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Journal articles on the topic 'Nazi past'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 24 April 2022

Last updated: 25 July 2025

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1

Pringle, H. "Confronting Anatomy's Nazi Past." Science 329, no. 5989 (2010): 274–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.329.5989.274-a.

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2

Grill, Johnpeter Horst. "The Last Nazi: Josef Schwammberger and the Nazi Past." History: Reviews of New Books 23, no. 4 (1995): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1995.9946253.

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3

Vuković, Slobodan. "The revision of German Nazi past." Napredak 1, no. 2 (2020): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2001081v.

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The first part of the paper analyses the revision of German Nazi past symbolically initiated by the visit of Reagan to the Bitburg Cemetery and later Nolte's text in which the author stated that Hitler defended Europe from "Asian barbarism" and that Germans should not be burdened with "moral responsibility". The second part of the paper deals with the reaction of German historians and the cultural and political public to the book by Daniel Goldhagen which proved that crimes were committed voluntarily by "ordinary Germans". The third part presents an analysis of the phenomenon where Serbs were

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4

Marsh, Allison. "The Nazi radio [Past Forward]." IEEE Spectrum 58, no. 4 (2021): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/mspec.2021.9394560.

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5

Freidl, Wolfgang. "Austrian university confronts Nazi past." Lancet 356, no. 9246 (2000): 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(05)72973-1.

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6

Biess, Frank. "A Church Divided: German Protestants Confront the Nazi Past." Central European History 39, no. 1 (2006): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906390061.

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In this useful and informative study, Matthew Hockenos examines German Protestants' confrontations with the Nazi past in the early postwar period. Following an entire series of recent studies on postwar memory, Hockenos, too, disproves the long-held assumption that postwar Germans simply repressed the past. Instead, Hockenos unearths a comprehensive and often controversial Protestant discourse about the Nazi past. To be sure, Protestant memory, as this study makes clear, did not entail an “honest, open postwar discussion of the church's complacency and complicity in the face of Nazis' illegal,

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7

Firsching, Lorenz. "Burleigh, Ed., Confronting The Nazi Past - New Debates On Modern German History." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 22, no. 2 (1997): 103–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.22.2.103-104.

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Confronting the Nazi Past is a collection of eleven essays on the social history of Nazi Germany, covering such relatively neglected topics as forced labor, the persecution of "gypsies" and homosexuals, and high society during Nazi rule. Although the essays are uneven in quality, the book is nonetheless a valuable resource for both students and teachers.

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8

Laurien, I. "Germany: facing the Nazi past today." Literator 30, no. 3 (2009): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v30i3.89.

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This article gives an overview of the changing debate on National Socialism and the question of guilt in German society. Memory had a different meaning in different generations, shaping distinct phases of dealing with the past, from silence and avoidance to sceptical debate, from painful “Vergangenheitsbewältigung” to a general memory of suffering. In present-day Germany, memory as collective personal memory has faded away. At the same time, literature has lost its role as a main medium to mass media like cinema and television. Furthermore, memory has become fragmented. Large groups of members

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9

Hoffmann, Stanley, Norbert Frei, and Joel Golb. "Adenauer's Germany and the Nazi Past." Foreign Affairs 82, no. 3 (2003): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033609.

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10

Zeidman, Lawrence A., and Daniel Kondziella. "Peter Becker and His Nazi Past." Journal of Child Neurology 29, no. 4 (2013): 514–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0883073813482773.

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11

Rundell, Richard J., and Donna K. Reed. "The Novel and the Nazi past." German Studies Review 8, no. 3 (1985): 580. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1429420.

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12

Budiansky, Stephen. "Military manoeuvres: Scientists' Nazi past laundered." Nature 314, no. 6008 (1985): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/314207b0.

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13

Wieland-Burston, Joanne. "Individuals with Nazi and Nazi-Sympathizer Family History: Psychotherapeutic Issues." Psychodynamic Psychiatry 52, no. 1 (2024): 13–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/pdps.2024.52.1.13.

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This article presents the findings of an ongoing supervision group (founded in 1999) researching the after-effects of the Nazi period on people in psychotherapy in Germany today. The unacknowledged collective shadow hidden behind half-truths, prevarications, and silence itself prevents a genuine working through of the Nazi past. Patients’ lack of knowledge concerning their families’ own past leads to unconscious guilt, which often then leads to psychosomatic disturbances. But this is not only a problem in Germany. Unacknowledged collective shadows are prevalent in many countries worldwide. Psy

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14

Wolfgram, Mark A. "The Legacies of Memory: The Third Reich in Unified Germany." German Politics and Society 21, no. 3 (2003): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503003782353402.

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Bill Niven, Facing the Nazi Past: United Germany and the Legacy of the Third Reich (London: Routledge, 2002)Siobhan Kattago, Ambiguous Memory: The Nazi Past and German National Identity (Praeger: Westport, Conn., 2001)

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15

HAASE, CHRISTIAN, CHRISTIAN KRAIKER, and JÖRN KREUZER. "Germany's Foreign Relations and the Nazi Past." Contemporary European History 21, no. 1 (2011): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000555.

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On 7 November 1968, the political activist Beate Klarsfeld entered the stage of a CDU party convention in Berlin, slapped the West German chancellor Kurt-Georg Kiesinger in the face and cried ‘Nazi, Nazi’. During the Third Reich, Kiesinger had worked in one of the propaganda departments of the Auswärtiges Amt (Foreign Office). The history of the German foreign office received additional attention in 1968 due to the fact that the then vice-chancellor and foreign secretary of the Grand Coalition, Willy Brandt, was a former resistance fighter, who had been stripped of his citizenship by the Auswä

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16

Wittmann, Rebecca Elizabeth. "The Wheels of Justice Turn Slowly: The Pretrial Investigations of the Frankfurt Auschwitz Trial 1963–65." Central European History 35, no. 3 (2002): 345–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691610260426498.

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The investigations into the crimes of the Auschwitz perpetrators by the Frankfurt public prosecutor's office began in 1958. The trial opened in 1963. Why did it take five years? In the 1960s, scholars such as Theodor Adorno, Alexander and Margarete Mitscherlich, and Hannah Arendt emphasized West German reticence, indifference, or even unwillingness to confront the Nazi past as explanations for the late start of investigations of Nazi criminals. They argued that the 1950s were dominated by a collective silence about Nazism and crimes against the Jews in Germany. According to them, politically,

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17

Waldeck, Mila. "Typography and nationalism: The past and modernism under Nazi rule." Journal of Visual Political Communication 6, no. 1 (2020): 37–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jvpc_00003_1.

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In 1941, the Nazi regime revoked the long-established convention of typesetting German texts in Fraktur styles.1 This study examines the significance of the messages conveyed by letterforms in Nazi propaganda and the extent to which the regime put into practice its professed typographic policies. Taking into account different audiences and channels, it focuses on books by the Ahnenerbe institute controlled by Heinrich Himmler, the women’s magazine NS-Frauen-Warte and the newspaper Völkischer Beobachter. Fraktur styles seem to have functioned as the main letterforms of the blood and soil ideolo

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18

Buchholz, Michael B. "Modern Families: The Nazi Past and "Fatherlessness"." International Forum of Psychoanalysis 8, no. 2 (1999): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/080370699436384.

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19

Strobl, Matthias. "Universities seek to atone for Nazi past." Nature 391, no. 6663 (1998): 112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/34249.

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20

Moeller, R. G. "Haunted City: Nuremberg and the Nazi Past." German History 28, no. 2 (2010): 253–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghq016.

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21

Frobenius, Wolfgang, Annemarie Kinzelbach, Christoph Anthuber, and Fritz Dross. "German gynecologic societies investigating their Nazi past." Archives of Gynecology and Obstetrics 290, no. 5 (2014): 925–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00404-014-3277-6.

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22

Jasinski, Marek E. "Predicting the Past — Materiality of Nazi and Post-Nazi Camps: A Norwegian Perspective." International Journal of Historical Archaeology 22, no. 3 (2017): 639–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10761-017-0438-x.

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23

Berberich, Christine. "Detecting the Past: Detective Novels, the Nazi Past, and Holocaust Impiety." Genealogy 3, no. 4 (2019): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3040070.

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Crime writing is not often associated with Holocaust representations, yet an emergent trend, especially in German literature, combines a general, popular interest in crime and detective fiction with historical writing about the Holocaust, or critically engages with the events of the Shoah. Particularly worthy of critical investigation are Bernhard Schlink’s series of detective novels focusing on private investigator Gerhard Selb, a man with a Nazi background now investigating other people’s Nazi pasts, and Ferdinand von Schirach’s The Collini Case (2011) which engages with the often inadequate

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24

Dresler-Hawke, Emma. "RECONSTRUCTING THE PAST AND ATTRIBUTING THE RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE HOLOCAUST." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 33, no. 2 (2005): 133–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2005.33.2.133.

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Since the beginning of the new Federal Republic of Germany, foreigners have evaluated much of the political and social cultures of Germany in accordance with their interpretations of the Nazi past. The former German Democratic Republic's identification with the antifascist resistance against the Nazi regime permitted much of the social and political responsibility for the crimes of the Third Reich to be avoided. This official position played an important role in shaping the perception of the Nazi past. Survey data gathered in the former East Germany in 1995 and 2000 reveal a complex pattern of

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25

Fulbrook, Mary. "Reframing the Past: Justice, Guilt, and Consolidation in East and West Germany after Nazism." Central European History 53, no. 2 (2020): 294–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000114.

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AbstractOnly a minority of Germans involved in Nazi crimes were prosecuted after the war, and the transnational history of trials is only beginning to be explored. Even less well understood are the ways in which those who were tainted by complicity reframed their personal life stories. Millions had been willing facilitators, witting beneficiaries, or passive (and perhaps unhappily helpless) witnesses of Nazi persecution; many had been actively involved in sustaining Nazi rule; perhaps a quarter of a million had personally killed Jewish civilians, and several million had direct knowledge of gen

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26

Schmidt, Alexander. "The Nazi Party Rally Grounds in Nuremberg." Ex Novo: Journal of Archaeology 5 (May 24, 2021): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/exnovo.v5i.412.

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The former Nazi Party Rally Grounds in Nuremberg reflect politics and public debates in Germany between suppression, non-observance and direct reference to the National Socialist Past since 1945. Within this debate, various ways of dealing with the architectural heritage of the National Socialism exist. Those approaches are often contradictory. Since 1945 (and until today), the former Nazi Party Rally Grounds have been perceived as an important heritage. However, despite innumerable tourists visiting the area, parts of the buildings were removed and through ignoring the historic past of the Na

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27

Philpott, Colin. "Relics of the Reich – dark tourism and Nazi sites in Germany." Worldwide Hospitality and Tourism Themes 9, no. 2 (2017): 132–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/whatt-11-2016-0058.

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Purpose The purpose of this study is to provide an overview of the fate of the buildings and public spaces created by the Nazis. By doing so, the author explains how Germany has handled this difficult legacy as part of a wider narrative of Germany’s post-war national reconciliation with its Nazi past. Design/methodology/approach Visits to Germany; interviews with German academics and museum professionals running memorials and museums relevant to the subject; study of literature related to specific Nazi sites and also literature related to the Nazi legacy in Germany more generally, as well as d

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28

Lee, Byong Chol. "The Halved Constitutional State: The early FRG from the point of view of the past policy." Korean Society For German History 56 (August 30, 2024): 257–94. https://doi.org/10.17995/kjgs.2024.8.56.257.

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Today's critical discussion about the Nazi past is regarded as a national policy in Germany. However, there remains a void that still needs to be publicly addressed. The judicial handling of Nazi crimes, which is a key issue in Germany's dealing with its past, belongs to an area with significant gaps that need further elucidation in the general perception of the Third Reich and academic research. The indicator of this handling is the criminal prosecution of violent crimes by the totalitarian regime, namely mass murder. The problem is that the criminal prosecution, which is the first step in th

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29

Gilead, Isaac, Yoram Haimi, and Wojciech Mazurek. "Excavating Nazi Extermination Centres." Témoigner. Entre histoire et mémoire 114 (2012): 88–110. https://doi.org/10.4000/13rih.

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The paper deals with the archaeology of the Nazi extermination centres at Chełmno, Treblinka, Sobibór and Bełżec. Aspects of sub-field identity are discussed first. The archaeology of extermination centres is the subject matter of a number of sub-disciplines, ranging from Forensic Archaeology, through Combat and Industrial Archaeology, to Public and Historical Archaeology. We regard the extermination process as a past reality, a series of historically established events which do not need to be proven by archaeological excavations. Archaeology, in our case, has the role of supplementing and fil

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30

Evans, Richard J. "The German Foreign Office and the Nazi Past." Neue Politische Literatur 2011, no. 2 (2011): 165–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/91487_165.

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31

Feder, Toni. "Debye stripped of honors because of Nazi past." Physics Today 59, no. 5 (2006): 26–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.2216953.

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32

Glass, Nigel. "Austrian medicine encouraged to confront its Nazi past." Lancet 351, no. 9100 (1998): 427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(05)78378-1.

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33

Baraniecka-Olszewska, Kamila. "Representing the Other and the Democratization of History. Polish Reenactors in Nazi Uniforms." International Public History 4, no. 2 (2021): 117–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iph-2021-2028.

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Abstract Through a case study of the World War II reenactment movement in Poland, this article analyzes the relationship between the processes of the democratization of history and the normalization of the Nazi past. There are numerous groups whose members dedicate their time to represent Wehrmacht or Waffen-SS units and do so in the public while reenacting battles or restaging historical events. Despite the dominant moral attitude which condemns representing troops that committed war crimes and atrocities, reenactors defend their hobby, offering an alternative, in their opinion, moral and cri

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34

Heineman, Elizabeth. "Gender, Sexuality, and Coming to Terms with the Nazi Past." Central European History 38, no. 1 (2005): 41–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569161053623679.

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In the years leading to the sixtieth anniversary of the end of the Second World War, popular books and films have sparked lively discussions about the ways Germans use gender and sexuality to interpret the Nazi past. July 2003 saw the re-release of Eine Frau in Berlin, the anonymous diary of a woman who experienced the mass rapes surrounding the Battle for Berlin. In October of that year, the film Das Wunder von Bern (The Miracle of Bern) told a sentimental tale of a late-returning POW's relationship with his son. Coming on the heels of renewed discussions of German suffering, the popular film

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35

Tobin, Patrick. "No Time for “Old Fighters”: Postwar West Germany and the Origins of the 1958 Ulm Einsatzkommando Trial." Central European History 44, no. 4 (2011): 684–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938911000690.

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In May 1955, the local Ulm newspapers reported on a curious lawsuit brought before the labor court. Earlier that year, authorities had forced the director of the nearby refugee camp to resign upon learning that he had been an SS officer under the Nazi regime. Now the former Nazi, Bernhard Fischer-Schweder, felt he had been unfairly victimized by the regional government and was suing to be reinstated to his post. Far from solving this perceived injustice, the lawsuit instead signaled the end of Fischer-Schweder's postwar rise from door-to-door vacuum cleaner salesman to prominent director of a

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36

Grakhotskiy, A. P. "The Frankfurt trial (1963—1965) and overcoming the past in Germany." Lex Russica, no. 3 (April 5, 2019): 146–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2019.148.3.146-158.

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In the first post-war decades in Germany the problem of crimes of the Nazi regime was hushed up. Information about the flagrant crimes of the Nazis in the concentration camps was perceived by the Germans as “propaganda of the winners”. The Frankfurt process of 1963-1965 was an event that contributed to the understanding of the criminal past of its country by the German society. Before the court in Frankfurt there appeared 22 Nazi war criminals who were accused of murder and complicity in the killing of prisoners of concentration camps and death camps of Auschwitz. During the trial, horrific fa

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37

Farstadvoll, Stein. "Thorny Past." Journal of Contemporary Archaeology 9, no. 1 (2022): 82–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jca.21640.

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Conflicts have legacies beyond peace treaties and armistices. This article focuses on one example of such an enduring heritage, namely barbed wire left after the Nazi occupation of Norway during World War II. This barbed wire has persisted up to the present day and thus presents a case that can illuminate nuances of a material legacy that is harmful but also an important source of insight and experience of heritage. This involves the incomplete clean up in the postwar years and how the barbed wire continues to pose challenges for present-day and future cultural and natural heritage management.

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38

Rogers, Daniel E., and Jeffrey Herf. "Divided Memory: The Nazi past in the Two Germanys." German Studies Review 22, no. 2 (1999): 325. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432108.

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39

Kansteiner, Wulf, and Siobhan Kattago. "Ambiguous Memory: The Nazi past and German National Identity." German Studies Review 25, no. 2 (2002): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1433051.

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40

Dresp, Tanja S., and Siobhan Kattago. "Ambiguous Memory: The Nazi Past and German National Identity." Contemporary Sociology 32, no. 1 (2003): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3089875.

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41

Hayse, Michael R., and Jeffrey Herf. "Divided Memory: The Nazi Past in the Two Germanys." Rocky Mountain Review of Language and Literature 54, no. 2 (2000): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1348138.

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42

Muller, Jerry Z., and Jeffrey Herf. "Divided Memory: The Nazi Past in the Two Germanys." American Historical Review 104, no. 5 (1999): 1780. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649525.

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43

Frie, Roger. "Facing the Nazi Past: Silence, Memory and Inhabiting Responsibility." Psychoanalysis, Self and Context 15, no. 1 (2019): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/24720038.2019.1688331.

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44

Krondorfer, B. "Shifting Memories: The Nazi Past in the New Germany." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 17, no. 1 (2003): 170–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/17.1.170-a.

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45

Krondorfer, B. "Ambiguous Memory: The Nazi Past and German National Identity." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 17, no. 1 (2003): 170–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/17.1.170-b.

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46

Arnold, Bettina. "The past as propaganda: totalitarian archaeology in Nazi Germany." Antiquity 64, no. 244 (1990): 464–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00078376.

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An important element to the future of archaeology in the ex-Communist countries of central Europe will be the freeing of archaeological ideas from the constraints of a particular set of social theories built into the fabric of the state, as Milisauskas noted in the last ANTIQUITY (64: 283–5). This is a timely moment to look at the interference of a different set of social theories in the same region some decades ago

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47

Grace, Damian. "Apologising for the past: German science and nazi medicine." Science and Engineering Ethics 8, no. 1 (2002): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11948-002-0031-4.

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48

Hoffmann, Stanley, and Jeffrey Herf. "Divided Memory: The Nazi Past in the Two Germanys." Foreign Affairs 77, no. 2 (1998): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048827.

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49

Wynia, Matthew K. "Past: Imperfect; Future: Tense." Hastings Center Report 53, no. 5 (2023): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/hast.1509.

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AbstractHow should the field of bioethics grapple with a history that includes ethicists who supported eugenics, scientific racism, and even Nazi medicine and also ethicists who created the salutary policy and practice responses to those heinous aspects of medical history? Learning humility from studying historical errors is one path to improvement; finding courage from studying historical strengths is another, but these can be in tension. This commentary lays out these paths and seeks to apply them both to a contemporary challenge facing the field: why hasn't bioethics been more at the forefr

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50

Detzen, Dominic, and Sebastian Hoffmann. "Stigma management and justifications of the self in denazification accounts." Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal 31, no. 1 (2018): 141–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aaaj-05-2016-2553.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to study how two accounting professors at a German university dealt with their denazification, a process carried out by the Allied Forces following the Second World War to free German society from Nazi ideology. It is argued that the professors carried a stigma due to their affiliation with a university that had been aligned with the Nazi state apparatus. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses Goffman’s work on “Stigma” (1963/1986) and “Frame Analysis” (1974/1986) to explore how the professors aimed to dismiss any link with the Nazi regime. Primary sour

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