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Journal articles on the topic 'Nazi art'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Clark, Stephen W. "Nazi Era Claims and Art Museums." Collections 10, no. 3 (2014): 349–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/155019061401000314.

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2

Bolt, Mikkel. "Nazismens kamp mod forfaldskunsten." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 36, no. 105 (2008): 52–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v36i105.22039.

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Nazism’s Fight against the Art of Decay:The article presents a reading of the exhibition »Entartete Kunst« that took place in Munich in 1937. The exhibition was staged by the Nazi regime as an attempt to prove the dangerous nature of modern art. According to Nazi ideology, modern art was not just a reflection of unhealthy interests or degenerate racial mixings but was in itself a threat to the purity of the soul of the German people. Therefore modern art had to be excluded in order to make room for the appearance of the German people and its eternal art. Contrary to the idea of Nazism as being somehow not modern, the article stresses the modernist aspects of the Nazi ideology through a detailed account of Nazism’s racist ideology.

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3

Huyssen, Andreas, Anson Rabinbach, and Avinoam Shalem. "Nazi-Looted Art and Its Legacies: Introduction." New German Critique 44, no. 1 130 (2017): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0094033x-3705667.

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4

Cherry, Rachael I. "The Cult of Art in Nazi Germany." History: Reviews of New Books 33, no. 1 (2004): 25–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2004.10526413.

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McCloskey, Barbara. "Marking Time: Women and Nazi Propaganda Art during World War II." Contemporaneity: Historical Presence in Visual Culture 2 (July 11, 2012): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/contemp.2012.43.

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"Marking Time" considers the relative scarcity of woman's image in Nazi propaganda posters during World War II. This scarcity departs from the ubiquity of women in paintings and sculptures of the same period. In the fine arts, woman served to solidify the "Nazi myth" and its claim to the timeless time of an Aryan order simultaneously achieved and yet to come. Looking at poster art and using Ernst Bloch's notion of the nonsynchronous, this essay explores the extent to which women as signifiers of the modern – and thus as markers of time – threatened to expose the limits of this Nazi myth especially as the regime's war effort ground to its catastrophic end.

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6

Gordon, Bonnie. "The Secret of the Secret Chromatic Art." Journal of Musicology 28, no. 3 (2011): 325–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2011.28.3.325.

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In 1946, just after emigrating from Nazi Germany via the Netherlands and Cuba to the United States, Edward Lowinsky published The Secret Chromatic Art in the Netherlands Motet. He posited a system of chromatic modulations through musica ficta in sixteenth-century Netherlandish polyphony circulated by clandestine heretic societies during the period of religious struggle in the Low Countries. According to Lowinsky, in the second half of the century a small contingent of northern musicians with radical Protestant sympathies wrote pieces that appeared on the surface to set texts and use diatonic melodies condoned by the Church. Beneath that compliant surface lurked secret chromaticism and seditious meanings that remained hidden from the Inquisition. Despite Lowinsky’s obvious interest in odd passages in motets of Clemens non Papa, Lassus, and others, I argue that his history as a Jew in Nazi Germany and then as an exile from that regime compelled his idiosyncratic hearing of sixteenth-century polyphony. A close reading of the text suggests that Lowinsky identified with the composers he wrote about and that he aligned Nazi Germany with the Catholic Inquisition. Beyond its engagement with music theory and cultural history, The Secret Chromatic Art delivers a modern narrative of oppressed minorities, authoritarian regimes, and the artistic triumph of the dispossessed. The Secret Chromatic Art matters today because its themes of displacement and cultural estrangement echo similar issues that Pamela Potter and Lydia Goehr have discerned in the work of other exiled musicians and scholars who migrated from Nazi-controlled Europe to the United States, and whose contributions helped shape our discipline. Moreover, Lowinsky’s theory figured prominently in the debate initiated by Joseph Kerman in the 1960s that pitted American criticism against German positivism, a polemic that is still with us today.

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Lubina, Katja. "Sotheby's Restitution Symposium: Sotheby's Amsterdam, The Netherlands (January 30, 2008)." International Journal of Cultural Property 15, no. 4 (2008): 429–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739108080247.

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This symposium on provenance research and the restitution of Nazi-looted art was organized by the auction house Sotheby's and sponsored by the Muggenthaler International Genealogical Research Institute. After prior meetings hosted by Sotheby's on the same topic in London and Vienna, some 90 provenance researchers, art historians, government representatives, lawyers, and academics met in Amsterdam to discuss the Dutch restitution regime in particular and, in general, the progress made since the passing of the Washington Principles on Nazi-looted art in December 1998.

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8

Geroulanos, Stefanos. "The Cult of Art in Nazi Germany (review)." MLN 119, no. 5 (2004): 1115–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mln.2005.0007.

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9

GRIFFIN, R. "Nazi Art: Romantic Twilight or (Post)modernist Dawn?" Oxford Art Journal 18, no. 2 (1995): 103–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxartj/18.2.103.

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10

Betts, Paul. "Art, Consumption, and the Representation of Evil: New Views on Nazi and Post-Nazi Modernism." German Politics and Society 16, no. 2 (1998): 131–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503098782173831.

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Eric Michaud, Un Art de L’Éternité: L’image et le temps du national-socialisme (Paris: Gallimard, 1996).Omer Bartov, Murder in Our Midst: The Holocaust, Industrial Killing and Representation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).Michael Wildt, Vom kleinen Wohlstand: Eine Konsumgeschichte der fünfziger Jahre (Frankfurt: Fischer, 1996).

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11

Harty, Kevin J. "William Dudley Pelley, An American Nazi in King Arthur’s Court." Arthuriana 26, no. 2 (2016): 64–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/art.2016.0034.

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12

Franz, Dr Michael, and Renate Gatzky. "Information, Transparency and Justice: International Provenance Research Colloquium: (Washington, DC, November 2004)." International Journal of Cultural Property 12, no. 4 (2005): 503–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739105050368.

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Even now in 2006, sixty years after the end of World War II, the subject of cultural assets seized under Nazi persecution (“looted art”) and displaced during the war (“trophy art”), continues to be of interest to politicians, historians, legal experts, and many others. Thus, at a meeting in January 2005, Germany's Advisory Commission for the return of cultural assets seized as a result of Nazi persecution, particularly those cultural assets removed from Jewish ownership, recommended the return of four paintings presently in the possession of the Federal Republic of Germany to the community of heirs of Julius Freund. Also in January 2005, Germany's government, all federal states and central organizations of municipalities called on German public bodies not to slow down in their search for cultural assets seized as a result of Nazi persecution and to report any items found to the Koordinierungsstelle für Kulturgutverluste (Coordination Office for Lost Cultural Assets) for display as part of its Internet database www.lostart.de. Furthermore, in February 2005, Franz von Lenbach's painting “Prinzessin zu Sayn-Wittgenstein-Sayn” which had been seized by the Nazis was identified through www.lostart.de and returned to the heirs of Bernhard Altmann. The painting was part of the Remaining Stock CCP (“Linzer Liste”) within www.lostart.de enlisting cultural objects with provenance gaps in the administration of Germany's Bundesamt zur Regelung offener Vermögensfragen (Federal Office for the settlement of ownership issues). The object was on loan from the Bundesamt and in possession of the Wallraf-Richartz-Museum in Köln (Germany).

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13

Kater, M. H. "The Faustian Bargain: The Art World in Nazi Germany." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 16, no. 1 (2002): 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/16.1.145.

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14

Roussin, L. "Recent judicial decisions in nazi-era looted art cases." KUR - Kunst und Recht 9, no. 2 (2007): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15542/kur/2007/2/7.

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15

Binstock, Benjamin. "Springtime For Sedlmayr? The Future Of Nazi Art History." Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 53, no. 1 (2004): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/wjk.2004.53.1.73.

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16

Leuchak, Rebecca. "The Cult of Art in Nazi Germany ? Eric Michaud." Religious Studies Review 32, no. 3 (2006): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2006.00089_14.x.

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Deshmukh, Marion F. "The Faustian Bargain: The Art World in Nazi Germany." History: Reviews of New Books 28, no. 4 (2000): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2000.10525573.

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18

WALKER, JOHN A. "Can Art be Evil? Portrait of a Nazi Propagandist." Art Book 15, no. 1 (2008): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8357.2008.00897.x.

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19

Chechi, Alessandro. "THE GURLITT HOARD: AN APPRAISAL OF THE ROLE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW WITH RESPECT TO NAZI-LOOTED ART." Italian Yearbook of International Law Online 23, no. 1 (2014): 199–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116133-90230044.

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Two years ago, German authorities conducting a routine tax investigation stumbled on the largest trove of missing artworks since the end of the Second World War. The collection of paintings and drawings was discovered in a Munich apartment owned by Cornelius Gurlitt, the late son of Hildebrand Gurlitt, one of the art dealers approved by the Nazis. It is likely that most of these artworks were plundered from German museums and Jewish collections in the period 1933-1945. The discovery triggered heated debates about the obligations of the German State and the property rights over this art collection. This article looks at the ongoing Gurlitt case from an international law perspective and discusses two different but interrelated issues. First, it traces the genealogy and extrapolates the influence of the international legal instruments that have been adopted to deal with the looting of works of art committed by the Nazis. Second, it examines the available means of dispute settlement that can lead to the “just and fair” solution of Holocaust-related cases in general and the Gurlitt case in particular. The objective of this analysis is to demonstrate that international law plays a key role in addressing and reversing the effects of the Nazi looting.

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20

Oost, Tabitha I. "Restitution Policies on Nazi-Looted Art in the Netherlands and the United Kingdom: A Change from a Legal to a Moral Paradigm?" International Journal of Cultural Property 25, no. 2 (2018): 139–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739118000103.

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Abstract:This article considers the constant tension facing several national panels in their consideration of Nazi spoliation claims concerning cultural objects. It will argue that this tension results from a shift in paradigms in dealing with Nazi-related injustices—from a strictly legal paradigm to a new victim groups-oriented paradigm, where addressing and recognizing the suffering caused by the nature of past crimes is central. While these national panels originate from this new paradigm and embody the new venues found for dealing with Nazi-looted art claims, this paradigm change at the same time presents these panels with a predicament. It seems impossible to abandon the legalist paradigm completely when remedying historical injustices in the specific category of cultural objects. Through a comparison between the Dutch and United Kingdom (UK) systems, this article will illustrate from both an institutional and substantive perspective that these panels seem to oscillate between policy-based, morality-driven proceedings (new paradigm) and a legal emphasis on individual ownership issues and restitution in kind (old paradigm). This article addresses this tension in order to provide insights on how we could conceptually approach and understand current restitution cases concerning Nazi-looted art in the Netherlands and the UK.

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21

Greaves, K. "Hell-Horse: Radical Art and Resistance in Nazi-Occupied Denmark." Oxford Art Journal 37, no. 1 (2014): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxartj/kct043.

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22

Weller, M., and A. Dewey. "Warum ein „Restatement of Restitution Rules for Nazi-Confiscated Art“?" KUR - Kunst und Recht 21, no. 6 (2020): 170–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15542/kur/2019/6/4.

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23

Lang, Gladys Engel, and Kurt Lang. "Banishing the past: The German avant-garde and Nazi art." Qualitative Sociology 19, no. 3 (1996): 323–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02393275.

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24

Soloshenko, Viktoriia. "Overcoming the Burdensome Nazi Legacy in Germany’s Cultural Sphere (on the Example of the German Art Institutions." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 720–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-47.

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The article examines the problem of overcoming the burdensome historical legacy of Nazism in the Federal Republic of Germany. Particular attention is attached to the mitigation of the impact of National Socialism on the cultural sphere. An important aspect of studying Nazi history is the analysis of the Weinmüller case, previously unknown archival documents that shed light on the dark pages of German history. The article discusses the place and role of the ‘Adolf Weinmüller’ art institution in Nazi art trade. It has been revealed that this famous art auction house laid the foundations for the development of modern art in Munich and paved the way for the “Neumeister” auction house. The author emphasizes that the provision of access to the private archives of the “Neumeister” auction house, which is the successor of ‘Adolf Weinmüller,’ was a breakthrough in solving national socialists’ crimes and an important step in overcoming the consequences of totalitarianism in Germany. By opening access to the archives of the auction house, Katrin Stoll, the owner of “Neumeister”, encouraged scholars tо conduct a detailed study. It is important to note that no other auction house in Germany has ever dared to take such bold steps. In such a way, the scientific basis was laid for a number of projects aimed at finding and declassifying archival documents. The author emphasizes that Germany’s experience in dealing with such an important problem as overcoming the burdensome historical legacy of Nazism through identification and restitution of property and cultural values looted by the Nazis, is invaluable. In recent decades, the process of addressing this range of problems has been put on a solid governmental footing. Keywords: Germany, auction houses “Adolf Weinmüller”, “Neumeister”, cultural values, collections, trafficking, alienation, National Socialism.

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Jaskot, Paul B. "Building the Nazi Economy." Historical Materialism 22, no. 3-4 (2014): 312–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341378.

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Adam Tooze’s Wages of Destruction argues for the fundamental economic reasoning that brought Hitler and the Nazi elite to the conclusion that war and genocide were the twin means of achieving their ends. But what happens if we introduce culture into this equation, a term of clear importance to Hitler and to many of the individuals Tooze has identified as key to understanding the economic developments, not least of whom was Hitler’s favourite architect, Albert Speer? Culture is a field of activity of relatively little interest to Tooze. Conversely, such comprehensive views of Nazi Germany as Tooze’s that emphasise a deep political and economic analysis have equally been of little interest to cultural historians of the period, with few exceptions. How might Tooze’s fundamental arguments about the economic drive of the state help to explain specific kinds of architectural developments and sharpen a critical art-historical analysis? Conversely, how does the profoundly spatial nature of the implementation of policies he isolates demand an architectural or urban analysis from political and economic historians? By bringing Tooze’s argument to bear on culture, and architecture’s function to bear on Tooze, this article affirms his fundamental conclusions and yet complicates their implications for other disciplinary questions. In both cases, a comprehensive approach to Hitler’s Germany is called for, one that makes a critical intervention particularly in fields of cultural study that have avoided such a broad strategy.

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26

Goldstein, Cora Sol. "The Ulenspiegel and anti-American Discourse in the American Sector of Berlin." German Politics and Society 23, no. 2 (2005): 28–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780880722.

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In December 1945, less than six months after the unconditional defeat of the Third Reich and the military occupation of Germany, two anti-Nazi German intellectuals, Herbert Sandberg and Günther Weisenborn, launched the bimonthly journal, Ulenspiegel: Literatur, Kunst, und Satire (Ulenspiegel: Literature, Art and Satire), in the American sector of Berlin. Sandberg, the art editor, was a graphic artist. He was also a Communist who had spent ten years in Nazi concentration camps—the last seven in Buchenwald. Weisenborn, a Social Democrat and the literary editor, was a playwright, novelist, and literary critic. He had been a member of the rote Kapelle resistance group, was captured and imprisoned by the Gestapo in 1942, and was liberated by the Red Army in 1945.

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27

Ponten, Frederic. "Tremor, Tick, and Trance: Siegfried Kracauer and Gregory Bateson in the Film Library of the Museum of Modern Art." New German Critique 47, no. 1 (2020): 141–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0094033x-7908420.

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Abstract This article details the brief collaboration between Siegfried Kracauer and Gregory Bateson in the Film Library of the Museum of Modern Art during World War II as an intriguing episode in intellectual history, touching on film and media studies, anthropology, and German studies. The article presents the Frankfurt School as part of the 1940s’ memorandum culture and thereby attempts to situate the historiography of critical theory during this formative period within a broader intellectual landscape, that is, in dialogue and competition with several other projects, to analyze the Nazi German enemy, in this case, the Culture and Personality School. The article takes Kracauer’s and Bateson’s analyses of the Nazi movie Hitlerjunge Quex as a case in point and, with the help of institutional and biographical contextualization, develops some of their most important methodical innovations and insights into Nazi German propaganda. In particular, the article points to Kracauer’s concept of hypnosis and relates it to Bateson’s media theory.

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Urdiales-Shaw, Martín. "Between Transmission and Translation: The Rearticulation of Vladek Spiegelman's Languages in Maus." Translation and Literature 24, no. 1 (2015): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2015.0182.

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This article examines the ways in which languages occur in the discourse of Auschwitz survivor Vladek Spiegelman, both in the graphic memoir Maus and in the interview transcripts used by Art Spiegelman as original oral source for his father's story. Drawing from contrastive analyses of the ocurrences of German, Nazi-Deutsch, Polish, and Yiddish in context, this essay proposes that, in his use of foreign vocabulary, the voice of Vladek as character in Maus has been to a degree reinscribed and ‘translated’ by Art Spiegelman. Instances of the reinscription of Vladek's languages include the foreignization of English through Polish, the rehistoricizing of a personal testimony through the collective discourse of Holocaust historiography (in German and Nazi-Deutsch), and the juxtaposition of traditional and contemporary linguistic usages (in Yiddish).

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29

Johansson, Perry. "Resistance and Repetition: The Holocaust in the Art, Propaganda, and Political Discourse of Vietnam War Protests." Cultural History 10, no. 1 (2021): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2021.0233.

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The Western European protest movement against the American War in Vietnam stands out as something unique in contemporary history. Here finally, after all the senseless horrors of the twentieth century, reason speaks, demanding an end to Western atrocities against the poor South. But in the rosy fog of humanistic idealism and youthful revolution lies the unanswered question, why did this and not any other conflicts, before or after, render such an intense, widespread reaction? Taking Sweden as a case in point, this article employs the concepts of resistance, trauma, memory, and repetition to explore why the Vietnam movement came into being just as the buried history of the Holocaust resurfaced in a series of well-publicized trials of Nazi war criminals. It suggests that the protests of the radical young Leftists against American “imperialism” and “genocide” were informed by repressed memories of the Holocaust. The Swedish anti-war protests had unique and far-reaching consequences. The ruling Social Democratic Party, in order not to lose these younger Left wing voters to Communism, also engaged actively against the Vietnam War. And, somewhat baffling for a political party often criticized for close ties to Nazi Germany during WWII, its messaging used the same rhetoric as the Far Left, echoing Nazi anti-Semitic propaganda.

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30

Carlin, Jane. "Heralding the future: the art publisher in Great Britain from the 1920s through the post-war era." Art Libraries Journal 17, no. 3 (1992): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307472200007914.

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Major contributions to the publication of art books in the 20th century have been made by publishing houses in Great Britain. These include The Studio magazine and its associated publications, founded by Charles Holme late in the 19th century, a widely influential enterprise which was eventually to become the publishing house Studio Vista. Three other ventures resulted from initiatives by European émigrés. Anton Zwemmer arrived in England and commenced his activities as bookseller and publisher in the 1920s. Bela Horovitz’s Phaidon Press, founded in Vienna in 1923, was safeguarded from the Nazis by Sir Stanley Unwin and recommenced operations under its own name, in London, in 1946. And in 1949 Thames and Hudson was founded by Walter Neurath, who had fled Nazi Germany in 1938. The activities of these publishing houses were complemented by those of Albert Skira in Switzerland, who developed the production of art books illustrated with colour plates. After the Second World War, art publishing flourished as never before, with these and other publishers contributing to an expansion of art publishing on an international front which saw the emergence of the ‘coffee table’ book and of popular art books for a wide readership, the publication of international co-editions, and the multiplication of series. However, more art books has not always meant better art books.

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31

Grimsted, Patricia Kennedy. "A Goudstikker van Goyen in Gdańsk: A Case Study of Nazi-Looted Art in Poland." International Journal of Cultural Property 27, no. 1 (2020): 53–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739120000016.

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Abstract:This article traces the provenance and migration of a painting by Jan van Goyen (1595–1656), River Landscape with a Swineherd, from the Jacques Goudstikker Collection and now in Gdańsk Muzeum Narodowe. After the “red-flag sale” of the Goudstikker Collection in July 1940 to German banker Alois Miedl, and then to Hermann Göring, this painting—after its sale on Berlin’s Lange Auction in December 1940 to Hitler’s agent Almas-Dietrich—was returned to Miedl-Goudstikker in Amsterdam. Miedl then sold it (with two other Dutch paintings) to the Nazi Gauleiter of Danzig, Albert Forster, among many wartime Dutch acquisitions for the Municipal Museum (Stadtmuseum). Evacuated to Thuringia and captured by a Soviet trophy brigade, it thus avoided postwar Dutch claims. Returned to Poland from the Hermitage in 1956, it was exhibited in the Netherlands and the United States (despite its Goudstikker label). Tracing its wartime and postwar odyssey highlights the transparent provenance research needed for Nazi-era acquisitions, especially in former National Socialist (NS) Germanized museums in countries such as Poland, where viable claims procedures for Holocaust victims and heirs are still lacking. This example of many “missing” Dutch paintings sold to NS-era German museums in cities that became part of postwar Poland, raises several important issues deserving attention in provenance research for still-displaced Nazi-looted art.

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Alix-Nicolaï, Florian. "Exile Drama: The Translation of Ernst Toller's Pastor Hall (1939)." Translation and Literature 24, no. 2 (2015): 190–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2015.0201.

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Ernst Toller's Pastor Hall, one of the first plays to depict life in a concentration camp, counts among the few anti-Nazi dramas translated into English before World War Two. The process by which it came to the British stage reveals the impact of censorship on authors and translators of anti-Fascist plays. It also reveals conflicting aesthetic strategies to tackle fascism. While Toller relied on straightforward documentary realism, one of his translators, W. H. Auden, championed anti-illusionism and distrusted propaganda art. In the cultural fight to reclaim Germany's heritage from the Nazis, German writers in exile viewed translations as urgent messages demanding prompt action, whereas British writers tended to see them as an archive for future generations.

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33

Salter, M. "A Critical Assessment of US Intelligence's Investigation of Nazi Art Looting." Journal of International Criminal Justice 13, no. 2 (2015): 257–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqv015.

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34

Levitt, Laura S. "Refracted Visions: A Critique of “Mirroring Evil: Nazi Imagery/Recent Art”." Studies in Gender and Sexuality 6, no. 2 (2005): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15240650609349274.

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35

Werckmeister, O. K., Stephanie Barron, and Christoph Zuschlag. "Degenerate Art: The Fate of the Avant-Garde in Nazi Germany." Art Bulletin 79, no. 2 (1997): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3046251.

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36

Guenther, Peter W., and Stephanie Barron. ""Degenerate Art," The Fate of the Avant-Garde in Nazi Germany." German Studies Review 16, no. 1 (1993): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1430249.

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37

Vlajic, Ada. "Representations of illnesses and invalidity as 'degenerate art' in Nazi Germany." Timocki medicinski glasnik 40, no. 2 (2015): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/tmg1502092v.

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38

Campbell, Elizabeth. "Claiming National Heritage: State Appropriation of Nazi Art Plunder in Postwar Western Europe." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 4 (2020): 793–822. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419893737.

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In the wake of the Second World War, cultural officers from the western Allied powers recovered several million objects plundered by the Nazis – works of art, Judaica, fine furniture, collectible books and archive collections. Recent books and films have popularized the history of the heroic art recovery effort, but less well-known is the story of what happened to objects that were never returned to rightful owners. In France, Belgium and the Netherlands, postwar governments selected the best of the unclaimed objects and distributed them to public museums, ministries, embassies and other state buildings. This public use of recovered art quietly endured until the 1990s, when heightened awareness of Holocaust-era assets led to greater public and press scrutiny and an increase in restitution claims. This article examines the origins of postwar art custodianships in a comparative analysis of French, Belgian and Dutch restitution policies. The comparison reveals national differences in the scope of looting operations and postwar restitution policies, yet the broad contours of each government’s approach to ownerless art are remarkably similar. In all three cases the custodianships continued the long-term dispossession of Jewish owners wrought by the Nazis and their collaborators.

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McNaughton, James. "BECKETT, GERMAN FASCISM, AND HISTORY: The Futility of Protest." Samuel Beckett Today / Aujourd'hui 15, no. 1 (2005): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757405-015001011.

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Accessing his letters and German diaries, this article argues that Beckett changes his aesthetic response to the rise of fascism during and after his trip to Nazi Germany in 1936-37. Before the trip Beckett satirises a stereotypical modernism's inability to counter the rise of totalitarianism; when confronted with Nazi totalising narratives of art and history, however, Beckett reevaluates the capacity of modernism to frustrate increasingly irrational fascist narratives. He even posits his German diaries as a documentary alternative to fascist histories. Not until he returns, however, does Beckett manage to formulate in his creative work a satisfying aesthetic response.

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Roskies, David G. "Yiddish Writing in the Nazi Ghettos and the Art of the Incommensurate." Modern Language Studies 16, no. 1 (1986): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3195250.

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Loeffel, R. "Nazi Perpetrator: Post-war German Art and the Politics of the Right." German History 32, no. 1 (2013): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ght072.

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Fialho Brandão, Inês. "‘What’s in Lisbon?’ Portuguese Sources in Nazi-era Provenance Research." Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 3 (2016): 566–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416658699.

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Research on the circulation of artworks between Europe and the Americas superficially examined the role played by Portugal-based individuals in the trade of looted art in the immediate postwar period. Since then, however, cultural studies have ignored the interactions between Portuguese museums and collectors, and refugees and expatriates involved in the trade, as well as the role played by Portugal in the transatlantic circulation of artworks. This article has two goals: first, to examine the lack of academic engagement in the study of the transactions and provenance of artworks in Portugal between 1933 and 1945; second, to ascertain the existence and demonstrate the utility of Portuguese sources in conducting this study, by focusing on what they reveal about art dealer Karl Buchholz. Through an outline of the main areas of research, this article discusses Portuguese academic practice and museum practice. It identifies and contextualizes biases and opens the door for academic attention to Nazi-era provenance research. Portuguese sources illustrating the activity of Karl Buchholz in Portugal between 1943–5 enable a reconstruction of the chronology of his exhibitions in Lisbon and a partial identification of the artworks exhibited.

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Rajkhowa, Baishalee. "Multimodal Stylistics in Graphic Novel: Understanding the Visual Language Syntax in Art Spiegelman’s Maus." International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation 4, no. 1 (2021): 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijllt.2021.4.1.5.

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Maus (2003) by Art Spiegelman is a graphic novel of unfolding his father, Vladek's, World War II ordeal and how he survived the holocaust. It is a gripping story of Spiegelman's own parents' experience in Poland during 1930s when Nazis invaded and persecuted the Jews. With a broken language, gaps in communication and visual strategy, Maus takes the readers across Europe unravelling the experiences of World War II and the Nazi Concentration camps. The characters are depicted as anthromorphic animals; the Nazis as cats, the Jews as mice and the Polish as pigs. It can be named as an autobiography or a memoir featuring a metareferential frame story with an author as narrator (Art) who tells his father (Vladek) that he wishes to write a comic book and so incited him to tell about " his life in Poland and the war" (Spiegelman, 2003). A graphic novel is written in a comic strip format which uses a combination of text and illustration in order to tell a story. The linguistic elements in a graphic narration are important as words and images cannot be analysed in similar terms. Multimodal stylistics represents this in the light of lexical and grammatical aspects of the verbal language. Maus (2003) represents a story of the holocaust and the traumatic experiences of Vladek. It is a heteroglossic text with the presence of foreign languages and an authorial voice. The novel not only gives a different meaning but also an altogether different perspective to the verbal and visual significance.

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MOSES, A. DIRK. "FORUM: INTELLECTUAL HISTORY IN AND OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY." Modern Intellectual History 9, no. 3 (2012): 625–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244312000224.

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What can one say about the state of the art in the Federal Republic? A number of aspects are discernible, not only in the practices and various traditions of intellectual history there, but also in its politics: the stark dichotomy between Marxists and anti-Marxists; the ever-present metahistorical question of which (sub)discipline, field, or method would set the political agenda; and the position of Jewish émigrés. These issues raise still more basic ones: how to understand the Nazi experience, which remained living memory for most West Germans; how to confront the gradually congealing image of the Holocaust in private and public life; and the related matters of German intellectual traditions and the new order's foundations. Had the Nazi experience discredited those traditions and had the personal and institutional continuities from the Nazi to Federal Republican polities delegitimated the latter? These were questions with which intellectuals wrestled while they wrangled about historical method. In this introduction, I give a brief overview of these and other innovations in the field, before highlighting some of its characteristics today.

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Petropoulos, Jonathan. "Five Uncomfortable and Difficult Topics Relating to the Restitution of Nazi-Looted Art." New German Critique 44, no. 1 130 (2017): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0094033x-3705730.

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Casteel, Sarah Phillips. "Making History Visible." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 25, no. 1 (2021): 28–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-8912768.

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While interned by the Nazis in Belgium and Bavaria during World War II, the little-known Surinamese artist Josef Nassy (1904–76) created a series of paintings and drawings documenting his experiences and those of other black prisoners. Nassy’s artworks uniquely register the presence of Caribbean, African, and African American prisoners in the Nazi camp system. While the Nassy Collection at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum cannot render transparent a wartime experience that has gone largely unrecorded, it illustrates how shifting from a textual to a visual lens can enable an unremembered history to enter our field of vision, thereby generating an alternative wartime narrative. After tracing Nassy’s family history in Suriname and the conditions of his European incarceration, this essay discusses two paintings that demonstrate the significance of visual art in the context of black civilian internment—for both the artist-prisoner and the researcher.

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Grimsted, Patricia Kennedy. "Nazi-Looted Art from East and West in East Prussia: Initial Findings on the Erich Koch Collection." International Journal of Cultural Property 22, no. 1 (2015): 7–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739115000065.

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Abstract:The article contrasts long-suppressed details of German art seizures during the Second World War from Ukrainian state museums and Western Jewish dealers, ordered to Königsberg by Erich Koch, Gauleiter of East Prussia and Reich Commissar of Ukraine. While most of the art from Kyiv was destroyed by retreating Germans when the Red Army arrived (February 1945), here we investigate “survivors.” Initial provenance findings about the collection Koch evacuated to Weimar in February 1945 reveal some paintings from Kyiv. More, however, were seized from Dutch and French Holocaust victims by Reichsmarschall Hermann Göring and his cohorts, including Jewish dealers Jacques Goudstikker (Amsterdam) and Georges Wildenstein (Paris). Many paintings deposited in Weimar disappeared west; others seized by Soviet authorities were transported to the Hermitage. These initial findings draw attention to hitherto overlooked contrasting examples of patterns of Nazi art looting and destruction in the East and West, and the pan-European dispersal of important works of art.

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Soloshenko, V. "Looted Art in the Politics of Memory of the FRG." Problems of World History, no. 5 (March 15, 2018): 211–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-5-12.

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Memory and learning tragic pages of history, such as genocide and crimes against humanity, are of great importance for the future of the state. This article deals with the problem of the looted art, itsplace in the politics of memory of the Federal Republic of Germany. The problems of protection, preservation, and repatriation of the cultural heritage looted by the Nazi before and during World WarII have received new treatment in the German society. It is pointed out that Germany has extensive experience of addressing the burdensome past, it has been established how the FRG solves the problem of its overcoming, its new facets and dimensions are revealed. The German experience of the last decades in the matter of search and restitution of lost and illegally transported works of art and its value for Ukraine is analyzed.

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Hammer, Martin. "Found in Translation: Chaim Soutine and English Art." Modernist Cultures 5, no. 2 (2010): 218–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2010.0104.

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The article is the first to consider the impact of the early work of Chaim Soutine, produced in the South of France around 1920, on a circle of painters working in Britain some 30 years later, notably Francis Bacon, Lucian Freud, Frank Auerbach and Leon Kossoff, as well as on the writer David Sylvester who promoted both their work and the key French artists such as Alberto Giacometti and Soutine who seemed to epitomise the new ‘existentialist’ climate. After the war Soutine became a cult figure in London, as he did in contemporary Paris and New York. He embodied the idea of the ‘tragic’ artist in his still-life imagery of flayed animals, his uncompromising, heavily-laden paint surfaces, and in his identity as a Jew who had died in 1943, an indirect victim of the Nazi occupation of France. I try to identify which works in particular were known to the English artists, themselves all Jewish except for Bacon, and to describe the very different ways in which they reacted to Soutine's art and adapted its lessons to their own artistic purposes.

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Tobin Stanley, Maureen. "La guerre est fini y/o ¿La guerra ha terminado?: El film de Alain Resnais y Jorge Semprún y su papel en la exposición permanente del Centro de Arte Reina Sofía." Image and Storytelling: New Approaches to Hispanic Cinema and Literature 1, no. 2 (2020): 133–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5399/uo/peripherica.1.2.7.

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This article analyzes the ambiguity in the film La guerre est finie ([The War Is Over] 1966, director Alain Resnais, screenwriter Jorge Semprún) whose declarative title becomes a question in the title of the permanent exhibit at the Reina Sofía National Museum in Madrid: Is the War Over? Art in a Divided World (1945-1968). The works invite the viewer to question the nationalism that catapulted the Spanish Civil War, whose victory marked the first triumph for European fascisms and concomitant genocides. While the film entirely lacks symbols of irrefutable national identity, the paintings incorporate and subvert certain icons of (regional, Francoist, Nazi or Fascist) nationalism, as well as emblems of the Spanish Republic and Spain. The artworks respond in theme and form to nationalist ideology and esthetics. Although the film—whose screenwriter Jorge Semprún had been imprisoned in the Nazi camp at Buchenwald—limits itself to implicit allusions to the eradication of the domestic enemy on Iberian soil and the so-called stateless undesirables exiled in foreign lands, the exhibit explicitly references Nazism and other 20th-century genocides. The collection of works exemplifies Aharon Appelfeld’s assertion: that only art has the ability to redeem suffering from the abyss. The film and the plastic works respond not only to nationalist ideologies and concomitant lived and witnessed experiences, but also to nationalist art. Through the visual counternarratives that give voice to myriad victimizations, these works make manifest and denounce, in theme and form, the anti-intellectualization and the fervent sentiment of political zeal.

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