting from the early twelfth century, also encompassed the connection of this kingdom with Jerusalem’s paradigms of the warrior and religious pilgrimage, it can be asserted that there are scarcely any traces of narrative communication in Navarre about the Crusades, either politically or ideologically. This paper analyses the question of documentation and communication about the Crusades from the study of the chronicles of the Kingdom of Navarre in the Late Middle Ages. The purpose is to identify the characteristics and keys of the texts, dissimilar to the welcoming impact of the Crusades in Hispanic and European political, cultural and religious spheres.

In the Modern Age, the Navarrese Administration had to confront the disparity between the language spoken by the majority of the population, Basque, and the language written in the documents, Spanish. Even by the end of the sixteenth century, more than half of the Navarrese people still did not understand Spanish. The courts were operated and run by bilingual officials; specifically, the justice officials: secretaries, scribes, notaries, and receivers (receptores). Having the knowledge of Basque was a profesional requirement for them. With the exception of the case of Labiano in 1666, their work as translators or interpreters was silenced in the documents, making it possible that a kingdom whose majority language was Basque, left the legacy of its documentation completely in Spanish. Keywords: Navarre; Basque language; tribunals; translation; receivers. RESUMEN En la Edad Moderna, la Administración navarra hubo de afrontar la disparidad entre la lengua hablada por la mayoría de la población, el euskera, y la lengua en la que se escribían los documentos, el castellano. Todavía a finales del siglo xvi, más de la mitad de los navarros no entendía el castellano. En su funcionamiento, los tribunales se sirvieron de funcionarios bilingües y en concreto, de los oficiales de justicia: secretarios, escribanos, notarios y receptores. Para ellos, el conocimiento de la lengua vasca era un requisito profesional. Su labor como traductores o intérpretes, silenciada en los documentos (el caso de Labiano en 1666 es una excepción), hizo posible que un reino cuya lengua mayoritaria era el euskera, nos haya legado toda su documentación en castellano. Palabras clave: Navarra; lengua vasca; tribunales; traducción; escribanos receptores.

The Romanesque churches dotted along the Way of Saint James are magnificent examples of cultural heritage, and their analysis from the perspective of cultural astronomy may, in an unobtrusive manner, provide information of hitherto unexplored facets of these treasures. This study aims to examine the pilgrimage road as a communication channel and to seek possible regional variations in the Christian kingdoms of Leon, Castile, Navarre and Aragon. Seen as a whole, the Romanesque churches of our sample present two main orientation patterns: towards either the ecclesiastical and astronomical equinox or to certain Easter Sunday celestial phenomena. However, equinoctial orientations are present only in Leon and Navarre, while Easter appears with more or less significance in every kingdom. The Camino de Santiago constitutes a sacred landscape with a common heritage, with a certain degree of cultural diversity that depends on the territory. These subtle differences have surfaced only in light of archaeoastronomical investigations.

The development process of a law in Navarre brings to light some particularly interesting features, one of which has still not been studied by the historians of our country: Parliament’s power to prevent a law approved by the King from ever coming into force. This was done by not including this approved petition in the documents required so that the Viceroy could sign the General Patent, by which the laws, once published in ‘las cabezas de Merindad’ (districts) of the Kingdom, would become effective.

Both revered and abhorred, music and dancing were inherent to the princes of the blood’s daily lives, from their upbringing to their exercise of power. They played a key part at the Court of Navarre, cradle of the Bourbon dynasty. While broadening the scope of this issue to the kingdom of France, we’ll seek to question the impact of this Bearnese legacy under the reign of Henri IV, and to analyse how these arts reflect the political and religious thinking of his time.

The period of the crusades of Theobald of Navarre and Richard of Cornwall is a critical one in the history of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. As a result of truces made by the crusaders with neighbouring Muslim princes the kingdom came to embrace, albeit briefly, an area more extensive than it had covered at any time since the losses inflicted by Saladin following his victory at Hattīn in 1187. And yet this triumph was but the prelude to an engagement at La Forbie (al-Harbiyya) in October 1244, which was as grave a catastrophe as Hattīn and from which the kingdom never recovered. Here the Frankish army was decimated by the Egyptians and their Khwarizmian allies, a new and brutal element in the politics of southern Syria; and most of the newly regained territory was lost within the next three years. In this paper I propose to examine the events of the years 1239–44 with a view to re-evaluating the military and diplomatic achievements of the crusades and to placing the disaster at La Forbie more securely in context.

Henry II of Castile, also known as Henry of Trastámara, from the Latin “Tras Tamaris” (or beyond the Tambre River), King of Castile and León (1366–1367, 1369–1379) was the first king of the Trastámara Dynasty. In summary, it was a minor branch of the house of Burgundy (or an “Iberian extension” of it), with presence in the kingdoms of Castile, Aragon, Navarre, and Naples. Most notably, it began playing an essential role in the kingdom of Castile, but after the Compromise of Caspe, its power extended decisively to the kingdom of Aragon (1412). Henry II was the illegitimate son of Alfonso XI and his lover Leonor de Guzmán. He waged a civil war against his stepbrother, Peter I, legitimate heir to the throne, as the son of Alfonso XI and Maria of Portugal, Queen of Castile. Henry’s determination to be recognized as king led him to employ the arts in a campaign to discredit his stepbrother and tarnish his image, portraying himself as a defender of the faith with the right to rule. He built the Royal Chapel (1371) in the main church of Córdoba (today’s Mosque/Cathedral) for the burial of his father and grandfather, Ferdinand IV, in order to underscore his connection to the royal line, and refurbished the Puerta del Perdón (Gate of Forgiveness) in 1377, the main entrance to the church, for use as a dramatic stage for public events.

This article aims to address the issue of post mortem charisma from the case of Carlos de Viana, crown prince of the kingdom of Navarre (1421–1461). Although he did not have a reputation for sanctity in life, from the moment of his death, miracles attributed to his intercession transformed devotion to ‘san’ Carlos de Viana into a mass phenomenon. The alleged sanctity of the Prince of Viana was part of a complex political process in which agents of the different peninsular states were involved in the second half of the 15th century and which led to the opening of a canonization process that would never see the light of day. But, at the same time, it is a good example of the notion of the charismatic figure, the miracle being one of the clearest manifestations of charisma, and of how it is possible to ‘build’ a charism post mortem.

In January 1556 Charles V renounced his rights to the Iberian kingdoms and passed them on to his son, Philip, who at once assumed the title of King of Spain. To his surprise and consternation, the English council refused to endorse it and pertly reminded him that the Kingdom of Spain did not exist. While the title had long been used, and almost every language had an equivalent for Spain and Spanish, the truth was that legally there was no such entity. Philip II's will reflected this judicial reality. He was, ‘by the grace of God, king of Castile, Leon, Aragon, the Two Sicilies, Jerusalem, Portugal, Navarre, Granada, Toledo, Valencia, Galicia, Mallorca, Seville, Sardinia, Cordoba, Corsica, Murcia, Jaen, Algarve, Gibraltar, the Canary Islands, the Eastern and Western Indies, the islands and terra firma of the Ocean Sea; archduke of Austria; duke of Burgundy, Bravant and Milan; count of Habsburg, Flanders, Tirol, Barcelona; Lord of Biscay, Molina etc.’. This lengthy litany partly explains why he and all his contemporaries habitually resorted to the title King of Spain as convenient short-hand. As we will see, however, there was more to it than simple utility. The terms were used because they were broadly understood and accepted. But it will be apparent at once that the concept of a specific Spanish identity in the sixteenth century is likely to be particularly problematic since Spain did not exist.

AbstractIn Italy, the Holy Roman Empire, and France, one can discern in the last decades of the fifteenth century and the early years of the sixteenth a powerful anguish about the future, taking one of two forms: either the vision of an imminent Last Judgment, or a great rupture in time, announcing the dawn of a new Covenant. In France, one of the peculiar features of this historical process was the tension that built up around the year 1533, one thousand five hundred years after the death of Christ. This tension could explain the offensive launched individually or collectively by the men who stood behind Marguerite de Navarre-men of faith who hoped to bring the kingdom into the evangelical sphere of the Word of God, given to each and to all. Their defeat, following the inaugural address of Nicholas Cop, and the two Affairs of the Placards, left the way open for the emergence of a sharp division between, on the one hand, a "popery" proclaiming that the End of Time had come, and, on the other, a Calvinism seeking to "de-eschatologize" the human understanding of time.

How do our own cultural-historical experiences in geographic spaces like the border(s) we occupy shape our identities, consciousness, positionality, and power? Using the autohistoria-teoria methodology, the intent of this manuscript is to explore my paternal grandmother’s family, Los Martínez’ cultural historical experiences as descendants of conquistadores, who eventually lived along the Rio Grande-Río Bravo del Norte, which is now the Texas–Mexico border. Archival data, including birth, marriage, and death certificates, land grants, maps, border crossing documents, published books, and family oral stories were used to establish a timeline and develop a narrative that spans across time and geographic zones that were originally indigenous, colonized by Spain, became México, and for some of these territories eventually became part of the United States. I will share Los Martínez’ origins that begin in the Kingdom of the Navarre, their story as conquistadores and settlers in northern México and Texas geographic areas that were part of Nuevo España. The overarching theme I plan to capture is the fluidity of borders as figured worlds, but I also plan to highlight the formation of hybrid identities, consciousness, positionality, and power within the spaces/figured worlds that we occupy as both colonizer and colonized.

RESUMENEl aposento en casas de particulares formaba parte de la vida cotidiana de los soldados de época premoderna. A pesar de los gastos y molestias que esta práctica conllevaba para la población afectada, la interacción entre civiles y militares no tenía por qué dar lugar a abusos o altercados violentos, como suele interpretar la historiografía. La tendencia a tratar el asunto de un modo más anecdótico que analítico ha contribuido a perpetuar este estereotipo. Nuestra investigación cuestiona esta visión simplista y abre la posibilidad de un abordaje crítico de la cuestión. En este artículo se analizan los acuerdos alcanzados en la segunda mitad del siglo xvi por el municipio de Pamplona y el virrey de Navarra para organizar y sufragar el alojamiento de soldados en la ciudad de una manera pacífica, ordenada e incluso provechosa. De ahí en adelante, el mayor conflicto entre civiles y militares en la ciudad fue causado por las acusaciones de corrupción contra las autoridades municipales y los intentos de los virreyes por tomar el control de la gestión de los términos del acuerdo. Palabras clave: relaciones entre civiles y militares, alojamiento de soldados, historia urbanaTopónimos: Reino de NavarraPeriodo: Edad Moderna ABSTRACTBilleting was part of the daily life of soldiers in premodern times. Despite the costs and disturbances that this practice entailed for the population, abuse and violent altercation was not a necessary outcome of civil-military interactions, as historiography tends to assume. The prevalent trend to treat the subject from an anecdotical perspective instead of analytically, has contributed to perpetuate this stereotype. Our research questions this simplistic vision and opens the possibility of a critical approach to the question. This article analyzes the agreements achieved by the local authorities of Pamplona and the Viceroy of Navarre in the second half of the xvi century that made possible to organise and pay for the quartering of troops in the city in a peaceful, well-ordered, and even profitable way. From this point onwards, the main conflict between civilians and the military in the city was caused by the accusations of corruption against the municipal authorities and the attempts to take control of the accord and its terms management by the viceroys. Keywords: civil-military relations, billeting, urban historyPlace names: Kingdom of NavarrePeriod: early modern period REFERENCIASActas de las Cortes de Navarra (1530-1829), 17 vols., edición de L. J. Fortún, Pamplona, Parlamento de Navarra, 1991.Buono, A., Esercito, istituzioni, territorio. Alloggiamenti militari e ‘case herme’ nello Stato di Milano (secoli xvi e xvii), Florencia, FUP, 2009.Buono, A., Di Tullio, M., y Rizzo, M., “Per una storia economica e istituzionale degli alloggiamenti militari in Lombardia tra xv e xvii secolo”, Storia Economica, XIX/1 (2016), 187-218.Catálogo de documentación navarra del siglo xvi en la Cámara de Castilla, [cd-rom], edición de M. I. Ostolaza, Pamplona, UPNA, 1998.Chavarría Múgica, F., Monarquía fronteriza. Guerra, linaje y comunidad en la España Moderna (Navarra,siglo xvi), Florencia. Tesis doctoral inédita: EUI, 2006.— “La capitulación de la ‘cabeza del reino’ y la cuestión de los alojamientos: disputa y negociación de la condición privilegiada de Pamplona”, en A. Floristán (ed.), 1512: Conquista e incorporación de Navarra. Historiografía, derecho y otros procesos de incorporación en la Europa renacentista, Barcelona, Ariel, 2012, 361-85.— “The problem of billeting distribution in Renaissance Spain: absolutism, privilege and local oligarchies”, Social History, 46/3 (2021), 235-254.Escribano, J. M., El coste de la defensa. Administración y financiación militar en Navarra durante la primera mitad del siglo xvi, Pamplona, Gobierno de Navarra, 2015.Idoate, F., Esfuerzo bélico de Navarra en el siglo xvi, Pamplona, Gobierno de Navarra, 1981.— “Las fortificaciones de Pamplona a partir de la conquista de Navarra”, Príncipe de Viana, XV/54-55, 57-154.Lasaosa, S., El Regimiento municipal de Pamplona en el siglo xvi, Pamplona, Gobierno de Navarra, 1979.Orella, J. L., “El Cardenal Diego de Espinosa, consejero de Felipe II, el monasterio de Iranzu y la peste de Pamplona de 1566”, Príncipe de Viana, 140-141 (1975), 565-610.Rizzo, M., “Sulle implicazioni economiche della politica di potenza nel xvi secolo: gli alloggiamenti militari in Lombardia”, en J. M. Usunáriz (ed.), Historia y humanismo. Estudios en honor del profesor Dr. D. Valentín Vázquez de Prada, Pamplona, EUNSA, 2000, v. II, 265-76.Rodríguez, A. J., “Los alojamientos militares como germen de motines y conflictos sociales a mediados del siglo xvii: el ejemplo de Palencia”, en E. García y D. Maffi (eds.), Estudios sobre guerra y sociedad en la Monarquía Hispánica: guerra marítima, estrategia, organización y cultura militar (1500-1700), Valencia, Albatros, 2017, 803–30.

La gran expansión territorial protagonizada por Alfonso I de Aragón y Pamplona atrajo a muchos nobles, que trataron de beneficiarse mediante la obtención de botín o la concesión de tenencias para ellos o sus familiares. Entregar en tenencia un territorio permitía a los reyes afrontar los problemas endémicos que suponía poblar un término, lo que se veía agravado por la escasa demografía y el gran coste económico de la defensa. Por ello, los reyes de Aragón y Pamplona acudieron a la entrega de territorios a nobles para que éstos se encargaran de poblarlos y defenderlos; es lo que se conoce como «tenencias», una institución que suponía una serie de derechos y obligaciones para quien las recibía, reservándose la propiedad del territorio el rey, y que permitía la extensión de la influencia de una determinada familia o linaje. Casi desde la aparición del reino de Aragón los barones pamploneses constituyeron un foco de gran influencia cerca de los reyes y trataron de expandirla mediante matrimonios y la obtención de determinadas tenencias. Esta investigación tiene como objetivo estudiar el fenómeno a través del caso concreto de la familia navarra Lehet y su relación con los dos primeros señores de Soria, Íñigo López y Fortún López.Abstract The great territorial expansion carried out by Alfonso I of Aragon and Pamplona attracted many nobles, who tried to benefit from it by obtaining booty or land grants for them or their relatives. Offering land tenure was a way for kings to deal with the endemic problems derived from the need to populate a given territory, which was in turn aggravated by weak demographic numbers and a high cost of defence. Hence, the kings of Aragon and Pamplona used the concession of land grants to nobles so that they would guarantee establishing a settlement and defending it: this is what is known as tenure (tenencias), an institution that stipulates a series of rights and obligations for those who received them, while the king maintained the property of the domain and allowed for the increased influence of a certain family or lineage. Virtually since the origin of the kingdom of Aragon, the barons of Pamplona formed a circle of great influence around the kings and tried to extend it through marriages and increasing certain land holdings. This phenomenon will be examined through the specific case studies of the Lehet family of Navarre and their relationship with the first two lords of Soria, Íñigo López and Fortún López.

The article analyzes the effectiveness of the audio-visual regulation and assesses the different arguments for and against the existence of the broadcasting authorities at the state level. The debate of the necessity of a Spanish organism of regulation is still active. Most of the European countries have created some competent authorities, like the OFCOM in United Kingdom and the CSA in France. In Spain, the broadcasting regulation is developed by regional organisms, like the Consejo Audiovisual de Navarra, the Consejo Audiovisual de Andalucía and the Consell de l’Audiovisual de Catalunya (CAC), whose case is also studied in this article. El artículo analiza la efectividad de la regulación audiovisual y valora los diversos argumentos a favor y en contra de la existencia de consejos reguladores a nivel estatal. El debate sobre la necesidad de un organismo de este calado en España todavía persiste. La mayoría de los países comunitarios se han dotado de consejos competentes en esta materia, como es el caso del OFCOM en el Reino Unido o el CSA en Francia. En España, la regulación audiovisual se limita a organismos de alcance autonómico, como son el Consejo Audiovisual de Navarra, el de Andalucía y el Consell de l’Audiovisual de Catalunya (CAC), cuyo modelo también es abordado en este artículo.

This article considers the role of experiments in learning in movements to democratise higher education ‘under the rule of capital’ (Gutierrez, Navarro and Linsalata 2017). It focuses on the emergence of a new generation of ‘free universities’ in the United Kingdom, situating these in a historical tradition of educational experimentation and a current context of global movements for autonomy from the state, capital and dominating epistemologies. It argues that free universities can contribute to transforming the relationship between knowledge, university and society, but that these contributions are often invisible within the logic of the dominant institutional systems. Conceptualising the projects as struggles for autonomy renders these contributions visible and valuable for educational reformers working both within and independently of the university.

Abstract The military career of the Marquis of Távara, a less well-known historical figure among the nobility of Early Modern Spain, deserves attention because his life-experience progressed from his local roles in particular kingdoms to culmination in major duties such as President of the Council of Orders. His career advanced from mere adventurer to maestre de campo (field commander of a tercio), thereafter he held vice-regal office in Sicily and Navarre and the captaincies-general of Aragon, Galicia, Old Castile and Extremadura, and he was involved in the wars against the Portuguese and Catalans during the crisis of the 1640s. Also, he held responsibility for the Monarchy’s entire artillery, and he became an active member of the Council of War. Quite apart from his aristocratic origins, this paper explores how his meritorious military career in combination with his three strategic marriages assisted him in setting and shaping a strategy for military promotion.

In Heptaméron 31, Marguerite de Navarre portrays a lascivious “Cordelier” or Franciscan who takes over a matron’s household during her husband’s absence, kills her servants, and disguises the woman as a monk before abducting her. Despite its surface resemblance to Rutebeuf’s “Frère Denise,” which also unveils a Franciscan’s lechery, Marguerite’s narrative is not a simple anticlerical satire. Within it we find a critique of the over-trusting husband, metaphors of censorship, an inquest into the dialectics of silence and (in)sight, a foregrounding of the victims’ body language, and analogies between the body politic and the body of the family. With these tools Marguerite folds into her nouvelle an allegory of reading; a cautionary tale about the dangers of mistaking outward “works” for true godliness; and an histoire tragique with political overtones that figure a crisis of authority between Reform theology’s “two kingdoms,” or secular and sacred governance, in sixteenth-century France. Marguerite de Navarre, dans le conte 31 de L’Héptaméron, dépeint un « cordelier » (franciscain) luxurieux qui, en l’absence du mari, s’empare du foyer d’une dame, tue ses serviteurs, la déguise en moine et l’enlève. Malgré la ressemblance avec le «Frère Denise” de Rutebeuf, qui met aussi en scène un franciscain débauché, le récit de Marguerite n’est pas une simple satire anticléricale. On y trouve en effet d’autres éléments: une critique du mari trop confiant, des métaphores de la censure, une exploration de la dialectique entre silence d’une part et vue (et perspicacité) de l’autre, le spectacle du langage corporel des victimes, et des analogies entre les corps politique et le corps familial. Par ces moyens, Marguerite insère dans sa nouvelle une allégorie de la lecture, une mise en garde contre le danger de méprendre les « actes » visibles pour de l’authentique bonté et, enfin, une histoire tragique aux accents politiques où se donne à lire une crise de légitimité opposant les « deux royaumes » de la théologie de la Réforme dans la France du seizième siècle: le gouvernement d’ici-bas et le gouvernement sacré.

The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne 61 (2013), issue 2. The political transformations in Spain that ended with the free parliamentary elections of 15th June 1977 were a powerful catalyst for the activity of the Spanish nation in all walks of life. Between 1975 and 1990 a real revolution took place in the Spanish mass media and in culture. It resulted in the setting up of modern periodicals (among others, El País, El Mundo, Navarra Hoy, Diario la Rioja and many others), over 2,600 radio stations and a network of modern television channels broadcasting programs devoted to the culture and languages of the autonomous communities. The Ministry of Culture established in 1977 supported initiatives promoting the multiculturalism of the Kingdom of Spain, which resulted in the opening of several dozen modern museums, institutes of modern art and the organization of numerous festivals. The decentralization of the country made it possible to emphasize the multiculturalism of the Spanish autonomous communities that today act as a magnet for 70 million tourists from all over the world.

When and where was a charter written? Whether the scribe prepared it before, during, or after a transaction, on the spot or elsewhere, conditions its standing as historical evidence. They are basic questions for understanding how the written record relates to the communities whose actions it reveals. This article seeks answers in the corpus from the kingdoms of Asturias-León and Navarra down to 1031. Attention to the writing and content of the documents points to a variety of scenarios, the most common being: for the scribe to attend the transaction with a prepared template to be integrated into the execution of the transaction, or for the scribe to take notes at the transaction on the essential details to form the basis for later drafting its record. Both scenarios presume the real presence of the scribe as well as the reading aloud of the final text to participants, which together functioned as controls on the written word to ensure its integration into society.

The aim of this article is to establish a comparison in the degree of efficiency of European universities in the management of the labour insertion of their graduates. The methodology used is the data envelopment analysis (DEA). This type of analysis enables the measurement of the relative efficiency of different organizational units in situations where there is information about multiple inputs and outputs of resources. We define one hundred and twenty-six Decision Making Units (DMU) corresponding to each of the European universities analysed in our study. Developed analysis has allowed to determine the position that each of them occupies in relation to an efficiency frontier. Obtained results have allowed identifying 13 universities that show a score 100. In the interval 99-90 are 5. Between 89-80, we have 7. Between 79-70, 7. For the interval 69-60, 13. Between 59-50 are 19. Between 49-40, 20. Between 39-30, 13. And finally between 29-20 there are 19. The universities with a score of 100 belongs to France (Ecole polytechnique and Ecole des Ponts ParisTech), Italy (Politecnico di Torino), Portugal (Universidade Nova de Lisboa), Spain (University of Navarra and University Carlos III of Madrid), Sweden (Chalmers University of Technology), Switzerland (University of St. Gallen) and United Kingdom (University of Cambridge and University of Oxford). These universities represent the optimum of efficiency if they are compared with the others analysed. The universities that have to improve the employability of its graduates by more than 74% to reach the optimum of efficiency are mostly in the United Kingdom and Sweden, but there are in other regions as Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Germany and Netherlands. Among the main conclusions of this study, we would like to highlight how European university students present employment levels above those workers with lower levels of education. This data points to the high level of general efficiency achieved by university education in improving the degree of employability of its students.

During the centuries of being part of the Roman Empire, the population of the Iberian Peninsula adopted the Latin language, the Roman state religion, and the achievements of Roman material and spiritual culture. The Roman state system of monetary and weight measures operated in the territory of Roman Spain. The conquest of Spain in the V century by the Visigoths did not lead to changes in the material and spiritual culture of the local Romanized population. On the basis of this culture, the civilizations of the modern countries located on the Iberian Peninsula – Spain and Portugal – were later formed. At the beginning of the VIII century, Spain was conquered by the Arabs. In the territory of the Iberian Peninsula, they created their own state – the Córdoba Caliphate. Arabs and North African Berbers, who later came to be known by the general name Moors, conquered almost all of Spain, except for the northern mountainous regions. In the north of Spain in the IX–XI centuries, Christian kingdoms arose – Castile, Leon, Aragon, Navarre and Portugal. Christian kingdoms in the VIII century began the Reconquest – the reconquest of the Iberian territory from the Arabs. It ended in 1492 when the troops of Castile and Aragon conquered the Emirate of Granada – the last state of the Arabs in Spain. During the Reconquista, four Christian kingdoms united into the modern state of Spain. Portugal remained independent. During the period from the VIII to the XV centuries, in the territory of the Iberian Peninsula there was a mutual influence of the cultures of the West and the East. It touched all spheres of life, in particular the economy and the monetary and weight system. The monetary weight of the Moors was borrowed from Spain and Portugal. In turn, the structure of the systems of weight measures of Spain and Portugal was created on the model of the measures of Ancient Rome and the measures of the countries of medieval Western Europe. However, the norm of the mass of units of these systems was influenced by Arab weight measures. In the XVI–XVII centuries, the era of Great Geographical Discoveries, in which Spain and Portugal played a leading role, began. Numerous Spanish and Portuguese colonies were established in the territory of North and South America, Africa, and Asia, where metropolitan weights were used for centuries. For a long time in the Spanish and Portuguese colonies, which later became independent states, weight measures gradually changed and acquired local characteristics. This process conti­nued until the introduction of the international metric system in their territory.

Purpose This paper aims to explore the reform and development of the MBA within pre-1992 and post-1992 universities in the United Kingdom with reference to New Institutionalism and field theory. Design/methodology/approach The methodology adopted the approaches of Navarro (2008) and Kars-Unluoglu (2016) that involved a web-based review of those pre-1992 universities listed in the Financial Times “top-100” MBAs, as well as a review of a regional grouping of four post-1992 universities. Findings The findings echo the work of Wilkins and Huisman (2012) who argued that British business schools were stratified into distinct organisational fields, each catering for their own market. While the pre-1992 universities are able to offer a wide array of electives and pathways to enable personalisation and specialisation of the curriculum, post-1992 universities appear to offer a more constrained curriculum offer. The reform of the MBA should be seen as part of a wider agenda of professionalisation. Research limitations/implications Albeit following on other research that used this research strategy, this web-based review would have benefited from closer interrogation of curriculum content through interviews with Programme Leaders/Directors. Future research should involve a larger sample from the post-1992 sector. Originality/value This paper provides an up-to-date analysis of the direction taken by British universities. It shows that the MBA market is differentiated with an elite focussed more catering for an international market than the post-1992 universities who still exhibit a commitment to their local market.

Soyka (1946) described the European fairyfly species Anagrus bakkendorfi Soyka (Hymenoptera: Mymaridae) from a single female collected on the same day, 7.x.1931, together with several non-type specimens incorrectly labeled as paratypes (Chiappini & Triapitsyn 1999), on a window at its type locality, the former St. Ignatius Jesuit College in Valkenburg, Limburg, the Netherlands. Soyka (1956) did not mention type specimens of any of his species of Anagrus Haliday. He described Anagrus avalae Soyka (Soyka 1956) based apparently on a specimen collected on Mt. Avala, Belgrade, Serbia, former Yugoslavia, along with several other nominal species (some also from Valkenburg) that were later synonymized with A. avalae and A. bakkendorfi by Chiappini (1989) and Chiappini & Triapitsyn (1999). The only, minor, morphological difference between the two nominal species is the length of the ovipositor in females relative to the length of the protibia, being at least 2.6× in A. bakkendorfi and at most 2.3× in A. avalae (Triapitsyn 2015). Specimens identifiable as both species were captured by the second author in 2000 by a Malaise trap in Iratibizkar, Irati Forest (Selva de Irati), Navarra, Spain. Chiappini & Triapitsyn (1999) discussed both nominal species but despite recognizing their apparent conspecificity, no formal synonymy was proposed. Triapitsyn & Berezovskiy (2004) and Triapitsyn (2015) also did not propose synonymy because at that time genetic evidence for conspecificity was lacking. However, Triapitsyn et al. (2019) obtained DNA and sequenced selected mitochondrial and nuclear ribosomal gene regions (COI and ITS2) from a specimen unambiguously identified by the first author as A. avalae that was collected in Sevenoaks, Kent County, England, United Kingdom. Because of this we decided to collect fresh specimens identifiable as A. bakkendorfi for molecular analysis and genetic comparison with those identifiable as A. avalae. Based on the previous record (Triapitsyn 2015), several females of A. bakkendorfi were successfully captured by the second author on 4.ix.2020 in Irati Forest, preserved in ethanol, and shipped to the first and third authors for morphological and molecular identification, respectively.

Background:The COVID-19 pandemic is an unprecedented public health crisis affecting people worldwide, including those with rheumatic and musculoskeletal diseases (RMDs).Objectives:REUMAVID aims to assess the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and lockdown on the wellbeing, mental health, disease activity and function, access to health care and treatment, support services, and hopes and fears of people RMDs.Methods:REUMAVID is an international collaboration led by the Health & Territory Research group at University of Seville, Spain, together with a multidisciplinary team including patient organization and rheumatologists. This cross-sectional study consisting of an online survey gathering data from patients with a diagnosis of 15 RMDs in Cyprus, France, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain and the United Kingdom. Participants are recruited by patient organizations. Data is collected in two phases: 1) during the first peak of the COVID-19 pandemic (Spring 2020), and 2) as a follow-up to the pandemic (Winter 2020). This analysis presents descriptive results of the aggregated data, summarizing continuous and categorical variables.Results:A total of 1,800 RMD patients have participated in the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic (from early April to mid-June 2020). The most frequent reported diagnosis were axial spondyloarthritis (37.2%), rheumatoid arthritis (29.2%) and osteoarthritis (17.2%). Mean age was 52.6±13.2, 80.1% were female, 69.6% were in a relationship or married and 48.6% had university studies. In total, 1.1% had tested positive for COVID-19, 10.8 % reported symptoms but were not tested, while 88.1% did not experience any symptoms. 46.6% reported worsening health during the pandemic. 63.9% perceived their health status to be “fair to very bad”. Access to care was limited with 58.4% being unable to keep the rheumatologist appointment, of which, 35.2% were cancelled by the provider and 54.4% was attended by phone or online. 15.8% changed their medication, for which 65.5% were changed by the provider and 24.6% by own decision. Reported wellbeing and psychological health during the pandemic was poor, with 49.0% reporting poor wellbeing according to the WHO-5 scale, 57.3% marking as anxiety and 45.8% as depression in the HADS scale. During the pandemic, 24.6% smoked and 18.2% drank more than before and 54.5% were unable to exercise at home.Conclusion:Results from the first phase of REUMAVID show disturbance of the healthcare quality, substantial changes in harmful health behaviors and an unprecedented impairment of mental health in REUMAVID participants. REUMAVID will continue to collect information in order to assess the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in people affected by RMDs across Europe.Acknowledgements:This study was supported by Novartis Pharma AG. We would like to thank all patients that completed the survey as well as all of the patient organisations that participated in the REUMAVID study including: the Cyprus League Against Rheumatism (CYPLAR) from Cyprus, the Association Française de Lutte Anti-Rhumatismale (AFLAR) from France, the Hellenic League Against Rheumatism (ELEANA) from Greece, the Associazione Nazionale Persone con Malattie Reumatologiche e Rare (APMARR) from Italy, the Portuguese League Against Rheumatic Diseases (LPCDR), from Portugal, the Spanish Federation of Spondyloarthritis Associations, the Spanish Patients’ Forum (FEP), UNiMiD, Spanish Rheumatology League (LIRE), Andalusian Rheumatology League (LIRA), Catalonia Rheumatology League and Galician Rheumatology League from Spain, and the National Axial Spondyloarthritis Society (NASS), National Rheumatoid Arthritis (NRAS) and Arthritis Action from the United Kingdom.Disclosure of Interests:Marco Garrido-Cumbrera: None declared, Helena Marzo-Ortega Speakers bureau: AbbVie, Biogen, Celgene, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer, Takeda and UCB, Consultant of: AbbVie, Celgene, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer and UCB, Grant/research support from: Janssen and Novartis, José Correa-Fernández: None declared, Sergio Sanz-Gómez: None declared, Laura Christen Employee of: Novartis Pharma AG, Victoria Navarro-Compán Grant/research support from: Abbvie, BMS, Janssen, Lilly, MSD, Novartis, Pfizer, Roche, and UCB.

Background:Evidence on the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the overall health and functioning in patients with axial spondyloarthritis (axSpA) is scarce.Objectives:To analyse the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the overall health and functioning in patients with axSpA.Methods:Data from axSpA patients participating in the first phase of the REUMAVID study were analysed. REUMAVID is a cross-sectional, observational study collecting data through an online questionnaire of unselected patients with rheumatic and musculoskeletal diseases (RMDs), recruited by patient organizations. The survey was disseminated during the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic (April-July 2020) in seven European countries (Cyprus, France, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain, and the United Kingdom). Patients with axSpA who completed the ASAS health index (ASAS-HI) questionnaire were included in this analysis. Descriptive analyses were used to present socio-demographic and clinical characteristics, as well as daily habits. Overall health and functioning were defined according to the ASAS-HI (0-17), as follows: good health (ASAS-HI ≤5), acceptable health (ASAS-HI 6-11), and poor health (ASAS-HI ≥12). As secondary outcomes, well-being (WHO-5), self-perceived health status, and HADS for anxiety and depression were assessed.Results:Out of 670 axSpA patients, 587 (87.6%) completed ASAS-HI. Of these, 70.4% were female, 72.6% were married or in a relationship, 46.7% had university studies and 37.6% were currently employed. Mean age was 49.9±12.8 years and mean BMI was 26.7±5.5. Regarding extraarticular manifestations, 13.6% had psoriasis, 12.1% inflammatory bowel disease and 18.7% uveitis. Before the COVID-19 pandemic, 50.9% were receiving biological drugs, 46.3% NSAIDs, 26.4% painkillers, 24.7% conventional DMARDs, and 11.9% oral corticosteroids. According to the ASAS-HI, 19.6 % of patients were classified as having poor health, with the most affected aspects being pain (92.0%), movement (86.5%), maintenance of body position (80.6%), energy (79.0%) and sleep (75.3%). Regarding self-perceived health status, 14% reported their health status as “bad” or “very bad”, and 46.8% reported worsening health during the pandemic (Table 1). A distribution of the results of the total ASAS-HI scores can be seen in Figure 1.Table 1.Overall health and well-being, disease activity, and mental health.Primary Outcome (ASAS-HI)Mean ± SD orn (%)ASAS-HI (0-17), n=5878.0 (±3.9)ASAS-HI <5 (good health)159 (27.1) 5-12 (acceptable health)313 (53.3) ≥12 (poor health)115 (19.6)Secondary OutcomesWHO-5 WHO-5, (0-100), n=58446.3 (±23.1) WHO- 5 Poor wellbeing WHO- ≤50330 (56.5)Self-perceived health status, n=585 Very good33 (5.6) Good214 (36.6) Fair256 (43.8) Bad69 (11.8) Very bad13 (2.2)Change in health status during lockdown, n=587 Much worse than before54 (9.2) Moderately worse220 (37.6) Same as before270 (46.0) Moderately better35 (6.0) Much better than before6 (1.0)HADSHADS Anxiety (0-21), n=5878.4 (±4.1)HADS Anxiety No case (0-7)248 (42.7) Borderline case (8-10)151 (26.0) Case (11-21)182 (31.3) HADS Depression (0-21), n=5877.0 (±4.3)HADS Depression No case (0-7)329 (56.6) Borderline case (8-10)134 (23.1) Case (11-21)118 (20.3)Figure 1.Distribution of the result of ASAS-HI scores (N= 587)Conclusion:One out of five patients with axSpA reported poor health and functioning according to the ASAS-HI, and almost half of patients reported worsening self-perceived health status during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic.Keywords: COVID-19, axial spondyloarthritis, ASAS-HI, healthDisclosure of Interests:Diego Benavent Grant/research support from: Abbvie, Novartis and Roche, Marco Garrido-Cumbrera: None declared., Chamaida Plasencia Grant/research support from: Pfizer, Sanofi, Novartis, Roche and Lilly, Laura Christen Employee of: Novartis Pharma AG, Helena Marzo-Ortega Grant/research support from: Abbvie, Celgene, Janssen, Elli-Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer, UCB and Takeda Pharmaceutical Company, José Correa-Fernández: None declared., Pedro Plazuelo-Ramos: None declared., Dale Webb: None declared., Victoria Navarro-Compán Grant/research support from: Abbvie, BMS, Lilly, MSD, Novartis, Pfizer, Roche, UCB.

Background:The COVID-19 pandemic has impacted health, lifestyle, treatment and healthcare of European patients with rheumatic and musculoskeletal diseases (RMDs).Objectives:The aim is to evaluate gender differences on the impact of the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in the wellbeing, life habits, treatment, and healthcare access of European patients with RMDs.Methods:REUMAVID is an international collaboration led by the Health & Territory Research at the University of Seville, together with a multidisciplinary team including patient organisations and rheumatologists. This cross-sectional study consisting of an online survey gathering data from 1,800 patients with a diagnosis of 15 RMDs, recruited by patient organisations in Cyprus, France, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain, and the United Kingdom during the first phase of the pandemic (April-July 2020). Mann-Whitney and χ2 tests were used to analyse differences between gender regarding sociodemographic characteristics, life style, treatment, healthcare, and patient-reported outcomes.Results:1,797 patients were included in this analysis. 80.2% were female and a mean age of 52.6 years. The most common diagnosis was inflammatory arthritis (81.7% male vs 73.8% female). There was a higher prevalence of fibromyalgia among females (20% vs 7.0% male). Overall, females reported worse self-perceived health (67.0% vs 51.4%, p<0.001), higher risk of anxiety (59.5% vs 48.1%, p<0.001), and depression (48.0% vs 37.2%, p<0.001). Females reported a greater increase in smoking (26.5% vs 17.5%, p=0.001), although they were less likely to drink alcohol (34.5% vs 25.4%, p=0.013), and also engaged less in physical activity (53.0% vs 60.3%, p=0.045). Overall, females were more likely to keep their scheduled rheumatology appointment (43.3% vs 34.1% of males (p=0.049; Table 1) with a higher proportion of females having their rheumatic treatment changed (17.0% vs 10.7%, p=0.005).Conclusion:The first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic and the containment measures have worsened self-perceived health status of patients with RMDs, affecting genders differently. Females reported worse psychological health and life habits such as increased smoking and reduced physical activity, while males increased their alcohol consumption and were less likely to attend their rheumatology appointments.Table 1.Bivariate analysis by gender (N= 1,797 unless specify)Mean ± SD or n (%)P- valueMale(N= 355)Female(N= 1,442)Sociodemographic characteristicsDiseaseInflammatory arthritis1290 (81.7)1,064 (73.8)Fibromyalgia25 (7.0)287 (19.9)Connective tissue disease218 (5.1)195 (13.5)Osteoarthritis52 (14.6)255 (17.7)Osteoporosis10 (2.8)104 (7.2)Vasculitis37 (2.0)29 (2.0)SAPHO1 (0.3)14 (1.0)Age, years52.8 ± 14.252.5 ± 12.90.896Educational levelUniversity162 (45.6)711 (49.3)0.215Marital statusMarried or in relationship269 (75.8)983 (68.2)0.002*Member of a Patient organisation, N=1,795Yes188 (53.0)559 (38.8)<0.001*Patient-reported outcomesHADS Anxiety, N=1,766Risk168 (48.1)843 (59.5)<0.001*HADS Depression, N=1,766Risk130 (37.2)680 (48.0)<0.001*Wellbeing, N=1,774WHO-5 ≤ 50188 (53.4)681 (47.9)0.064Self-perceived health, N=1,783Fair or bad182 (51.4)958 (67.0)<0.001*Change in health status during COVID-19 pandemic, N=1,783Worse333 (94.1)1,339 (93.7)0.799Life style during COVID-19 pandemicSmoking, N=555More than before20 (17.5)117 (26.5)0.001*Alcohol consumption, N=1,083Quit drinking71 (25.4)277 (34.5)0.013Physical activity, N=1,126Yes144 (60.3)470 (53.0)0.045*Treatment and healthcareAble to meet rheumatologist, N= 721No89 (65.9)332 (56.7)0.049*Access to GP, N=688No43 (39.4)248 (42.8)0.5121Including: Axial Spondyloarthritis, Rheumatoid Arthritis, Psoriatic Arthritis, Juvenile Idiopathic Arthritis, Gout and Peripheral Spondyloarthritis; 2Including: Systemic Lupus Erythematosus, Sjögren’s Syndrome, Systemic Sclerosis and Myositis; 3Including: Polymyalgia Rheumatic and Vasculitis or Arteritis.Acknowledgements:This study was supported by Novartis Pharma AG. We would like to thank all patients that completed the survey as well as all of the patient organisations that participated in the REUMAVID study including: the Cyprus League Against Rheumatism (CYPLAR) from Cyprus, the Association Française de Lutte Anti-Rhumatismale (AFLAR) from France, the Hellenic League Against Rheumatism (ELEANA) from Greece, the Associazione Nazionale Persone con Malattie Reumatologiche e Rare (APMARR) from Italy, the Portuguese League Against Rheumatic Diseases (LPCDR), from Portugal, the Spanish Federation of Spondyloarthritis Associations (CEADE), the Spanish Patients’ Forum (FEP), UNiMiD, Spanish Rheumatology League (LIRE), Andalusian Rheumatology League (LIRA), Catalonia Rheumatology League and Galician Rheumatology League from Spain, and the National Axial Spondyloarthritis Society (NASS), National Rheumatoid Arthritis (NRAS) and Arthritis Action from the United Kingdom.Disclosure of Interests:Marco Garrido-Cumbrera: None declared, Helena Marzo-Ortega Speakers bureau: AbbVie, Biogen, Celgene, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer, Takeda and UCB, Consultant of: AbbVie, Celgene, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer and UCB, Grant/research support from: Janssen and Novartis, Laura Christen Employee of: Novartis Pharma AG, Loreto Carmona: None declared, José Correa-Fernández: None declared, Sergio Sanz-Gómez: None declared, Pedro Plazuelo-Ramos: None declared, Souzi Makri Grant/research support from: Novartis, GSK and Bayer, Elsa Mateus Grant/research support from: Pfizer, grants from Lilly Portugal, Sanofi, AbbVie, Novartis, Grünenthal S.A., MSD, Celgene, Medac, Janssen-Cilag, Pharmakern, GAfPA., Serena Mingolla: None declared, KATY ANTONOPOULOU: None declared, LAURENT GRANGE: None declared, Clare Jacklin Grant/research support from: Abbvie, Amgen, Biogen, Eli Lilly, Gilead, Janssen, Pfizer, Roche, Sanofi & UCB., Dale Webb Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Biogen, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis and UCB., Shantel Irwin: None declared, Victoria Navarro-Compán Grant/research support from: Abbvie, BMS, Janssen, Lilly, MSD, Novartis, Pfizer, Roche, and UCB

Background:The COVID-19 pandemic has impacted the wellbeing of patients with Rheumatic and Musculoskeletal Diseases (RMDs).Objectives:The aim is to assess emotional well-being and its associated factors in patients with RMDs during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic.Methods:REUMAVID is an international collaboration led by the Health & Territory Research group at the University of Seville, together with a multidisciplinary team including patient organisations and rheumatologists. This cross-sectional study consisting of an online survey gathering data from patients with a diagnosis of 15 RMDs in Cyprus, France, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain, and the United Kingdom. 1,800 participants were recruited by patient organisations. Data was collected between April and July 2020. Participants were divided into two groups: 1) Participants with poor wellbeing (World Health Organization-Five Wellbeing Index (WHO-5) ≤ 50), 2) Participants with good wellbeing (WHO-5 >50). The Mann-Whitney and χ2 tests were used to analyse possible relations between sociodemographic characteristics, lifestyle, and outdoor contact with wellbeing during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. Univariate and multivariate binary logistic regression was used to determine the impact of the independent variables associated with poor wellbeing.Results:1,777 patients with 15 different RMDs were included. The mean age was 52.7, 80.2% female, 48.7% had a university degree, and 69.7% were married or in a relationship. The most frequent diagnoses were inflammatory arthritis (75.4%). 49.0% reported poor wellbeing. 57.7% of patients who belonged to a patient organisation reported good wellbeing (vs 46.3% who did not, p<0.001). Those who reported poor wellbeing had higher disease activity (51.4% vs 41.3%, p<0.001), a higher risk of anxiety (54.3% vs 41.7%, p<0.001) and depression (57.0% vs 42.1%, p<0.001), and poorer self-perceived health (53.0% vs 41.8%, p<0.001), compared to those who did not. A higher proportion of those who engaged in physical activity presented good wellbeing (54.0% vs 46.5%, p=0.012). 57.4% of the patients who were unable to attend their appointment with their rheumatologist reported poor wellbeing, compared to 48.2% who did attend (p=0.027). Patients who did not walk outside (56.2%) or who lacked elements in their home to facilitate outside contact (63.3%) experienced poor wellbeing (p<0.001). The factors associated with poor wellbeing were lack of elements in the home enabling contact with the outside world (OR=2.10), not belonging to a patient organisation (OR=1.51), risk of depression (OR=1.49), and not walking outside (OR=1.36) during the COVID-19 pandemic (Table 1).Conclusion:Almost half of the patients with RMDs reported poor emotional wellbeing during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. The lack of elements in the home that facilitate outdoor contact, not belonging to a patient organisation, the presence of anxiety, and not walking outside during the pandemic increase the probability of poor emotional well-being. These results highlight the importance of environmental factors and the role of patient organisations in addressing the effects of the pandemic and its containment measures.Table 1.Logistic regression for poor wellbeing WHO-5 (N=1,104)Univariate logistic analysisMultivariate logistic analysisOR95% CI1OR95% CI1Patient organisation. Non-member1.571.30, 1.891.511.18, 1.93Disease activity (VAS ≥ 4)1.501.21, 1.861.160.85, 1.56Risk of anxiety (HADs, 0-21)1.671.38, 2.021.200.92, 1.58Risk of depression (HADs, 0-21)1.831.51, 2.211.491.12, 1.99Self-reported health. Fair to very bad1.581.30, 1.911.260.94, 1.68Change in health status. Worse1.271.06, 1.531.050.80, 1.38Physical activity. No1.351.07, 1.711.080.83, 1.40Talked with rheumatologist during the pandemic. No1.451.04, 2.031.040.68, 1.61Walk outside during COVID-19 pandemic. No1.471.19, 1.831.361.02, 1.81Element in home with outdoor contact. No1.931.42, 2.622.101.41, 3.15195% CI for test H0: OR = 1Acknowledgements:This study was supported by Novartis Pharma AG. We would like to thank all patients that completed the survey as well as all of the patient organisations that participated in the REUMAVID study including: the Cyprus League Against Rheumatism (CYPLAR) from Cyprus, the Association Française de Lutte Anti-Rhumatismale (AFLAR) from France, the Hellenic League Against Rheumatism (ELEANA) from Greece, the Associazione Nazionale Persone con Malattie Reumatologiche e Rare (APMARR) from Italy, the Portuguese League Against Rheumatic Diseases (LPCDR), from Portugal, the Spanish Federation of Spondyloarthritis Associations (CEADE), the Spanish Patients’ Forum (FEP), UNiMiD, Spanish Rheumatology League (LIRE), Andalusian Rheumatology League (LIRA), Catalonia Rheumatology League and Galician Rheumatology League from Spain, and the National Axial Spondyloarthritis Society (NASS), National Rheumatoid Arthritis (NRAS) and Arthritis Action from the United Kingdom.Disclosure of Interests:Marco Garrido-Cumbrera: None declared, Helena Marzo-Ortega Speakers bureau: AbbVie, Biogen, Celgene, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer, Takeda and UCB., Consultant of: AbbVie, Celgene, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer and UCB, Laura Christen Employee of: Novartis Pharma AG, Loreto Carmona: None declared, José Correa-Fernández: None declared, Sergio Sanz-Gómez: None declared, Pedro Plazuelo-Ramos: None declared, LAURENT GRANGE: None declared, Dale Webb Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Biogen, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis and UCB., Shantel Irwin: None declared, Clare Jacklin Grant/research support from: has received grant funding from Abbvie, Amgen, Biogen, Eli Lilly, Gilead, Janssen, Pfizer, Roche, Sanofi & UCB, Souzi Makri Grant/research support from: Novartis, GSK and Bayer., Elsa Mateus Grant/research support from: Lilly Portugal, Sanofi, AbbVie, Novartis, Grünenthal S.A., MSD, Celgene, Medac, Janssen-Cilag, Pharmakern, GAfPA., Serena Mingolla: None declared, KATY ANTONOPOULOU: None declared, Victoria Navarro-Compán Grant/research support from: Abbvie, BMS, Janssen, Lilly, MSD, Novartis, Pfizer, Roche, and UCB.

Background:The COVID-19 pandemic has impacted every aspect of life of European patients with rheumatic and musculoskeletal diseases (RMDs).Objectives:The aim is to evaluate country differences on the impact of the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic on life habits, healthcare access, health status, mental health and wellbeing in European patients with RMDs.Methods:REUMAVID is an international collaboration led by the Health & Territory Research group at the University of Seville, together with a multidisciplinary team including patient organisations and rheumatologists. This cross-sectional study consisting of an online survey gathering data from patients with a diagnosis of 15 RMDs in Cyprus, France, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain, and the United Kingdom. Participants were recruited by patient organisations (April-July 2020). The Kruskal-Wallis and χ2 tests were used to analyse differences between countries and independent variables.Results:1,800 patients participated in the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic (REUMAVID). 37.8% of Spanish patients increased their smoking consumption during the pandemic followed by Cyprus (32.1%) and Portugal (31.0%), while alcohol consumption was higher in the UK (36.3%) and France (27.0%). 82.3% of patients in Spain unable to attend their appointment with their rheumatologist, either due to cancellations or other personal reasons. Access to primary care was most limited in Portugal and Italy, where only 45.0% and 51.6% got access. 61.9% in Italy and 53.3% in Spain experienced a worsening of their health during the pandemic. 68.5% in Spain and 67.8% in Portugal were at risk of anxiety. The highest proportion at risk of depression was found in Greece (55.4%), Cyprus (55.1%), and Italy (54.8%). 66.9% of patients in Spain reported poor wellbeing, compared to 23.8% in Italy and 30.1% in Portugal (Table 1).Conclusion:The first wave of the pandemic and the related containment measures heterogeneously affected patients with RMDs across European countries, who overall increased harmful habits, experienced more difficulties in accessing healthcare and, reported poor mental health and well-being.Table 1.Bivariate analysis between European countries (N=1,800, unless specified)Mean ± SD or n (%)UKn: 558Spainn: 464Francen: 229Greecen: 57Cyprusn: 101Italyn: 127Portugaln: 264- Inflammatory arthritis1509 (91.2)402 (86.6)147 (64.2)33 (57.9)57 (56.4)89 (70.1)120 (45.5)- Fibromyalgia53 (9.5)14 (3.0)26 (11.4)14 (24.6)28 (27.7)53 (41.7)124 (47.0)- Connective tissue disease236 (6.5)15 (3.2)13 (5.7)25 (43.9)33 (32.7)30 (23.6)61 (23.1)- Osteoarthritis140 (25.1)29 (6.3)102 (44.5)0 (0.0)8 (7.9)15 (11.8)13 (4.9)- Osteoporosis50 (9.0)3 (0.6)20 (8.7)2 (3.5)9 (8.9)18 (14.2)12 (4.5)- Vasculitis39 (1.6)1 (0.2)6 (2.6)3 (5.3)3 (3.0)5 (3.9)9 (3.4)- Sapho (only France)15 (6.6)Smoking, More than before.N= 55616 (10.3)48 (37.8)22 (24.7)8 (23.5)9 (32.1)8 (20.5)26 (31.0)Alcohol consumption, More than before. N= 1,08599 (36.3)48 (10.3)27 (27.0)4 (7.0)4 (4.0)4 (13.3)11 (18.3)Unable to meet rheumatologist. N= 72283 (48.8)186 (82.3)27 (30.3)18 (64.3)22 (51.2)9 (31.0)77 (56.2)Access to primary care. N= 68987 (76.3)65 (67.7)32 (76.2)14 (60.9)17 (60.7)65 (51.6)117 (45.0)Change in health status, Much worse or worse. N=1,786214 (38.4)245 (53.3)98 (43.0)24 (42.9)38 (38.4)78 (61.9)135 (51.9)WHO-5. Poor well-being (≤50).N= 1,777292 (52.5)303 (66.9)100 (43.9)21 (37.5)46 (46.5)30 (23.8)78 (30.1)Risk of anxiety. N= 1,769241 (43.6)309 (68.5)118 (52.0)31 (55.4)61 (62.2)78 (61.9)175 (67.8)Risk of depression. N= 1,769186 (33.6)232 (51.4)101 (44.5)31 (55.4)54 (55.1)69 (54.8)138 (53.8)Note: all relations were significant at the 0.001 level. 1Including: Axial Spondyloarthritis, Rheumatoid Arthritis, Psoriatic Arthritis, Juvenile Idiopathic Arthritis, Gout and Peripheral Spondyloarthritis; 2Including: Systemic Lupus Erythematosus, Sjögren’s Syndrome, Systemic Sclerosis and Myositis; 3Including: Polymyalgia Rheumatic and Vasculitis or Arteritis.Acknowledgements:This study was supported by Novartis Pharma AG. We would like to thank all patients that completed the survey as well as all of the patient organisations that participated in the REUMAVID study including: the Cyprus League Against Rheumatism (CYPLAR) from Cyprus, the Association Française de Lutte Anti-Rhumatismale (AFLAR) from France, the Hellenic League Against Rheumatism (ELEANA) from Greece, the Associazione Nazionale Persone con Malattie Reumatologiche e Rare (APMARR) from Italy, the Portuguese League Against Rheumatic Diseases (LPCDR), from Portugal, the Spanish Federation of Spondyloarthritis Associations (CEADE), the Spanish Patients’ Forum (FEP), UNiMiD, Spanish Rheumatology League (LIRE), Andalusian Rheumatology League (LIRA), Catalonia Rheumatology League and Galician Rheumatology League from Spain, and the National Axial Spondyloarthritis Society (NASS), National Rheumatoid Arthritis (NRAS) and Arthritis Action from the United Kingdom.Disclosure of Interests:Marco Garrido-Cumbrera: None declared, Helena Marzo-Ortega Speakers bureau: AbbVie, Biogen, Celgene, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer, Takeda and UCB, Consultant of: AbbVie, Celgene, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer and UCB, Grant/research support from: Janssen and Novartis, Laura Christen Employee of: Novartis Pharma AG, Loreto Carmona: None declared, José Correa-Fernández: None declared, Sergio Sanz-Gómez: None declared, Elsa Mateus Grant/research support from: Lilly Portugal, Sanofi, AbbVie, Novartis, Grünenthal S.A., MSD, Celgene, Medac, Janssen-Cilag, Pharmakern, GAfPA., Souzi Makri Grant/research support from: Novartis, GSK and Bayer., Pedro Plazuelo-Ramos: None declared, LAURENT GRANGE: None declared, Serena Mingolla: None declared, KATY ANTONOPOULOU: None declared, Dale Webb Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Biogen, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis and UCB, Clare Jacklin Grant/research support from: Abbvie, Amgen, Biogen, Eli Lilly, Gilead, Janssen, Pfizer, Roche, Sanofi & UCB, Shantel Irwin: None declared, Victoria Navarro-Compán Grant/research support from: Abbvie, BMS, Lilly, MSD, Novartis, Pfizer, Roche, and UCB

Background:The first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic led to a rapidly evolving global crisis characterized by major uncertainty.Objectives:The objective is to assess COVID-19-related fears and hopes in patients with rheumatic and musculoskeletal diseases (RMDs) during the first wave of the pandemic.Methods:REUMAVID is an international collaboration led by the Health & Territory Research group at the University of Seville, together with a multidisciplinary team including patient organisations and rheumatologists. This cross-sectional study consisting of an online survey gathering data from 1,800 patients with a diagnosis of 15 RMDs recruited by patient organisations in Cyprus, France, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain and, the United Kingdom. Data are collected in two phases, the first phase between April and July 2020, the second in 2021. Participants rated a series of fears (infection, medication consequences, lack of medication, impact on healthcare, job loss, civil disorder) on a Likert scale from zero (“no concern at all”) to five (“extremely concerned”) and their hopes (treatment/vaccine availability, going outside, travel, economic situation, treatment continuation, health status) on a Likert scale from zero (“not hopeful at all”) to five (“extremely hopeful”). The Mann-Whitney and Kruskal-Wallis tests were used to analyse the different fears and hopes according to socio-demographics characteristics, disease and health status.Results:1,800 patients participated in the first phase of REUMAVID. The most frequent RMDs group was inflammatory arthritis (75.4%), the mean age was 52.6 years and 80.1% were female. The most important fear for patients was the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on healthcare (3.1 out of 5), particularly for those younger in age (3.0 vs 3.2, p=0.004), female gender (3.2 vs 2. 9 of men, p=0.003), experiencing greater pain (3.1 vs 2.8, p=0.007), with higher risk of anxiety (3.3 vs 2.9 of without anxiety, p<0.001) and depression (3.3 vs 2.9 without depression, p<0.001). The possible impact of anti-rheumatic medication and the development of severe disease if they became infected with COVID-19,was mostly feared (2.8 out of 5), by those receiving biological therapy (3.1 vs 2.5 not biological therapy, p<0.001) or those with underlying anxiety (2.9 vs 2.6 without anxiety, p=0.007). The risk of contracting COVID-19 due to their condition (2.8 out of 5), was especially feared by those with vasculitis (3.2 out of 5), who were female (2.9 vs 2.5, p<0.001), using biologics (2. 9 vs 2.7 of no use, p=0.003), in greater pain (2.8 vs 2.4, p<0.001), with a risk of anxiety (3.0 vs 2.6 without anxiety, p=0.004), and risk of depression (3.0 vs 2.6 without depression, p<0.001). The major hopes were to be able to continue with their treatment as usual (3.7 out of 5), particularly for those taking biologics (3.8 vs 3.6 not taking, p=0.026), those with a better well-being (3.8 vs 3.6 with worse well-being, p=0.021), without anxiety (3.8 vs 3.6 at risk, p=0.004) and without depression (3.8 vs 3.6 at risk, p=0.007). Hoping not to become infected with COVID-19 and to maintain the same health status, were especially those who were older (3.6 vs 3.4 p=0.018) without anxiety (3.4 vs 3.6 at risk, p=0.005), and without depression (3.6 vs 3.4 at risk, p=0.006). Another important hope was the availability of a treatment or vaccine for COVID-19, which was important for patients experiencing better well-being (3.3 vs 3.0 with worse well-being, p<0.001; Figure 1).Conclusion:The outstanding COVID-19-related fear expressed by European patients with RMDs was its impact on healthcare, while the greatest hope was to be able to continue treatment. Younger patients reported more fears while older patients were more hopeful. Those receiving biologics had greater fears and hopes associated with their treatment. In addition, patients at risk of mental disorders presented greater fears and less hopes.Figure 1.Fears and Hopes of REUMAVID participantsAcknowledgements:This study was supported by Novartis Pharma AG. We would like to thank all patients that completed the survey as well as all of the patient organisations that participated in the REUMAVID study including: the Cyprus League Against Rheumatism (CYPLAR) from Cyprus, the Association Française de Lutte Anti-Rhumatismale (AFLAR) from France, the Hellenic League Against Rheumatism (ELEANA) from Greece, the Associazione Nazionale Persone con Malattie Reumatologiche e Rare (APMARR) from Italy, the Portuguese League Against Rheumatic Diseases (LPCDR), from Portugal, the Spanish Federation of Spondyloarthritis Associations (CEADE), the Spanish Patients’ Forum (FEP), UNiMiD, Spanish Rheumatology League (LIRE), Andalusian Rheumatology League (LIRA), Catalonia Rheumatology League and Galician Rheumatology League from Spain, and the National Axial Spondyloarthritis Society (NASS), National Rheumatoid Arthritis (NRAS) and Arthritis Action from the United Kingdom.Disclosure of Interests:Marco Garrido-Cumbrera: None declared, Helena Marzo-Ortega Speakers bureau: AbbVie, Biogen, Celgene, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer, Takeda and UCB, Consultant of: AbbVie, Celgene, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer and UCB, Grant/research support from: Janssen and Novartis, Laura Christen Employee of: Novartis Pharma AG, Loreto Carmona: None declared, José Correa-Fernández: None declared, Sergio Sanz-Gómez: None declared, Pedro Plazuelo-Ramos: None declared, Dale Webb Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Biogen, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis and UCB., Clare Jacklin Grant/research support from: Abbvie, Amgen, Biogen, Eli Lilly, Gilead, Janssen, Pfizer, Roche, Sanofi & UCB, Shantel Irwin: None declared, LAURENT GRANGE: None declared, Souzi Makri Grant/research support from: Novartis, GSK and Bayer., Elsa Mateus Grant/research support from: Lilly Portugal, Sanofi, AbbVie, Novartis, Grünenthal S.A., MSD, Celgene, Medac, Janssen-Cilag, Pharmakern, GAfPA., Serena Mingolla: None declared, KATY ANTONOPOULOU: None declared, Victoria Navarro-Compán Grant/research support from: Abbvie, BMS, Janssen, Lilly, MSD, Novartis, Pfizer, Roche, and UCB

En el presente artículo pretendemos analizar las estrategias de supervivencia llevadas a cabo por las viudas del Reino de Sevilla en el período comprendido entre 1392 y 1550, fundamentalmente a través de los protocolos notariales disponibles para las ciudades de Sevilla y Jerez de la Frontera. Estudiaremos sus opciones vitales, su patrimonio y las diversas actividades financieras que llevaron a cabo para sacar adelante la economía familiar y preservar y aumentar los bienes heredados por sus hijos. Asimismo, reflexionaremos sobre los inconvenientes, pero también sobre las ventajas que la condición de viuda aportaba a las mujeres. De este modo, contribuiremos al conocimiento de la realidad socioeconómica de los grupos intermedios de la sociedad castellana de la Baja Edad Media y de los albores de la Modernidad. Palabras clave: viudas, actividades económicas, protocolos notarialesTopónimos: Sevilla, Jerez de la FronteraPeríodo: Baja Edad Media, siglo XVI ABSTRACTThe aim of this paper is to analyse the survival strategies employed by the widows of the Kingdom of Seville between 1392 and 1550. The article is based on the affidavits available for Seville and Jerez de la Frontera. The work examines their life choices, their patrimony and the financial activities they undertook for the sake of their own livelihood and their children’s futures. There is also a reflection upon the disadvantages but also the advantages implicit in widowhood for a woman. Thus, a contribution will be made to knowledge of the socio-economic reality of middle-class Castilian society in the Late Middles Ages and Early Modern Period. Keywords: widows, economic activities, affidavitsPlace names: Seville, Jerez de la FronteraPeriod: Late Middle Ages, Early Modern Period REFERENCIASAbellán Pérez, J. 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En estas líneas presentamos el Nº 25 de la REJIE, Nueva época que se estrena con un Consejo de Redacción renovado, al que se incorporan los profesores José Francisco Alenza García, Catedrático de Derecho Administrativo de la Universidad Pública de Navarra; Maribel Canto López, Associate Professor (Senior Fellow of the Higher Education Academy y University Distinguished Teaching Fellow), de la University of Leicester (United Kingdom); María Jesús Elvira Benayas, Profesora Contratada Doctora de Derecho Internacional Privado de la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid; Inmaculada González Cabrera, Profesora Titular de Derecho Mercantil de la Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria y Nicola Gullo, Professore Associato di Diritto amministrativo de la Università degli Studi di Palermo (Italia). La incorporación de estos profesores al Consejo de Redacción lo enriquecen al abrirse a miembros de distintas Universidades nacionales e internacionales ayudando a incrementar la calidad de las publicaciones y el ámbito de difusión de la Revista. Por otro lado, Patricia Benavides Velasco, Profesora Titular de Derecho Mercantil de la Universidad de Málaga; Rocío Caro Gándara, Profesora Titular de Derecho Internacional Privado de la Universidad de Málaga; Mª Encarnación Gómez Rojo, Profesora Titular de Historia del Derecho de la Universidad de Málaga; Miguel Gutiérrez Bengoechea, Profesor Titular de Derecho Financiero y Tributario de la Universidad de Málaga, Mª Ángeles Liñán García, Profesora Contratada Doctora de Derecho Eclesiástico del Estado de la Universidad de Málaga, y Mª Belén Malavé Osuna, Profesora Titular de Universidad de Derecho Romano de la Universidad de Málaga dejan el Consejo de Redacción de la Revista y se incorporan al Comité Científico Nacional de la misma. En estas líneas, desde la Dirección de la Revista queremos expresar nuestro más sincero agradecimiento a los profesores que se incorporan al Consejo de Redacción y a los profesores que asumen una responsabilidad nueva como miembros del Comité Científico. Esta Revista desde sus comienzos fue un proyecto de equipo y es una satisfacción ir sumando a colegas que se ilusionan y lo hacen suyo también. GRACIAS. En este número se han publicado un total de seis artículos y tres recensiones. En el bloque sobre innovación docente, el primer artículo se titula “Las actividades prácticas evaluables en los estudios jurídicos universitarios. Vídeo-ejercicios como instrumentos trasformadores” y ha sido elaborado por Gabriele Vestri, Profesor Ayudante Doctor (acr. PCD) de Derecho Administrativo de la Universidad de Cádiz. Este estudio comparte el resultado del análisis de un Proyecto de Innovación y Mejora Docente llevado a cabo durante el curso académico 2020-2021 en el marco de tres asignaturas del Grado en Gestión y Administración Pública. El autor explica detalladamente tanto los supuestos prácticos que se facilitaron a los alumnos como los requisitos y características que debían tener los videos resolutorios entregados por ellos, así como los resultados obtenidos en dicha experiencia, ayudándose de los oportunos gráficos y tablas explicativas. Todo ello en un contexto de pandemia y entre la enseñanza presencial y virtual. El segundo artículo titulado “Las cuestiones de debate de la Ciencia Política como docencia práctica en un entorno de enseñanza semipresencial y virtual” ha sido escrito en coautoría por Francisco Collado Campaña, Profesor Sustituto Interino de Ciencia Política y Ángel Valencia Sáiz, Catedrático de Ciencia Política, ambos de la Universidad de Málaga. Este estudio se centra también en una experiencia docente en el contexto del Grado en Gestión y Administración Pública, pero en las asignaturas introductorias de Ciencia Política. El esquema de la experiencia, asentada en la metodología de debate (razonamiento, discusión y argumentación) se concreta en cuatro fases: primero, los alumnos desarrollan su conocimiento sobre una pregunta clásica en la asignatura y la confrontan; segundo, los estudiantes se documentan y seleccionan fuentes que favorezcan su conocimiento referente a las distintas respuestas y/o posturas; tercero, los alumnos analiza las lecturas para diseñar su propia postura ya sea adhiriéndose a alguna de las existentes o conformando una posición ecléctica y, finalmente, los alumnos presentan la importancia de la pregunta trabajada, muestran una panorámica de las distintas respuestas para afrontarla y razonan su postura ante una audiencia formada por el profesor y el resto de la clase. Esta fase final va acompañada de un turno de preguntas o réplicas por parte del público para evaluar la fundamentación de los argumentos del alumno. Es de destacar en este estudio el análisis que se realiza sobre las diversas dificultades que tanto profesores como alumnos nos hemos encontrado ante las restricciones en las clases en el contexto de la crisis sanitaria. El tercer artículo lleva por título ”Los derechos fundamentales más allá de los derechos fundamentales. Notas para enseñar Derecho Constitucional” y ha sido realizado por Ignacio Álvarez Rodríguez, Profesor Contratado Doctor de Derecho Constitucional de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid”. Este original artículo, partiendo de la selección de jurisprudencia del TEDH tiene como ambicioso objetivo demostrar cómo la enseñanza del Derecho Constitucional en pleno siglo XXI no puede limitarse a explicar cómo afecta el Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos a la parte dogmática de la Constitución (derechos fundamentales) sino cómo lo hace, desde la transversalidad más objetiva, a la parte orgánica (órganos, instituciones). Es decir, la enseñanza del Derecho Constitucional, a juicio del autor, no puede limitarse a “actualizar” el catálogo de derechos fundamentales en base a la literalidad constitucional y/o convencional y en la interpretación que los altos tribunales hagan de los mismos, sino que es necesario explorar cómo afecta y en qué medida podría seguir afectando a las instituciones y órganos estatales la interpretación que de tales derechos se hacen. El artículo que cierra el bloque sobre innovación docente lo firman Daiana-Yamila Rigo, Investigadora Adjunta del Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas de la Universidad Nacional de Río Cuarto, Argentina, y Rosana Beatriz Squillari, Profesora Adjunta Exclusiva en Ciencias Jurídicas, Políticas y Sociales de la citada Universidad. El estudio lleva por título “Clase invertida, formación docente y agencia transformadora: Un estudio preliminar en pandemia con estudiantes argentinos” y en él, las autoras, además de centrarse en la experiencia del uso de la clase invertida como recurso docente en el contexto de la COVID-19, constatan la necesidad de formar a los futuros formadores para las futuras pandemias, repensando las formas de trabajo en el aula y contemplando que las instituciones educativas van más allá de sus propias infraestructuras físicas. El bloque dedicado a la investigación sustantiva se inicia con el estudio titulado “¿Hacia un cambio de modelo en la relación Administración tributaria-contribuyente? Análisis del cumplimiento fiscal voluntario” y realizado por José Francisco Sedeño López, Personal Investigador en Formación de la Universidad de Málaga. Este interesante estudio analiza el cumplimiento voluntario de las obligaciones tributarias y constata que, partiendo de la idea de que la decisión final del contribuyente es crucial para la voluntariedad del cumplimiento, otros factores psicológicos, enraizados en la confianza en las instituciones formales y la confianza en las instituciones informales, así como la edad, el nivel de renta o la ideología han resultado ser circunstancias sociodemográficas que influyen en el cumplimiento voluntario. El segundo y último artículo del bloque dedicado a la investigación sustantiva lo ha realizado Ana Rosa Aguilera Rodríguez, Profesora de la Universidad de Las Tunas, Cuba. El estudio se titula “La enseñanza del derecho a la ciudad en la formación de profesionales del Derecho”. En él la autora reflexiona sobre la necesidad de mejorar la enseñanza del Derecho y los vigentes planes de estudios de las Universidades cubanas con la incorporación de asignaturas relacionadas con el Derecho a la Ciudad, la Ordenación del Territorio y el Urbanismo. Incorporar estas disciplinas, a juicio de la autora, contribuiría a elevar la cultura jurídica de los profesionales del Derecho, y con ello, a conseguir una mayor integralidad en la formación que permita dar respuesta a necesidades e intereses de la sociedad. El número se cierra con tres reseñas. La primera, de María del Carmen Macías García sobre la monografía “La cuarta revolución industrial y su impacto sobre la productividad, el empleo y las relaciones jurídico-laborales: desafíos tecnológicos del siglo XXI” del profesor de la Universidad de Málaga Miguel Ángel Gómez Salado, publicado en 2021 por la editorial Thomson Reuters Aranzadi, Cizur Menor. La segunda, de Miguel Ángel Gómez Salado sobre la monografía “La protección social de las personas inmigrantes: un modelo garantista” de la profesora de la Universidad de Granada Belén del Mar López Insua, publicada en 2020 por la editorial Atelier. La tercera, de Virginia Martínez Torres sobre la monografía “La tributación de los servicios digitales en Europa y España” del profesor de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid Guillermo Sánchez-Archidona Hidalgo, publicada en 2020 por la editorial Thomson Reuters Aranzadi, Cizur Menor. Antes de concluir la presentación, una breve reflexión, la aparición de la COVID-19 ha influido profundamente en el modo de vivir, de relacionarnos, de desempeñar nuestro cometido de enseñar y seguir aprendiendo, como miembros de la comunidad universitaria. El cierre físico de las instalaciones universitarias, la apertura de nuestro entorno doméstico y personal en la realización de nuestro cometido profesional, ha aumentado la conciencia de comunidad con nuestros estudiantes. Esta revista, como se deja sentir en este número, especialmente en el bloque de innovación docente, también está aumentando la conciencia de comunidad, de grupo de colegas con una preocupación especial por la mejora de la educación superior sean cuales sean las circunstancias que se presenten, a modo de pandemia, o de cambios legislativos y de modelo de enseñanza, como fue la implantación del modelo universitario de Bolonia. Por este motivo es merecido agradecer a todos los autores que han publicado en esta Revista, desde sus inicios, la confianza que han depositado en nosotros y, también, a los lectores, que número tras número, la consultan y la citan. Entre todos contribuimos a que esté viva a que tenga dinamismo y a que sea un foro de intercambio intelectual y debate académico. Carmen María Ávila Rodríguez Subdirectora académica de la REJIE, Nueva época.

Almost four decades after its discovery was initially announced, the Celtic necropolis in Karaburma, a suburb of Belgrade, is still one of the most important archaeological sites for the interpretation of the historical, economic, and cultural processes taking place in the central Balkans from the 4th to the end of the 1st centuries B.C. Most of all, it represents a wide-ranging source for explaining the chronology of the oldest Celtic presence in this area, also illustrating cultural exchanges in the network in which they were included. In this necropolis, belonging to the regional military elite, there are several graves in which, in addition to standard offerings relating to the regional material culture, items originating from a wider cultural area were found. Amongst these, grave number 22, the subject of our research, is especially important. In this grave were found objects mainly made of bronze and iron, with a smaller fragment of pottery. The iron items represent the attire of the deceased and his offensive weapons, while bronze items are characteristically imported vessels and a smaller bronze ring (figs. 1, 2). The imported vessels are represented by the well-known situla and cup. According to the basic typological scheme, we can classify the situla within the large group of ovoid situlae with the leaf-shaped or the so-called heart-shaped ornament under the attachment (figs. 1, 9; 2; 3, 7). According to the typological scheme here suggested, the situla found in Karaburma belongs to the first group, namely to its variant b (Ib), which is characterized by situlae with a leaf-shaped ornament on the attachment, separately cast and then pinned down or soldered to the body of the vessel (fig. 3, 7). Also belonging to this group are situlae from Skillountia, Goce Delcev (fig. 3, 8), V?rbica (fig. 3, 9) and from Chirnogi (fig. 3, 10). Situlae from Budva (fig. 3, 11) and Belgrade (fig. 3, 12) should also be included here, probably the one from Bitola as well. According to the analysis here presented, we have attributed the situla to the work of Macedonian workshops of the 4th century, to which other situlae, initially recorded in the contexts of Celtic provenance, have finally been included, and which ended up in the graves of Celtic dignitaries as exclusive imports of particular social conditions and ideological features. The other bronze vessel, considering its size, metric relations, technical and stylistic execution, we interpret as a cup, or at least as some kind of transitional form, since it is somewhat more shallow when compared to actual cups, and significantly taller compared to phiale (figs. 1, 10; 2). The context in which it was found indicates that it must have been used as a drinking cup in a set, together with the ovoid situla. Similar phiale were a very popular form in Thrace in the 4th century (fig. 7, 2-3), but the greatest resemblance can be seen in the phiale from Peretu, from the Thraco-Getian area to the north (fig. 7, 1). Characteristics of the form and style of the cup from Karaburma enabled its classification among the later variants or transitional forms of cups, seen in the context of the bronze production of Northern Greece, i.e. Macedonia. It is important for the period of the midto late 4th century, in other words, it completely matches with the chronological background and location of the ovoid situla with the leaf-shaped ornament under the attachment. In the analysis of weapons belonging to a Celtic warrior buried in grave 22, an iron sword with preserved fragments of a scabbard made of iron sheet (fig. 1, 1-2) stands out. Comparative analysis has characterized the sword as an exceptionally late form of the group Kosd D, attributed to the phase Lt B2. However, the slightly accentuated biconical shape of the scabbard?s end also points to certain elements of the group Kosd C. In the Carpathian basin the group Kosd C represents a rather rare form, which as a cultural innovation spread westwards, thus the Karaburma necropolis in Belgrade represents their southeastern, furthest point of expansion. To this same time frame also belongs the sword belt chain set (fig. 1, 5-6). Typological and spatial analysis has shown that chain belts with single figure-ofeight links, exactly the same as the ones found in grave 22, are relatively rare in that region. Asimilar sword belt set was found in the Benacci necropolis in Bologna, also containing a sword inside a scabbard decorated with a pair of dragons of the II type according to Jose-Maria De Navarro. Alongside it was also found a spear-butt with a spike which by its workmanship, closely resembles precisely the spear-butt with a long spike and the massive conical lower part from grave 22 (fig. 1, 4). Unlike the complete sword belt chain set and the sword, the spear-butt was isolated, but perhaps we can connect the bronze ring with it (fig. 1, 3). Given its size, it was probably the grip which was strengthening the spot at which the spear-butt was inserted into it. Aspecial feature of grave 22 are two highly fragmented remains of fibulae (fig. 1, 7-8). The spring of the larger fibula stands out, with two winders on each side, and with an external arch (fig. 1, 7), which dates from the late Lt B2 phase and the transitional horizon B2/C1. It has long been accepted as fact that the Celts inhabited the area between the rivers Sava and Danube from as early as the second half and towards the end of the 4th century, while the Scordisci, as such, formed only after the defeat at Delphi. However, the process of the Celtic expansion was already happening at the beginning of the 4th century, and it spread along the main communication routes, the rivers, with strategic points first to be settled. Only after several decades of consolidation, or only upon the return from the military expedition to the south of the Balkan peninsula, was the whole area inhabited by the Celts by the end of the 4th century. This historically suggested claim always necessarily led to the question of chronological positioning and the distance between phases Lt B2 and Lt C2. Most authors dealing with this matter have held that phase Lt B2 was supposed to have finished after the Celtic invasion of the southern Balkans, i.e. some time in the 3rd century. However, this assessment does not seem entirely correct, since most objects of La T?ne cultural provenance found in the Aegean region and Asia Minor stem from the initial Lt C horizon, which means that the expedition to Delphi cannot represent an absolute chronological border between the Lt B2 and C1. The absence of indicative elements of the material culture of the Lt B horizon in the Aegean area and Anatolia indicates that they already had to be completely out of fashion by the time of the expedition. In brief - after the dissolution of Lisimachus? kingdom and the murder of Seleucus I in 281 B.C., there was a military and political power vacuum in the region of Macedonia and Thrace. The opportunity was seized by Celts from the region of the lower Danube, who set out towards ?the South?. In 279 B.C. one of the three groups, led by Bolgios (i.e. Belgius), defeated the Macedonian royal army, and Ptolemy Ceraunus himself got killed. In the summer of the same year, Brennus reached central Greece, i.e. Delphi; having suffered a defeat, the larger portion of the army was stationed in the region of Thrace, after a logical retreat. There they received an offer from Nicomedus I of Bythinia who hired 20,000 of them as mercenaries, hence their penetration into Asia Minor in 278 and 277 B.C. On the other hand, the archaeological findings from the mentioned area, connected with these events, indicate that it can and must be classified within the Lt C1 phase. An additional argument in favour of an earlier dating is also offered by a pair of two-part anklets, with eight hollow semispherical bosses with no ornaments, found in the Spanos well in the vicinity of Poseidon?s sanctuary in Isthmia. Previously, Rupert Gebhard had held that these findings should be brought into connection with the incursion of 279 B.C., dating from his horizon 5, i.e. between c. 290 and 260 B.C. However, Isabelle Raubitschek demonstrated the opposite, pointing to several details: firstly, since the remnants of the Celtic army after their defeat withdrew through the Thermopylae, it is unlikely that on the way back anyone would pass through Isthmia; secondly, similar anklets were also found in the Heraion of Perachora, and finally and most importantly, that they were found in an enclosed context, together with the kylix-krater, meaning that they must date from the third quarter of the 4th century. To her conclusions we can now add two other possible perspectives: 1. - regarding the chronology, the most important fact is that the pair of two-part anklets is evidently much older than previously thought. From the historical perspective, the information on the enclosed context, i.e. that similar findings were also found in the complexes of Greek sanctuaries, is of great importance. 2. - dating clearly shows that these anklets cannot be connected with war or looting, i.e. cannot be seen as spoil from the expedition to Delphi to be sacrificed by the victors. In fact, that context points to a small, but recognizable segment from the range of diplomatic gifts which circulated between the Greek world and the Celtic aristocrats from the region of the middle course of Danube. On the other hand, among the graves of the La T?ne cultural provenance containing findings which originated from Greek, i.e. Macedonian workshops, and which predate the time of the military expedition to the south of the Balkan peninsula, apart from the finding of a bronze cup from the end of the 4th century found in Szabolc in Hungary, only Karaburma grave 22 stands out. Both findings were included by Miklos Szab? among those which preceded the expedition to Delphi, although it is possible that they reached the Celtic world after that event. He also mentioned that it was becoming increasingly evident that this was more than just a case of military spoil or loot, which he concluded on the basis of the presence of less valuable items. This claim led M. Szab? into a trap: if the items, mostly from the 4th century, presupposed contacts of the Celtic inhabitants with the Aegean world, it would be necessary to date their settlement, i.e. the phase Lt B2, in the 4th century, and thus in the period significantly earlier than the expedition to Delphi. Furthermore, a bronze lekythos was found in a slightly younger grave 18/64 on the Hurbanovo site, in the same cultural and historical context. This is a lekythos of the Talcot type, frequently found in Greece, Thrace and Macedonia, dating back to the end of the 4th and the first half of the 3rd century. On the mentioned site it was chronologically classified in the transitional horizon Lt B2/C1, which according to Jozef Bujna was the period after the military expedition to the Balkans. The same researcher held that the grave 22 from Karaburma should also be included in that time frame. However, what if J. Bujna was wrong on this matter, given that he opted for a conservative dating of the set of vessels? Based on the above, we might actually consider placing the absolute dating of the Lt C1 phase in the 4th century - the century during which the production of such lekythoi flourished, as did their laying in Macedonian graves. Implicitly, such dating is also confirmed by the items of the La T?ne provenance, found in the region of the southern Balkans, i.e. the Aegean area. They all exhibit formal characteristics typical of the Lt C. Consequently, it can be concluded that the beginning of the Lt C horizon must be sought in the period immediately preceding the expedition to ?the South?. In connection with that, it was precisely J. Bujna who demonstrated that certain graves in the necropolises of the Lt C were found on the periphery, which he interpreted as a possible clue for recognizing the newcomers, i.e. those who returned from the Balkan expedition. Aurel Rustoiu also came to a similar conclusion, having systematically analyzed the equipment of the warrior elites, the socalled mercenaries from the Aegean world. The declining number of male graves in the period between Lt B1 and Lt C1, among other things, also led Peter Ramsl to hypothesize that numerous warriors hired as mercenaries never returned to their homes. Related to this, significant data in the analysis of the share of warrior graves in the necropolises of the Carpathian basin was provided by A. Rustoiu. He showed that the share of warrior graves, i.e. graves with weapons in Lt B2 phase, is higher than of those in the Lt C1. However, the Karaburma necropolis is an exception also in this respect, since the share of the warrior graves is significantly higher than in the other necropolises belonging to both phases. Thus in the Lt C1 it is 48%, while in the Lt B2 it is as high as 70%. On the basis of the collected data, he hypothesized that there were two types of societies in the Carpathian basin: agricultural communities with reduced military elites, and military communities which represented social aristocracy and which formed the core for military and war expeditions, and also constituted the basis for the recruitment of mercenaries. The latter transcended ethnic bounds, given that they were selected on an individual basis, which is clearly reflected in the changeability and different origin of the equipment of warriors. Findings of bronze vessels tie in with this neatly, if we interpret them as a result of contacts and a substitute for the traditional late La T?ne pottery set, consisting of a ceramic bowl (phiale), and a vessel for liquids (situla-like pot or lenticular bottle). Both situla and phiale are standard items, frequent, widespread, and the most indicative parts of solemn ritual banquets and feasts, as shown by numerous and explicit findings from the rich graves of Thracia and Anatolia. However, they were still an essential part of the Greek culture, commonly used in religious, mystical ceremonies. Although we frequently encounter them in hoards and, of course, temples, with rare exceptions mostly due to insufficient knowledge on the item?s context of finding, those situlae and phiale were, almost as a rule, part of luxury sets, indicating rich graves of those belonging to the highest social and political strata of the society. This is the reason why they were often interpreted as burial insignia, used to sanctify the burial space and to encourage eternal deification, divine vitality and the rebirth of a deceased dignitary; in other words, it is thought that they exhibited power and authority in both Thracian and Getian graves. However, the Celts could also have used these vessels at funeral feasts and banquets, just as they were used in their country of origin, since we know that in the graves of the Celtic dignitaries everything was laid that they possessed in their lifetime, especially sets of dishes, for the purpose of ensuring an unbroken cycle of rebirth. It has been further suggested that the bronze vessels were used for the ceremonies of libation, but also for trade and exchange, while the silver drinking cups and luxury sets made of precious metals were used for burial feasts and diplomatic banquets during negotiations and/or when concluding agreements, simply as keimelia or as a ritual device for expressing deeply held and widely accepted eschatological practices and new trends. However, both could have been quite practically used for bribing - both people and gods! Finally, the imported vessels from Karaburma, classified as Macedonian products from the 4th century, should now be viewed as the northernmost findings of a complete symposiastic set, but also in the context of other vessels imported from Macedonia found in the graves with the features of the La T?ne culture. It is unlikely that they represent war spoils from Greece or other parts. The idea that the situla and phiale from the grave 22 of the Karaburma necropolis inaugurated direct contact between the Celts and Macedonians seems more likely. The items could have reached the 4th century Celtic dignitaries of the Danube region as keimelia - diplomatic gifts, or could have simply arrived by a trade route from the northern parts of Macedonia. In that sense, we should also remember those modest, but for this case invaluable records found in the historical sources connected with this period. It has been thought that the Celtic presence dates back to as early as the time of the defeat and expulsion of the Ardiaei in 359/358 B.C., as recorded by Theopompus. However, there are reliable records of their embassy to Alexander the Great while he was engaged with the Tribali in 335 B.C., as reported by Arrian. Precisely those could have been the points of direct contact between the highest ranking military and political dignitaries of the Celts and the aristocrats and diplomats of the Macedonian state. From all this it can be concluded that the Karaburma necropolis is truly an exception, representing the southernmost point of Celtic militarized expansion, where the military social aristocracy was stationed. The region where the Sava and Danube meet thus became an area where technological innovations concentrated and developed, and also the space where the political, military and economic contacts filtered. All this is vividly illustrated by grave 22 in the necropolis, chosen precisely because of those features. Weapons, i.e. the sword of the Celtic dignitary who was buried there, indicate the technological tradition of the early La T?ne. In the same tradition were fashioned the fibulae which, in an unchanged form, remain in the repertoire of accessories at the beginning of the middle La T?ne period, just as, on the other hand, the sword and the shape of its scabbard indicate the beginning of re-fashioning of that same conservative tradition. The sword belt chain set and the spear-butt with its spike indicate the innovations which were yet to become the characteristic features of the middle La T?ne soldiers? equipment. Furthermore, the intertwining of traditions and innovations is also evident from the symbolic and semantic processes which were connected with the ritual of this burial. At the time when the cremation became the predominant type of burial in the Celtic world, the ritual of laying gifts in graves also changed. Instead of the complete equipment which the deceased used during life, only select items are found to represent the totality, which in our example can be seen in the deposited spear-butt. Thus the suum cuique principle was replaced by the pars pro toto principle. Based on the above, the famous warrior from the Karaburma grave 22 both in an abstract and also direct sense, confirms the intertwining of traditions and the circulation of cultural elements, and thus shows that he himself was one of the carriers of the avant-garde of the time, the forerunner of a new period in political and economic relations in the central Balkans of the third quarter of the 4th century.

This paper aims to analyse the circulation of political ideas within the context of Iberian educational centres with a special focus on their contribution to the settlement of new dynasties—like the Avis in Portugal, Trastámaras in Castile, Aragon and Navarre—or the annexation of other kingdoms—like Mallorca—and the relationship with Muslim territories—Granada and the Merinid Empire. To achieve this goal, we undertake a twofold study: (i) the writings and ideas on political theory that have been read and copied in Iberian educational centres; (ii) the books of some relevant thinkers in each kingdom, looking at who, where and when their works have been used.

RESUMEN El reino medieval de Navarra no llegó a invocar a un patrón celestial común, a diferencia de los de Castilla o la corona de Aragón. La elaboración de una identidad comunitaria en este punto requirió un proceso de decantación y polémicas, avivado por la incorporación a la Monarquía de España. Pretendo explicar los discursos y las ideas que sustentaron los debates ideológicos en torno a las figuras de san Saturnino, de san Fermín y de san Francisco Javier, durante los siglos xv y xvii, utilizando los principales textos historiográficos y publicísticos. Y entender qué nos puede decir esto sobre la articulación de aquella sociedad política, comparada con las de Castilla y Aragón. LABURPENA Erdi Aroan, Nafarroako erresuman ez zuten izan zaindari komun bat, Gaztelan edo Aragoiko koroan bezala. Puntu horretan identitate komunitarioa eratu ahal izateko, eztabaidaz betetako hautaketa prozesu bat behar izan zen. Prozesu hori bizitu egin zen erresuma Espainiako monarkian sartu zutenean. Nire helburua da azaltzea zer diskurtso eta ideia egon ziren San Saturnino, San Fermin eta San Frantzisko Xabierkoari buruzko eztabaida ideologikoen oinarrian, xv-xvii. mendeetan. Horretarako, testu historiografiko eta publizitate-idazki nagusiak erabiliko ditut. Gainera, ulertu nahi dut horrek zer adierazten digun gizarte politiko haren egituraketaz, Gaztelarekin eta Aragoirekin alderatuta. ABSTRACT The medieval kingdom of Navarra never invoked a common heavenly patron, unlike the kingdom of Castilla or the crown of Aragón. At this point, the development of a community identity required a selection process and controversy, fuelled by the incorporation into the Spanish Monarchy. I aim to explain the discourses and ideas underpinning the ideological debates on the figures of St Saturnino, St Fermin and St Francisco Javier, from the 15th to 17th centuries, using the main historiographical and publicistic texts. And to understand what this can tell us about the structuring of this political society, compared to those of Castilla and Aragón.

Toe author analyzes the presence and participation of Basque and Navarrrese in the repopulation process in the Kingdom of Grenada and their commercial activities, analising that participation at the city of Málaga.

IntroductionMuch has been written about herding, pastoralism and the ethos of the commons that persists in Soule and the valley republics of the western Pyrenees. However, more has been written about the idealized norms of the practice than the social dynamics of alliance formation on which cooperation in herding on the high mountain commons in Soule has depended for centuries. We use empirical evidence from the parish-commune of Larrau to analyze the emergence, social alliance, and landscape placement of Cayolar, a syndicate of herders associated with a named inholding within the high mountain commons, to inform our understanding of the process of settling down in the western Pyrenees.MethodsWe abstract the institutional features of herding in the Soule Valley then proceed with a (1) Bayesian analysis of calibrated radiocarbon dates from herding sites across the commons, (2) a Bayesian social network analysis of herders and other alliance-relevant information, and (3) a landscape analysis of the placement of Cayolar inholdings.ResultsA syndicate of herders organized as a Cayolar succeed by following mutually agreed upon rules, making credible commitments to each other, and monitoring members' conformance to the rules. The organizational performance of a Cayolar depends on the articulation of herders to the members of the Soule community of interest through nested levels of institutional decision-making. Archaeological, historical and ethnographic results provide direct evidence for use of Cayolar structures and inholdings by c. 1000 CE and the institutional and organizational aspects of decision-making by c. 1100 CE.DiscussionThe Cayolar is an enduring place-based organization with an average use-span of c. 850 years. Members have a regulatory interest in enforcing the collaboration of others in collective herding and little incentive to defect since unlike Hardin's herders, Cayolar members share a past and expect to share a future as members of the Soule community of interest. Íñigo Arista established the Basque kingdom of Navarra in 824 CE, and his donations contributed to the founding of the Benedictine monastery of Leyre that established a pastoral enterprise at Betzula within the Soule Valley. Other monastic orders soon turned their attention to the western Pyrenees responding to attempts by the Catholic Church to counter civil unrest in southern France. The real turning point for collective herding on the high mountain commons was the introduction of primordial fueros on the Iberian side of the Pyrenees. These direct royal agreements with freemen encouraged resettlement and repopulation of the western Pyrenees and provided the means for local communities of interest to coalesce and develop institutions to organize the collective effort of individuals for the benefit of a group.

This article explores the role of authenticity in televisual teaching and learning based on a case study of Who Do You Think You Are?, a documentary series in which celebrities go on a journey to retrace their family tree. Originally broadcast by the British Broadcasting Corporation, this series has been adapted in eighteen countries, including Australia. The Australian version is produced locally and has been airing on the public channel Special Broadcasting Service (SBS) since 2008. According to its producers, Who Do You Think You Are? teaches history and promotes multiculturalism:We like making a broad range of programs about history and telling our own Australian stories and particularly the multicultural basis of our history […] A lot of people know the broad Australian stroke, English, British history but they don’t really know as much about the migratory history […] It’s a way of saying this is our country now, this is where it came from, here’s some stories, which you might not be aware of, and what’s happened to people along the way. (Producer 1) In this article, I examine Who Do You Think You Are? as an educational text and I investigate its pedagogy. Starting with the assumption that it aims to teach, my intention is to explain how it teaches. In particular, I want to demonstrate that authenticity is a key feature of its pedagogy. Applied to the televisual text, the term “authentic” refers to the quality of being true or based on facts. In this sense, authenticity implies actuality, accuracy and reliability. Applied to media personae, “authentic” must be understood in its more modern sense of “genuine”. From this perspective, to be “authentic” requires displaying “one’s inner truths” (McCarthy 242). Based on my textual analysis and reception study, I show that these two forms of authenticity play a crucial role in the pedagogy of Who Do You Think You Are? Signifying Authenticity One of the pedagogical techniques of Who Do You Think You Are? is to persuade viewers that it authentically represents actual events by using some of the codes and conventions of the documentary. According to Michael Renov, the persuasive modality is intrinsic to all documentary forms and it is linked to their truth claim: “the documentary ‘truth claim’ (which says, at the very least: ‘Believe me, I’m of the world’) is the baseline for persuasion for all of nonfiction, from propaganda to rock doc” (30). Who Do You Think You Are? signifies actuality by using some of the codes and conventions of the observational documentary. As Bill Nichols explains, observational documentaries give the impression that they spontaneously and faithfully record actual events as they happen. Nichols compares this mode of documentary to Italian Neorealism: “we look in on life as it is lived. Social actors engage with one another, ignoring the filmmakers” (111). In Who Do You Think You Are? the celebrities and other social actors often engage with one another without acknowledging the camera’s presence. In those observational scenes, various textual features signify actuality: natural sounds, natural light or shaky hand-held camera, for example, are often used to connote the unprepared recording of reality. This is usually reinforced by the congruence between the duration of the scene and the diegetic time (the duration of the action that is represented). Furthermore, Who Do You Think You Are? emphasises authenticity by showing famous Australians as ordinary people in ordinary settings or doing mundane activities. As one of the SBS programmers pointed out during our interview: “It shows personalities or stars that you can never get to as real people and it makes you realise that those people, actually, they’re the same as you and I!” (SBS programmer). Celebrities are “real” in the sense that they exist in the profilmic world; but in this context showing celebrities “as real people” means showing them as ordinary individuals whom the audience can relate to and identify with. Instead of representing “stars” through their usual manufactured public personae, the program offers glimpses into their real lives and authentic selves, thus giving “backstage access to the famous” (Marwick and boyd 144). In this regard, the series aligns with other media texts, including “celebreality” programs and social networking sites like Twitter, whose appeal lies in the construction of more authentic and intimate presentations of celebrities (Marwick and boyd; Ellcessor; Thomas). This rhetoric of authenticity is enhanced by the celebrity’s genealogical journey, which is depicted both as a quest for historical knowledge and for self-knowledge. Indeed, as its title suggests, the program links ancestry to personal identity. In every episode, the genealogical investigation reveals similarities between the celebrity and their ancestors, thus uncovering personality traits that seem to have been transmitted from generation to generation. Thus, the series does more than simply showing celebrities as ordinary people “stripped of PR artifice and management” (Marwick and boyd 149): by unveiling those transgenerational traits, it discloses innermost aspects of the celebrities’ authentic selves—a backstage beyond the backstage. Who Do You Think You Are? communicates authenticity in these different ways in order to invite viewers’ trust. As Louise Spence and Vinicius Navarro observe, this is characteristic of most documentaries: Whereas fiction films may allude to actual events, documentaries usually claim that those events did take place in such and such a way, and that the images and sounds on the screen are accurate and reliable […] Most documentaries—if not all of them—have something to say about the world and, in one way or another, they want to be trusted by their audience. (Spence and Navarro 13) Similarly, Nichols writes that as documentary viewers, “we uphold our belief in the authenticity of the historical world represented on screen […] we assume that documentary sounds and images have the authenticity of evidence” (36). This is supported by Thomas Austin’s reception study of documentary films in the United Kingdom, which shows that most viewers expect documentaries to give them “access to the real.” According to Austin, these generic expectations about authenticity contribute to the pedagogic authority of documentaries. Therefore, the implied audience (Barker and Austin) of Who Do You Think You Are? must trust that it authentically represents actual events and individuals and they must perceive it as an accurate and reliable source of knowledge about the historical world in order to “attain a meaningful encounter” (48) with it. The implied audience in no way predicts actual audiences’ responses (which I will examine in the remainder of this article) but it is an important aspect of the program’s pedagogy: for the text to be read as a “history lesson” (Nichols 39) viewers must be persuaded by the program’s rhetoric of authenticity. Perceiving Authenticity My reception study confirms that in order to learn, viewers must be persuaded by this rhetoric of authenticity, which promises “information and knowledge, insight and awareness” (Nichols 40). This is illustrated by the responses of five viewers who participated in a screening and focus group discussion. Arya, Marnie, Junior, Lec and Krista all say that they have learnt from Who Do You Think You Are? either at home or from the episode that was screened before our discussion. They all agree that the program teaches about history, multiculturalism and other aspects that were not predicted by the producers (such as human nature, relationships and social issues). More importantly, these viewers learn from the program because they trust that it authentically represents actual events and because they perceive the personae as “natural”, “relaxed” and “being themselves” and their emotions as “genuine”: Krista: It felt genuine to me.Lec: Me also […]Marnie: I felt like he seemed more natural, even with the interpreter there, talking with his aunty. He seemed more himself, he was more emotional […]Arya: I don’t think that they’re acting. To go outside of this session, I mean, I’ve seen the show before and I think it is really genuine. As Austin notes, what matters from the viewers’ perspective is not “the critically scrutinised indexical guarantee of documentary, but rather a less well defined and nebulous sense of qualities such as the 'humanity', 'honesty', 'sincerity'.” This does not mean that viewers naively believe that the text gives a transparent, unmediated access to the truth (Austin). Trust (or in Austin’s words “willing abandonment”) can be combined with scepticism (Buckingham; Ang; Liebes and Katz). Marnie, for example, oscillates between these two modalities of response: Marnie: If something seems quite artificial, it stands out, you start thinking about well, why did they do that? But while they’re just sitting down, having a conversation, there’s not anything really that you have to think about. Obviously all those transition shots, sitting on the rock, opening a letter in the square, they also have, you know, the violins playing and everything. Everything builds to feel a bit more contrived, whereas when they’re having the conversation, I wasn’t aware of the music. Maybe I was listening to what they were saying more. But I think you sort of engage a bit more in listening to what they’re saying when they’re having a conversation. Whereas the filling, you’re not really thinking about his emotions so much as…why is he wearing that shirt? Interestingly, the scenes that Marnie perceives as authentic and that she engages with are the “conversations” scenes, which use the codes and conventions of the observational documentary. The scenes that she views with scepticism are the more dramatised sequences, which do not use the codes and conventions of the observational documentary. Marnie is the only viewer in my focus groups who clearly oscillates between trust and scepticism. She is also the most ambivalent about what she has learnt and about the quality of the knowledge that she gains from Who Do You Think You Are? Authenticity and Emotional Responses Because they believe that the personae and emotions in the program are genuine, these viewers are emotionally engaged. As the producers explain, learning from Who Do You Think You Are? is not a purely cognitive process but is fundamentally an emotional and empathetic experience: There are lots of programs on television where you can learn about history. I think what’s so powerful about this show is because it has a very strong emotional arc […] You can learn a lot of dates, and you can pass a test, just on knowing the year that the Blue Mountains were first crossed or the Magna Carta was signed. But what Who Do You Think You Are? does is that it takes you on a journey where you get to really feel the experiences of those people who were fighting the battle or climbing the mast. (Producer 2) The producers invite viewer empathy in two ways: they design the program so that viewers are encouraged to share the emotions of people who lived in the past; and they design it so that viewers are encouraged to share the emotions of the celebrities who participate in the program. This is illustrated by the participants’ responses to one scene in which the actor Don Hany sees an old photograph of his pregnant mother: Lec: I was touched! I was like “aw!”Ms Goldblum: I didn’t buy it.Krista: You didn’t feel like that, Lec?Lec: Not at all! Like, yeah, I got a bit touched.Junior: Yeah. And those looked like genuine tears, they weren’t crocodile tears.Ms Goldblum: I didn’t think so. There was a [sniffing], pause, pose, camera moment.Junior: I had a little moment…Krista: Aw!Interviewer: You had a moment?Junior: Yeah, there was a little moment there.Ms Goldblum: Got a little teary?Junior: When he’s looking at the photos, yeah. Because I think everyone’s done that, gone back and looked through old photos, you know what that feeling is. As this discussion suggests, authenticity is a crucial aspect of the program’s pedagogy, not only because the viewers must trust it in order to learn from it, but also because it facilitates empathy and emotional engagement. Distrust and Cynicism In contrast, the viewers who do not learn from Who Do You Think You Are? perceive the program as contrived and the celebrity’s emotions as inauthentic: Wolfgang: I don’t think they taught me much that I didn’t already know in regards to history.Naomi: Yeah, me neither […] I kind of look at these shows and think it’s a bit contrived […]Wolfgang: I hate all that. They’re constructing a show purely for money, that’s all bullshit. That annoys me […]Ms Goldblum: But for me the show is just about, I don’t know, they try to find something to be sentimental and it’s not. Like, they try to force it […] I didn’t buy it […] Because they are aware of the constructed nature of the program and because they perceive it as contrived, these viewers do not engage emotionally with the content: Naomi: When I see someone on this show looking at photos, I find it really difficult to stop thinking he’s got a camera on his face.Wolfgang: Yeah.Naomi: He’s looking at photos, and that’s a beautiful moment, but there’s a camera right there, looking at him, and I can’t help but think that when I see those things […] There are other people in the room that we don’t see and there’s a camera that’s pointing at him […] This intellectual distance is sometimes expressed through mockery and laughter (Buckingham). Because they distrust the program and make fun of it, Wolfgang and Ms Goldblum (who were not in the same focus group) are both described as “cynics”: Ms Goldblum: He gets all teary and I think oh he’s an actor he’s just putting that shit on, trying to make it look interesting. Whereas if it were just a normal person, I’d find it more believable. But I think the whole premise of the show is they take famous people, like actors and all those people in the spotlight, I think because they put on good shows. I would be more interested in someone who wasn’t famous. I’d find it more genuine.Junior: You are such a cynic! […]Wolfgang: And look, maybe I’m a big cynic about this, and that’s why I haven’t watched it. But it’s this emotionally padded, scripted, prompted kind of thing, which makes it more palatable for people to watch. Unlike most participants, who identify the program as “educational” and “documentary”, Wolfgang classifies it as pure entertainment. His cynicism and scepticism can be linked to his generic labelling of the program as “reality TV”: Wolfgang: I don’t watch commercial TV, I can’t stand it. And it’s for that reason. It’s all contrived. It’s all based on selling something as opposed to looking into this guy’s family and history and perhaps learning something from it. Like, it’s entertainment, it’s not educational […] It’s a reality TV sort of thing, I just got no interest in it really. As Annette Hill shows in her reception study of the reality game program Big Brother, most viewers are cynical about the authenticity of reality television. Despite the generic label of “reality”, most interpret reality programs as inauthentic. Indeed, as John Corner points out, reality television is characterised by display and performance, even though it adopts some of the codes and conventions of the documentary. Hill’s research also reveals that viewers often look for moments of authenticity within the unreal context of reality television: “the ‘game’ is to find the ‘truth’ in the spectacle/performance environment” (337). Interestingly, this describes Naomi and Wolfgang’s attitude towards Who Do You Think You Are?: Naomi: The conversation with his mum seemed a bit more relaxed, maybe. Or a bit more...I don’t know, I kind of look at these shows and think it’s a bit contrived. Whereas that seemed a bit more natural […]Wolfgang: Often he’s just sitting there and I suppose those are filling shots. But I found that when he was chatting to his aunty and seeing the photos that he hadn’t seen before, when he was a child, he was tearing up […] That’s probably the one time I didn’t notice, like, didn’t think about the cameras because I found it quite powerful, when he was tearing up, that was a kind of an emotional moment. According to Austin, viewers’ discourses about authenticity in relation to documentaries and reality television serve as markers of cultural distinction: Often underpinning expressions of the appeal of 'the real', the use of a discourse of authenticity frequently revealed taste markers and a set of cultural distinctions deployed by these cinemagoers, notably between the veracity and 'honesty' of Etre et Avoir [a French documentary] and the contrasting 'fakery' and 'inauthenticity' of reality television. Describing documentaries as authentic and educational and reality television as fake entertainment can be a way for some (middle-class) viewers to assert their socio-cultural status. By performing as the sceptical and cynical viewer and criticising lower cultural forms, research participants distinguish themselves from the imagined mass of unsophisticated and uneducated (working class?) viewers (Buckingham; Austin). Conclusion Some scholars suggest that viewers learn when they compare what they watch on television to their own experiences or when they identify with television characters or personae (Noble and Noble; Tulloch and Lupton; Tulloch and Moran; Buckingham and Bragg). My study contributes to this field of inquiry by showing that viewers learn when they perceive televisual content as authentic and as a reliable source of knowledge. More importantly, the results reveal how some televisual texts signify authenticity to invite trust and learning. This study raises questions about the role of trust and authenticity in televisual learning and it would be fruitful to pursue further research to determine whether these findings apply to genres that are not factual. 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