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1

Pine, Lisa N. N. "Nazi family policy, 1933-1945." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.401876.

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2

Jackson, Peter Darron. "French military intelligence and Nazi Germany, 1936-1939." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273043.

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3

Jones, Priscilla Dale. "British policy towards 'minor' Nazi war criminals, 1939-58." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1990. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/250966.

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4

Flacker, Edgar. "Fritz Grobba and Nazi Germany's Middle Eastern Policy, 1933-1942." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.299187.

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5

Jackson, Peter Darron. "France and the Nazi menace : intelligence and policy making, 1933-1939 /." Oxford : Oxford university press, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb376477793.

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6

Bodo, Béla. "The function of selection in Nazi policy towards university students 1933-1945." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0019/NQ27281.pdf.

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Shore, Zachary. "Dictatorship, information, and the limits of power : Hitler and foreign policy decision-making 1933-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302590.

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8

Letsinger, Michael A. "The Nazi Genocide: Eugenics, Ideology, and Implementation 1933-1945." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2472.

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The purpose of this study is to seek knowledge of how eugenics justified extreme racial policy, territorial expansion, committing unprecedented crimes against humanity; and to understand why and how eighty million human beings yielded to totalitarianism and racial murder. Further, by examining Nazi science and policies, through the lens of concentration/extermination camps at Dachau and Auschwitz, we sought to understand the linkage between scientific racism, Nazi ideology and genocide. Critiquing Germany’s failure to exercise sound science and morality in its occupation, subjugation, and depopulation during WW II, this paper will argue Nazi Germany’s evolution to systematized, industrial mass murder of Untermenschen (or “subhumans”) ‘justified’ their territorial expansion, and the elimination of whole populations based on the concept of an inferior class war. Consequently, my research indicates apathy and greed, ignorance and intolerance will inevitably pull society into the abyss of perdition, thus services humanity as a grave warning to remember the fallacy of racial intolerance.
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9

Wilkinson, Sarah. "Perceptions of public opinion. British foreign policy decisions about Nazi Germany, 1933-1938." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e4be72fd-3dd2-44f5-8bf6-19922402e397.

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This thesis examines the historical problem of determining the relationship between a government's perception of public opinion and the decisions it takes. We introduce evidence for the social habits of the Cabinet in order to suggest new formulations of 'élite' and 'mass' public opinion. We argue that parliamentary opinion was generally more important in decision-making for the Cabinet, except at moments of extreme crisis when a conception of 'mass' opinion became equally significant. These characterization of mass opinion were drawn from a set of stereotypes about public opinion which academic and political theorization had produced. It is argued that this theorization was stimulated by ongoing debates about mass communication, the importance of the ordinary man in democracy and the outbreak of the first world war during the inter-war period. The thesis begins with an introduction to the methodological problems involved, followed by one chapter on theorization about public opinion in the inter-war period. Three diplomatic crises are considered in the case study chapters: the withdrawal of Germany from the Disarmament Conference in 1933, the German reoccuption of the Rhineland in 1936 and the threat of invasion of the Sudetenland in 1938. Two further chapters examine the role of public opinion in protests to Germany about the treatment of the Jews in 1933 and in 1938. It is argued that perceptions of public opinion played a much more important role in decision-making than has hiterto been thought. The most significant argument posits that perceptions of public opinion were equally as important as military considerations in the decision to refuse the Godesberg terms in 1938. More generally, the way in which politicians used public opinion rhetorically is described and the limits of the usefulness of the term for historians are suggested.
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Buckthorp, Kirsty-Ann. "The politics of justice : Anglo-American war crimes policy during the Second World War." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367623.

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11

Roberts, Geoffrey Charles. "Soviet foreign policy 1933-1941, with special reference to the pact with Nazi Germany." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364789.

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12

Kallis, Aristotle A. "Fascist expansionism : between ideological visions and foreign policy-making : a study of territorial expansion in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/28320.

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The thesis examines the three levels in which fascist expansionism was expressed - expansion as <I>ideology</I>; expansion and <I>foreign policy-making</I>; expansion as a <I>joint enterprise</I> for a fascist <I>new order</I>. On the level of <I>ideology</I>, it examines the ideological traditions in the Italian and German post-unification societies and shows how fascist ideology achieved an ideological fusion of pre-existing radical traits in a new synthesis with an increased emphasis on action and a determination to unite reality with utopia. It also studies the expansionist ideologies of the two fascist movements-regimes as coherent systems of thought, with a number of similar underlying features (historic living space, elitism, cult of violence, unity of thought and action) which explain the rigidity and dynamism of the expansionist arguments in Italian and German fascism. On the level of <I>foreign policy-making</I>, the thesis analyses the domestic framework of foreign-policy making and assesses the success of the two regimes' efforts to produce conditions conducive to the realisation of their large-scale expansionist visions. It lays emphasis on the leader-oriented character of the two fascist systems, which led to the relegation of other powerful groups (traditional élites, fascist parties) to a functional status subject to the will of the leader. It also examines the practical forms of the two regimes' expansionist foreign policy (i.e. revisionism, colonialism, irredentism) and shows how ideology provided only a long-term framework for expansion. Lack of clear, short- and medium-term strategies rendered the fascist foreign policies extremely flexible and opportunistic, alert to external opportunities and unbound by prior commitments. On the level of <I>interaction</I>, the thesis emphasises the neglected importance of the exclusive relation between the two fascist regimes for the radicalisation of their expansionist policies in the second half of the 1930s. It examines the process of fascism's internationalisation and analyses how both rivalry and co-operation between the two fascist regimes contributed to the radicalisation of their expansionist objectives and policies. War accentuated all the above tendencies and aspirations of the two fascist regimes. In 1940-41 they embarked upon the realisation of their extreme expansionist visions in a final attempt to unite reality with utopia. Failure, however, to balance means with ends and to achieve an effective form of domestic and international co-ordination transformed an ideological campaign into desperate war-making, pushing fascism to its eventual collapse in 1943-45.
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13

Jelínek, Tomáš. "Pojištovny v českých zemích v letech 1938 - 1945. Konfiskace pojistek." Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-96427.

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This dissertation is focused on an analysis of economic policies toward the private insurance industry in the Czech lands between 1938 and 1945 and a description of insurance policy confiscations by the Nazi authorities. It examines the division of insurance companies after the Munich Pact and the subsequent new spheres of influence in the insurance industry. It looks closely at the new conditions for the industry within the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia and its development from 1939 to 1945. The author describes different strategies through which Nazi authorities and German companies increased their control over protectorate insurance companies and how the confiscated assets were transferred to Germany. The process of Aryanization is also explained.
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Eldridge-Nelson, Allison. "Veil of Protection: Operation Paperclip and the Contrasting Fates of Wernher von Braun and Arthur Rudolph." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1510914308951993.

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15

Francois, Anne. "Exploiter terres et populations conquises au nom du national-socialisme : l'Ostland dans les Ardennes pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale." Thesis, Normandie, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019NORMC030/document.

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En mai 1940, la population ardennaise fuit devant l’arrivée des troupes allemandes. Les ressources économiques et agricoles du département, qui faisaient pourtant l’objet de plans d’évacuation préparés dès les années 1930, sont abandonnées à l’occupant. Quelques semaines plus tard, une vaste zone du nord-est de la France, dont les Ardennes font partie, est déclarée « zone interdite ». Les terres cultivables sont confisquées à leurs propriétaires et prises en charge au profit du Reich par une entreprise appelée Ostland, qui a déjà orchestré un semblable mouvement de spoliation en Pologne depuis son invasion. L’une de ses filiales régionales, la WOL III, met en place dans les Ardennes un vaste projet d’implantation des méthodes agricoles nationales-socialistes qui nécessite une abondante main-d’œuvre. Des agriculteurs allemands, appelés « chefs de culture » sont diligentés sur place et gèrent de grandes exploitations dans lesquelles travaillent plusieurs milliers de prisonniers français et coloniaux ainsi que 5 000 agriculteurs ardennais contraints à se mettre à leur service. Des ouvriers juifs sont également recrutés et des milliers de Polonais, expulsés de leurs villages, sont déportés pour travailler dans ces fermes qui exercent une agriculture intensive. Cette situation engendre des tensions sociales qui s’expriment particulièrement lors de la Libération et lors de procès d’épuration qui visent certains employés de l’Ostland. Les autorités françaises tentent de gérer au mieux la liquidation de l’entreprise allemande et l’organisation du rapatriement des Polonais dans leur pays, deux opérations difficiles qui nécessitent de longs mois. La reconnaissance des victimes de l’Ostland est inégale et tardive puisqu’elle n’intervient qu’à partir des années 1990. Des mémoires distinctes et spécifiques aux différents groupes de travailleurs émergent aussi à cette époque et s’expriment lors de commémorations<br>In May 1940, the population of the Ardennes fled from the arrival of the German troops. The economic and agricultural ressources of the department, which yet had been subject to evacuation plans since the thirties, were given up to the occupying forces. A few weeks later, a large area of the North-East of France including the Ardennes was declared « forbidden zone ». The cultivable land was confiscated from its owners and taken over for the benefit of the Reich by a company named Ostland, which had already orchestrated a similar spoliation movement in Poland since its invasion. One of its local subsidiaries, WOL III , set up in the Ardennes a vast project to implement the National Socialist agricultural methods which required an abundant workforce. Some German farmers, called crop managers, were sent out there to run large farms on which several thousands of French and colonial prisoners as well as 5000 Ardennes farmers were working under duress. Jewish labourers were also recruited and thousands of Poles, expelled from their villages, were deported to work on these farms with intensive agriculture. This situation caused social tensions that were particuliarly evident during the Liberation and during the « purification » trials involving some WOL employees. French authorities tried to manage the liquidation of the German company and the organisation of the repatriation of the Poles, two difficult operations that took many months to complete. Recognition of Ostland victims was uneven and late since it occurred only from the 1990s onwards. Distinct memories specific to the different groups of workers also emerged at that time and were expressed during commemorations
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16

Le, Faucheur Christelle Georgette. "Defining Nazi film : the film press and the German cinematic project, 1933-1945." 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/22145.

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This dissertation analyses the roles and functions of the German film press during the Third Reich and explores the changes and tensions that characterized German cinema and, by extension, German society during that time period. A close reading of three major publications -- a trade journal, Film-Kurier, a popular magazine, Filmwelt, and the regime's official publication, Der deutsche Film -- first challenges the traditional view of a monolithic, top down control by the Nazi regime. I show the extent and the limits of the regime's utilization of culture and media and demonstrate how different parties used the film press to pursue different, but not mutually exclusive goals. By delineating the film press as a more dynamic public forum than previously assumed, this study secondly informs us about the multifaceted uses and functions of the film publications, and about the changing relationships between the film industry and the regime, as well as the theater, the music, and the press industries. I combine a media specific approach--demonstrating the central role of film publications in articulating the contradictions within film culture--with an exploration of the media convergence in place at the time. I thus firmly position the film press at the nexus of politics, business, film professionals, and the audience, and uncover a lively, albeit restricted, discursive system, with theoretical and practical discussions about film, its achievements under the new regime, its weaknesses and the need for improvement. I focus on the three most discussed issues: the relationship between film and theater, between film and music, and, as a correlation of the two previous topics, the need to train a new generation of film professionals, the Nachwuchs. This dissertation thus traces an important moment in German film history characterized by sustained debates about political, technical, aesthetic, and social aspects of film. More importantly, it uses the film press as a mirror to some of the tensions that characterized German society along several divides such as the masses and the elite, the past and the present, as well as the contradictions in its treatment and representation of gender and sexuality.<br>text
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17

LIN, CHIEN-HUNG, and 林建宏. "A Study on British Foreign Policy in the Face of a Continental Hegemon: Case Studies of Napoleonic Empire and Nazi Germany." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/eb45r9.

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碩士<br>南華大學<br>國際事務與企業學系歐洲研究碩士班<br>105<br>The traditional British foreign policy has changed since the rule of Queen Elizabeth I. Britain has began to pursue the "Balance of Power" strategy, which is to maintain the balance among the continental powers, thus the British could concentrate on developing oversea trade with her colonies and strengthen the Empire’s comprehensive power and keep her glory. In dealing with the European hegemons, such as the Napoleonic Empire and Nazi Germany, different tactics such as splendid isolation or positive engagement were used interchangablly and had successfully deterred the hegemons. However, after the end of the World War II, almost every of Britains’s oversea colonies had become independent which in turn made Britain gradually become second-rank powers. The British tried to adopt the Three Circles Diplomacy under Sir Winston Churchill to keep its glory that gradually been replaced by the United States and the Soviet Union and thus abandoned the traditional balance of power foreign policy.
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18

Štolleová, Barbora. "Zemědělství protektorátu Čechy a Morava." Doctoral thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-299577.

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Agriculture of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia institutional change - production - exploitation The work considers changes of agricultural sector in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia that took place under pressure of occupation and war efforts of the Third Reich. It defines Nazi goals that were connected with agriculture, their methods that were to fulfil them and their results. The institutional change, production and exploitation build three main pillars of research. The institutional change, especially implementing of managed economy in agriculture and establishment of new institutions as instruments of Nazi control worked as the prerequisite for Nazi's performance in agriculture. The managed system of economy enabled implementation of wide range of administrative measures that significantly influenced agricultural production, its structure and intensity. The work analyzes relation between administration and performance of agriculture. The general change of this sector and its contribution to Germany are evaluated in wider context of Nazi's exploitation of occupied territories.
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Ninhos, Cláudia Sofia. "Para que Marte não afugente as Musas. A Política Cultural Alemã em Portugal e o Intercâmbio (1933-1945)." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/18808.

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O objeto de estudo desta tese é a política cultural alemã em Portugal durante o regime nacional-socialista. Procuraremos demonstrar que a ciência e a cultura “alemãs” foram a estratégia utilizada para alcançar uma hegemonia política e ideológica. Esta diplomacia, que recorria aos institutos culturais, a sociedades bilaterais, às escolas alemãs, ao intercâmbio de técnicos, professores, estudantes, artistas, ou intelectuais, à troca de livros, à organização de conferências e exposições, escondia um imperialismo de cariz económico e político, que a Alemanha pretendia impor a Portugal. Escolhemos como estudo de caso o intercâmbio académico. Dado que a JEN e o IAC foram as instituições que, em Portugal, mais promoveram o intercâmbio cultural e científico, desde cedo os alemães delineram uma estratégia de aproximação a ambas, que visava a intensificação do intercâmbio académico com Portugal. Com recurso ao arquivo histórico do Instituto Camões, que herdou a documentação de ambas as instituições, estudámos o intercâmbio entre os dois países, analisando, nomeadamente, as bolsas concedidas para serem usufruídas na Alemanha. Por fim, escolhemos um grupo de bolseiros que estagiou na Alemanha, de forma a rastrear as redes científicas – individuais e institucionais - que uniram os dois países, e compreender os processos de influência e de transferência do conhecimento. Tratou-se, no fundo, de acompanhar a circulação, a transferência e apropriação de conhecimentos científicos, de técnicas e metodologias num ambiente transnacional.<br>This thesis aims to understand the Nazi cultural policy in Portugal. We seek to demonstrate that the "German" science and culture were employed as part of a strategy aimed at achieving a political and ideological hegemony. This diplomacy, which used cultural institutions, bilateral societies, German schools, the exchange of technicians, teachers, students, artists, or intellectuals, the exchange of books, conferences and exhibitions, hid Germany’s economic and political ambitions. Among the various aspects of the cultural relationship between Portugal and Germany, we chose the academic exchange as a case study. Since the Portuguese National Board of Education (JEN) and the Institute for High Culture (IAC) were the institutions that promoted in Portugal, the cultural and scientific exchange, Germany approached them early, in order to intensify the academic exchange with Portugal. Using the historical archive of the Camões’ Institute, an institution that inherited JEN's and IAC’s historical archives, we studied the exchanges between the two countries, analyzing in particular the scholarships awarded to Portuguese academics to study in Germany. Finally, we chose a group of scholars who studied in Germany, in order to trace the scientific networks - individual and institutional - which crossed the two countries, and to understand the knowledge transfers and its appropriations.
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Pech, Milan. "Výtvarná kultura Protektorátu Čechy a Morava." Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-309502.

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The thesis deals with fine arts in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. It analyzes Czech fine art during the Nazi occupation of World War Two, concentrating on its official component that has not yet been deeply researched. The author surveyed archives, press and literature of the period. The aim was to identify key themes in the public discussion about artistic issues and to trace developments in the legal status of Czech fine art under the occupation. First, a brief portrait of the historical context of 1938 to 1945, accompanied by identifying several pathological phenomena that occupation and the war brought to Czech society. Those that crept into the fine arts are interpreted from a psychoanalytic point of view. Next the author focuses on the official cultural policy of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. He notes the short and long-term objectives of Nazi policies and their impact on the workings of cultural life in Czech society. He speaks about radical conservative critiques of modern art, which accused the avant-garde of mercantilism, of politicizing art, of being foreign, and arbitrary. So-called "degenerate" art (Entartete Kunst) is also briefly mentioned. A term that was used to defame and denounce modern art. For the first time, an unknown list of Czech "degenerate" painters...
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21

Raine, Danuta Electra. "Getting here." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1310490.

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Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)<br>In January, 2009, as part of my research for this award, I discovered my mother had been born in a Nazi concentration camp for the extermination of Slavic infants. The following Palm Sunday, I was the first descendant of a Polish infant survivor to have visited the site of the Frauen Entbindungslager, Birth and Abortion Camp, in Waltrop, Recklinghausen, North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany. I shared communion with a predominantly octogenarian congregation that been young men and women in 1943, some of them the residents of this German Catholic town when it enforced the fates of the pregnant Slav workers. Nearly seventy years after my mother’s escape, I became the custodian of a story I should never have been born to tell. Although more a piece of literary fiction than an autobiographical novel, >>The Glass Mountain<< engages with family stories to explore the depth, transference and healing of trauma across four generations as it weaves between the contemporary Australian lives of Kaz and her autistic 17 year old son, Jason, and the experiences of Zuitka and her infant daughter, Julka, in Germany during the last years of WWII. In 2011, Christophe Laue from the Herford Archive, Herford, North Rhine-Westphalia emailed Nazi documents relating to my mother, as well as an historical book and a museum program in which she is named. Scholars have asked, “What happened to Danuta Anita?” The exegesis, >>The Legacy of Danuta Anita<<, responds to this while exploring practice led research in creative projects involving intergenerational trauma and migration. It engages with the researcher as subject, authorial authenticity and performativity, the science and literature of trauma and intergenerational (transgenerational) trauma, the unreliability of memory in researching trauma narratives, the origins and ongoing influences of eugenics, infanticide and genocide, and the complexities of representing trauma and autism in literature.
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Khut, Chiew-Lee 1971. "Primacy of ideology? : the confiscation and exchange of "degenerate art" in the Third Reich." 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armk45.pdf.

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Bibliography: leaves 156-167. The aim of this thesis is to show how in practice the National Socialists sacrificed ideological considerations to the material advantages that could be gained from the sale of "degenerate art". In practice the term "degenerate" was extended beyond modern art to include French Impressionist and Post-Impressionist art, specifically because they were highly saleable. This is evinced by the sales of "degenerate art" which were conducted by the Reichministerium für Volksklärung und Propaganda (RMVP). The record of the sales compiled by the propaganda ministry in the summer of 1941, provide conclusive evidence that the Reich government compromised its ideological position for financial gain. The sale of "degenerate art" conducted by order of the Reich at the Galerie Fischer auction in Lucerne in 1939, provides further evidence that the practice of confiscation was economically driven.
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Khut, Chiew-Lee. "Primacy of ideology? : the confiscation and exchange of "degenerate art" in the Third Reich." Thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/115366.

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The aim of this thesis is to show how in practice the National Socialists sacrificed ideological considerations to the material advantages that could be gained from the sale of "degenerate art". In practice the term "degenerate" was extended beyond modern art to include French Impressionist and Post-Impressionist art, specifically because they were highly saleable. This is evinced by the sales of "degenerate art" which were conducted by the Reichministerium für Volksklärung und Propaganda (RMVP). The record of the sales compiled by the propaganda ministry in the summer of 1941, provide conclusive evidence that the Reich government compromised its ideological position for financial gain. The sale of "degenerate art" conducted by order of the Reich at the Galerie Fischer auction in Lucerne in 1939, provides further evidence that the practice of confiscation was economically driven.<br>Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Adelaide, Centre for European Studies and General Linguistics, 2001.
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