Relevant bibliographies by topics / Nazi-Soviet relations

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Academic literature on the topic 'Nazi-Soviet relations'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Nazi-Soviet relations"

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Eremin, Sergey V. "Transformation of the image of the nazi regime in the soviet propaganda (23 august 1939 – june 1941): a source study aspect." Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University 55, no. 3 (September 27, 2021): 106–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/21-3/10.

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The article, based on a wide range of historical sources, examines the key events associated with changes in the coverage of the Nazi regime by Soviet propaganda bodies in connection with the signing of the Soviet-German treaties: on non-aggression (August 1939), on friendship and the border (September 1939 g.). It is noted that both sides tried to find common ground on a number of secondary, "peripheral" issues, that the turn in Soviet propaganda, which began in August 1939, gave an impetus to create a positive cultural image of the former enemy. However, for reasons, primarily of an ideological nature, it was not possible to fully use the expected advantages from this political rapprochement in order to develop cultural ties. The reasons for the unsuccessful attempt at cultural rapprochement between the Soviet Union and the Third Reich are analyzed. It points to the attempts of the Soviet leadership to study the experience of propaganda work in Germany with a view to further use. It is noted that, starting in the summer of 1940, in the conditions of a gradual deterioration in Soviet-German relations, the nature of the activities of propaganda structures is gradually changing. Increasingly, criticism of the Nazi regime is voiced in a veiled form. It is shown that in May June 1941, a new anti-Nazi turn in Soviet propaganda took place. It is concluded that if during the warming of relations with Germany in Soviet propaganda the class paradigm was temporarily replaced by a national or cultural-historical one, then the political and ideological campaign that unfolded in May-June 1941 had a clearly anti-German and anti-Nazi character.
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CARLEY, MICHAEL JABARA. "‘A Situation of Delicacy and Danger’: Anglo-Soviet Relations, August 1939–March 1940." Contemporary European History 8, no. 2 (July 1999): 175–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399002015.

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In September 1939, only a few weeks after the signature of the Nazi–Soviet non-aggression pact, the British government made perhaps its strongest effort since the Bolshevik revolution to achieve a rapproachement with the Soviet Union. This effort was interrupted and almost ruined by the Finno-Soviet ‘Winter War’, but the British initiative resumed after the war ended in March 1940. The Soviet government, though not the Soviet ambassador in London, Ivan M. Maiskii, was cool to British overtures, thus reversing the inter-war pattern where Moscow had often been the first to ask for better Anglo-Soviet relations. The publication of many Soviet diplomatic papers permits a comparison between Soviet and British accounts of important diplomatic meetings, a comparison which illustrates both British and Soviet foreign policy during the early months of the Second World War.
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Khachirova, L., A. Rypnevskay, and A. Trubkina. "75 years since Soviet Army defeated German invaders: how Northern Europe views it." Diplomatic Service, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2002-04.

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The Soviet Union played an important role in liberation of Norway and Denmark from the Nazi invaders. However, nowadays we often notice historical falsification which leads to certain disagreements in the bilateral relations. The article analyses how modern Norway and Denmark view Soviet impact in their liberation from Nazism. It also focuses on acute problems in our countries’ relations arisen from rewriting of history, as well as prospects for their solution.
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Chan, Paula. "Red Stars and Yellow Stars: The Soviet Investigation of Klooga Concentration Camp." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 33, no. 2 (2019): 197–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcz022.

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Abstract This study considers the extent to which Stalinist political goals influenced the Soviet Extraordinary State Commission’s information gathering about Nazi crimes on the local level. Examining the investigation of Klooga concentration camp in Estonia, the author compares the statements that Jewish survivors gave to commission investigators with these same survivors’ testimony preserved in other Soviet and non-Soviet sources. She argues that investigations took fundamentally different courses in different places due to local agendas and conditions. In cases such as Klooga, Jewish survivors and Soviet investigators worked together to document Nazi atrocities, creating the accurate record that Stalin’s government required to pursue its political objectives.
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Isci, Onur. "The Massigli Affair and its Context: Turkish Foreign Policy after the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 2 (May 8, 2019): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419833443.

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This article examines Turkey's wartime diplomacy between the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact and Hitler's unleashing of Operation Barbarossa. Rather than a survey of Turkish foreign policy as a whole, it takes a critical episode from July 1940 as a case study that – when put in context – reveals how fear of Nazi power and even greater fear of the Soviet Union created in Turkey a complex view of a desired outcome from the Second World War. Juxtaposing archival materials in Turkish, Russian, German, and English, I draw heavily on the hitherto untapped holdings of the Turkish Diplomatic Archives (TDA). Overall, this article demonstrates both the breadth and limits of Nazi Germany's sweeping efforts to orchestrate anti-Soviet propaganda in Turkey; efforts that helped end interwar Soviet-Turkish cooperation. Against previously established notions in historiography that depict Soviet-Turkish relations as naturally hostile and inherently destabilizing, this article documents how the Nazi–Soviet Pact played a key role in their worsening bilateral affairs between 1939 and 1941. The argument, then, is in keeping with newer literature on the Second World War that has begun to compensate for earlier accounts that overlooked neutral powers.
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Ericson, Edward E. "Karl Schnurre and the Evolution of Nazi-Soviet Relations, 1936-1941." German Studies Review 21, no. 2 (May 1998): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432205.

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Carley, M. J. "A Near-Run Thing: the Improbable Grand Alliance of World War II (1929–1942)." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 75–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-1-17-75-95.

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This is a chapter from a draft manuscript of some 2000pp. in English being prepared for publication on relations between the USSR and various European powers, large and small, and the United States in the lead-up to World War II and then beyond until 1942. The author discovers and illustrates social and cultural aspects of diplomatic activities. The topic is Soviet relations with Nazi Germany and Poland in 1933. The larger context is the origins and unfolding of World War II, a subject of importance both intrinsically and politically in relations between the Russian Federation and the western powers. President Vladimir Putin has himself taken an interest in these questions, insisting on an honest, frank historical treatment of that period. How did the USSR and in particular the Narkomindel react to Adolf Hitler’s assumption of power in Germany at the end of January 1933? What additional information do the Russian archives contribute to our knowledge of the origins of the war? The methodology is that of a historical narrative based on archival research, especially in the AVPRF in Moscow. The objective is to explore the policies of the Narkomindel, and in particular the personal views of its leaders, M. M. Litvinov, N. N. Krestinskii, and B. S. Stomoniakov, on the interconnected issues of Soviet relations with Germany and Poland. Let’s call it an histoire des mentalités. 1933 was a year of transition in Soviet relations with the outside world moving from the so-called Rapallo policy of correct relations with Germany to a new policy of collective security and mutual assistance against Nazi Germany. In this chapter one can follow the evolution of ideas in the Narkomindel in reaction to Hitler’s rise to power: from immediate anxiety to a growing conviction that Rapallo was dead and that the USSR had to form stronger relationships in the west and with Poland. This may surprise some readers who think that the Soviet preference, or at least Stalin’s, was always a German orientation. As for Poland, in what may also surprise some readers, and especially many Poles, the Narkomindel sought better relations with Poland to counter the Nazi danger. It was the Polish government which did not want them, preferring a non-aggression pact with Nazi Germany (January 1934). Could Poles and Russians ever bury the hatchet after centuries of animosity? In a tragedy amongst many, they could not do so.
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Weinberg, Gerhard L. "The Nazi-Soviet Pacts: A Half-Century Later." Foreign Affairs 68, no. 4 (1989): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044116.

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Posen, Barry R. "Competing Images of the Soviet Union." World Politics 39, no. 4 (July 1987): 579–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010293.

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Two American debates on foreign policy and national security. The Reagan administration and those who share its ideology see today's Soviet Union as not much different from yesterday's, and yesterday's Soviet Union as not much different from Nazi Germany. Like its progenitors in the 1930s, the modern Soviet Union is a “totalitarian” state, and therefore by nature expansionist, armed to the teeth, disposed to violence, fond of diplomatic tests of political will, and—as a consequence of all these factors —hard to deter and harder to beat. A different view prevails among most of the arms control community, the NATO allies, and some American academics. In its foreign policy, the Soviet Union is seen as a fairly typical great power whose behavior in international politics can be explained by the mixture of fear, greed, and stupidity that has characterized most great powers in the past as they have tried to secure their borders and pursue their interests in a world without law. It does not like to take great risks, it fears war, and it is, at worst, opportunistically expansionist. In sharp contrast to Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union is more conservative than reckless; if anything, nuclear weapons have reinforced this conservatism.
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Gömöri, George. "Doctored History Books." Index on Censorship 14, no. 6 (December 1985): 7–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228508533977.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Nazi-Soviet relations"

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Eldridge-Nelson, Allison. "Veil of Protection: Operation Paperclip and the Contrasting Fates of Wernher von Braun and Arthur Rudolph." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1510914308951993.

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Books on the topic "Nazi-Soviet relations"

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E, Ericson Edward. Feeding the German eagle: Soviet economic aid to Nazi Germany, 1933-1941. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1999.

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Kolasky, John. Partners in tyranny: The Nazi-Soviet Nonaggression Pact, August 23, 1939. Toronto: Mackenzie Institute, 1990.

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Govrin, Yosef. The Jewish factor in the relations between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union, 1933-1941. London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2009.

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Govrin, Yosef. The Jewish factor in the relations between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union, 1933-1941. London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2009.

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Govrin, Yosef. The Jewish factor in the relations between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union, 1933-1941. London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2009.

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Kolasky, John. Partners in tyranny: The Nazi-Soviet Nonagression Pact, August 23, 1939. Toronto: The Mackenzie Institute, 1990.

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Kolasky, John. Partners in tyranny: The Nazi-Soviet nonaggression pact, August 23, 1939. Toronto, Ont: Mackenzie Institute, 1990.

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Fisher, David, 1929 Apr. 13-, ed. The deadly embrace: Hitler, Stalin, and the Nazi-Soviet Pact, 1939-1941. New York: Norton, 1988.

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Read, Anthony. The deadly embrace: Hitler, Stalin, and the Nazi-Soviet Pact, 1939-1941. London: M. Joseph, 1988.

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John, Loftus, ed. Ratlines: How the Vatican's Nazi networks betrayed western intelligence to the Soviets. London: Mandarin, 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Nazi-Soviet relations"

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Redlich, Shimon. "Jewish–Ukrainian Relations in Inter-War Poland as Reflected in Some Ukrainian Publications." In Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry Volume 11, 232–46. Liverpool University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781874774051.003.0016.

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This chapter surveys Jewish–Ukrainian relations in inter-war Poland as reflected in some Ukrainian publications. The historiography of Jewish–Ukrainian relations, although quite extensive, has usually tended towards partisanship, caused by the uneasy, and at times tragic, relations between Ukrainians and Jews. To provide an understanding of Ukrainian attitudes towards Jews between the two world wars, the chapter examines the perceptions and images of the Jews in the Ukrainian press in Poland in the inter-war years. The Ukrainian press reflects traditional Ukrainian attitudes towards Jews as well as some images formed specifically during the period under discussion. It also helps one understand how Ukrainians felt towards Jews during the war years in the face of the Holocaust. Since Ukrainians and Jews formed the two largest national minorities in inter-war Poland, their interrelations reflected issues relating to Poles and the Polish state as well. Moreover, Ukrainian–Jewish relations were influenced by problems relating to Poland's most significant neighbours, Soviet Russia in the east and Weimar and later Nazi Germany in the west. Thus, an examination of the Ukrainian press in Poland also throws light on broader ideological and political issues.
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"Diana Dumitru, The State, Antisemitism, and Collaboration in the Holocaust: The Borderlands of Romania and the Soviet Union. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. xiv + 268 pp." In Textual Transmission in Contemporary Jewish Cultures, edited by Avriel Bar-Levav, 256–58. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197516485.003.0017.

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This study by Moldovian historian Diana Dumitru focuses on Jewish-Gentile relations in Bessarabia and Transnistria from the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941 to the liberation of these areas by the Red Army in 1944. Her book is based on material gleaned from a wide range of sources (archival, secondary, periodicals, oral testimonies) from Moldova, Romania, Ukraine, the United States, and Israel, and its six chapters cover three chronological periods: late tsarist Russia, interwar Romania and the U.S.S.R., and the Holocaust years....
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Yarhi-Milo, Keren. "Introduction." In Knowing the Adversary. Princeton University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159157.003.0001.

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This book explores the question of how policy makers gauge their adversaries’ intentions and the implications of such intentions assessment for international relations and world affairs. It advances a framework called the selective attention thesis and compares it to three well-known explanations of perceived intentions: the capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. All four theses are tested using three cases: British assessments of Nazi Germany’s intentions in the period leading to World War II; U.S. assessments of Soviet intentions under the administration of Jimmy Carter; and U.S. assessments of Soviet intentions in the years leading to the end of the Cold War during the second administration of Ronald Reagan. Drawing on these historical episodes, the book considers which indicators are used or ignored by decision makers and intelligence organizations when making intentions assessments.
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Bazyler, Michael J., Kathryn Lee Boyd, Kristen L. Nelson, and Rajika L. Shah. "Russia." In Searching for Justice After the Holocaust, 379–84. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190923068.003.0036.

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In 1941, Germany invaded the Soviet Union, in violation of the 1939 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. The invasion marked the beginning of what Russia would later call the Great Patriotic War during which the Soviet Union suffered tens of millions of civilian and military losses. Private property in the Soviet Union was earlier confiscated through Lenin and Stalin’s nationalization programs. Nazi-occupied territories of the Soviet Union suffered property confiscation by the German forces, with most of the confiscation taking place in the Soviet Republics of Belarussia and Ukraine and western Russia. Russia does not have any private or communal property restitution and/or compensation laws relating to Holocaust-era confiscations, or return of property confiscations dating back to the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917. Russia also does not have any special legislation dealing with heirless property. Russia endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009, but declined to endorse the 2010 Guidelines and Best Practices.
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Berghahn, Volker R. "Nazi Germany, Appeasement, and Anglo-American Big Business, 1933–1941." In American Big Business in Britain and Germany. Princeton University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691161099.003.0006.

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This chapter covers the years up to the official American entry into World War II on the side of Britain and the Soviet Union against Germany, Italy, and Japan. During the years 1933–41, strategies were developed by those six countries and then turned into actual policies that determined the shape of the relations of American big business with Britain and Germany during the subsequent wartime and postwar periods. And this decade was also decisive for the organization of both the world economy and world politics for the following fifty years until the collapse of the Soviet Bloc in 1989–90.
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