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Journal articles on the topic 'Nazis – Germany – Public opinion'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 27 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Baryshnikov, Vladimir N., Victor N. Borisenko, and Oleg Yu Plenkov. "The Student Riots in Germany and their Aftermath." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 4 (2022): 1212–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.411.

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This article deals with the peculiarities of the student protests of 1968 in Germany and their political and social consequences. Among the many protests in the West that year, they had particularly far-reaching consequences for German society. These consequences were related to the heavy legacy of the Nazis, who committed grave crimes against humanity during World War II. It is for this reason that the article places a special emphasis on overcoming the Nazi past, which played an extremely important role in the emergence and spread of youth protests in the FRG. Placing the German protests in

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Ménudier, Henri. "L’antigermanisme et la campagne française pour l’élection du Parlement européen." Études internationales 11, no. 1 (2005): 97–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701019ar.

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Anti-German sentiment in France has deep roots that extend back to the middle of the 19th century. A permanent theme of French foreign policy, it manifested itself with force during the campaign for the European elections of June 10, 1979. This explosion can be explained in terms of the fear of a part of the political forces to see themselves dragged too far into a process of European integration that would contribute to submitting France to the economic forces of a Germany very dependent on the United States. The Communists were the main standard bearers of this campaign in which the Gaullist

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Solchany, Jean. "La lente dissipation d'une légende: la "Wehrmacht" sous le regard de l'histoire." Revue d’histoire moderne & contemporaine 47-2, no. 2 (2000): 323–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhmc.g2000.47n2.0323.

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Résumé Depuis quelques années, la Wehrmacht fait l'objet de nombreux travaux historiques et suscite de violentes controverses dans les médias et l'opinion publique. La vision traditionnelle qui exonérait l'armée allemande de toute responsabilité dans la perpétration des crimes nazis a été il est vrai mise en question dès la fin des années 1970. Mais les études les plus récentes montrent avec plus de précision encore combien l'armée allemande a été impliquée dans la politique d'occupation barbare imposée aux peuples de l'Est européen durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. For the last few years, th

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4

Karatzas, Konstantinos D. "The Image of the Ideal German Mother in Nazi Era Posters." Perichoresis 22, s1 (2024): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2024-0012.

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Abstract This paper examines the role of women in Nazi Germany and ways the policy and propaganda implemented and enacted both plans an policies to transform women into the mothers of the nation. The paper will focus on the ways propaganda posters were used in order to engage public opinion, using the power of visual arts into manipulating public opinion that the body of a woman should be devoted to the Reich, (re-)producing the pure-blooded German and support the creation of a new empire. The posters supported and acted as a direct reminder of the policies set by Nazi regime, and their ideolo

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Kurlander, Eric. "The Nazi Magicians’ Controversy: Enlightenment, “Border Science,” and Occultism in the Third Reich." Central European History 48, no. 4 (2015): 498–522. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938915000898.

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AbstractOver the past two decades, a number of scholars have called into question the existence of any meaningful relationship between Nazism and the occult. This article paints a different picture. First, virtually all Nazi leaders appeared to recognize the widespread popularity of occult practices and “border-scientific” thinking across the German population and within the Nazi Party itself. Second, although Adolf Hitler's Reich Chancellery, Joseph Goebbels’s Propaganda Ministry, and even Heinrich Himmler's Gestapo consistently advocated anti-occult policies or pro-enlightenment campaigns du

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Focardi, Filippo. "Italy’s fascist past: A difficult reckoning." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 3 (2018): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.3.4.

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ITALY’S FASCIST PAST: A DIFFICULT RECKONINGIn January 2002, a survey conducted by a popular television program revealed that 25 percent of young Italians held a favorable opinion of Fascism and Dictator Benito Mussolini. Shortly thereafter, Italy’s most prominent scholar of Fascism, Emilio Gentile, warned of a “retroactive de-fascistization” in Italian society: the widespread tendency to cast fascism in a benevolent light forgetting, or softening, its repressive and brutal features. For many Italians, Fascism was very diff erent from Nazism and Communist Totalitarianism — it might have been an

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Kiewe, Amos. "Cautious Crusade: Franklin D. Roosevelt, American Public Opinion, and the War Against Nazi Germany (review)." Rhetoric & Public Affairs 5, no. 4 (2002): 765–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rap.2003.0007.

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8

SCHRAFSTETTER, SUSANNA. "‘Gentlemen, the Cheese Is All Gone!’ British POWs, the ‘Great Escape’ and the Anglo-German Agreement for Compensation to Victims of Nazism." Contemporary European History 17, no. 1 (2008): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307004262.

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AbstractIn 1964 the West German government agreed to provide £1 million in financial compensation to British victims of National Socialism. The distribution of the money, organised by the British foreign office, turned into a major public scandal, as a number of British POWs, among them survivors of the ‘great escape’, had their claims rejected. By examining the refusal of several British POWs to accept their exclusion from the scheme, the article addresses the interplay of political pressure and public opinion that led to a parliamentary inquiry into what became known as ‘the Sachsenhausen af

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Heinemann, Winfried. "Traitors or Allies. German Right-Wing Movements and the Memorialization of the National Conservative Resistance to Hitler." Rubrica Contemporanea 12, no. 24 (2023): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/rubrica.283.

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After the Second World War, most former Nazis were certain that they (and their Führer) would have won the war if there had not been a national-conservative opposition among the traditional elites, i. e. diplomats, bureaucrats, and the officer corps.It took the West German political mainstream years to adopt the notion of resistance to Hitler as part of a positive tradition. By 1990, however, it had become received wisdom that men like Colonel Claus Graf Stauffenberg were positive examples of how some, albeit very few, had stood up against injustice and repression. Only on the extreme right fr

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BULYSHKIN, I. B. "NAZI PROPAGANDA IN THE OCCUPIED SOVIET TERRITORIES DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR (A CASE STUDY OF PUBLICATIONS IN «RECH»)." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 13, no. 1 (2024): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2225-8272-2024-13-1-33-48.

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The purpose of the article is to study the Nazi propaganda machine in the occupied Soviet territories during the Great Patriotic War. In most cases, this activity was carried out by means of collaborationist publications, other printed materials, and film and radio propaganda. In addition, the Nazis could organize public events, show trials, etc. The author studies the occupation German newspaper «Rech» printed in Russian, which was published in Orel. The author examines the propaganda problems. The goal of propaganda was to create and maintain a perverted Nazi ideology about the Aryan race su

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11

Sheehan, James J., David Bankier, and David Clay Large. "The Germans and the Final Solution: Public Opinion under Nazism." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 24, no. 3 (1994): 548. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206698.

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Gellately, Robert, and David Bankier. "The Germans and the Final Solution: Public Opinion under Nazism." American Historical Review 98, no. 4 (1993): 1279. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166722.

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Lungstrum, Janet, and David Bankier. "The Germans and the Final Solution: Public Opinion under Nazism." German Studies Review 17, no. 1 (1994): 190. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431335.

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Luebke, David M. "The Germans and the Final Solution: Public Opinion under Nazism (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 12, no. 3 (1994): 123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.1994.0111.

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15

Voigtländer, Nico, and Hans-Joachim Voth. "Nazi indoctrination and anti-Semitic beliefs in Germany." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 112, no. 26 (2015): 7931–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1414822112.

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Attempts at modifying public opinions, attitudes, and beliefs range from advertising and schooling to “brainwashing.” Their effectiveness is highly controversial. In this paper, we use survey data on anti-Semitic beliefs and attitudes in a representative sample of Germans surveyed in 1996 and 2006 to show that Nazi indoctrination––with its singular focus on fostering racial hatred––was highly effective. Between 1933 and 1945, young Germans were exposed to anti-Semitic ideology in schools, in the (extracurricular) Hitler Youth, and through radio, print, and film. As a result, Germans who grew u

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Adena, Maja, Ruben Enikolopov, Maria Petrova, Veronica Santarosa, and Ekaterina Zhuravskaya. "Radio and the Rise of The Nazis in Prewar Germany *." Quarterly Journal of Economics 130, no. 4 (2015): 1885–939. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjv030.

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Abstract How do the media affect public support for democratic institutions in a fragile democracy? What role do they play in a dictatorial regime? We study these questions in the context of Germany of the 1920s and 1930s. During the democratic period, when the Weimar government introduced progovernment political news, the growth of Nazi popularity slowed down in areas with access to radio. This effect was reversed during the campaign for the last competitive election as a result of the pro-Nazi radio broadcast following Hitler’s appointment as chancellor. During the consolidation of dictators

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17

Thompson, Antonio. "Fristsche, Life And Death In The Third Reich." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 35, no. 1 (2010): 50–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.35.1.50-51.

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Historian Peter Fritzsche's latest work, Life and Death in the Third Reich, is an attempt to study the relationships between Germans and Nazis. In doing so he reveals the appeal of the Nazis on the German public and the depth of collective guilt among the Germans for racism, the Holocaust, and World War II, in other words, the crimes of the Third Reich. In this endeavor, Fritzsche joins other key historians, including Christopher R. Browning ( Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland, 1993) and Daniel Goldhagen (Hitler's Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans

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Lipniewicz, Rafał. "Polityka podatkowa nazistowskich Niemiec — zarys problematyki." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 43, no. 4 (2021): 279–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.4.21.

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Taxes constitute an integral part of the state economic policy, regardless of the political system or dominant ideology. It is therefore not surprising that they were an essential tool for achieving the goals of Nazi Germany, of both fiscal and non-fiscal nature. The purpose of the paper is to examine in scientific terms the issues of (i) the use of taxes by the governments of Nazi Germany to increase budget revenues necessary to achieve political and military goals, as well as (ii) the Nazis’ recognition of public levies as a form of specific economic oppression serving the implementation of

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Dalton, Russell J. "Germany Transformed: Public Opinion and German Studies." German Studies Review 13 (1990): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431048.

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Nitschke, Remo, and Felix Roesel. "Elite Persistence and Policy Persistence: Re-installed Mayors from Weimar Germany." FinanzArchiv 79, NIX (2023): 1–36. https://doi.org/10.1628/fa-2025-0005.

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Why do public policies change little over time in individual places, sometimes for centuries? We investigate different mechanisms for policy persistence. Several city mayors serving in democratic Weimar Germany were expelled by the Nazis in 1933 but re-installed by the Allies after World War II. We find that pre-Nazi patterns in public debt re-appear in cities with a re-installed mayor, albeit all city debt defaulted after the war. We do not find such correlations in a matched sample of cities where the Weimar mayor did not return to office. Historical public debt does also not predict debt to

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Munzert, Simon, and Paul C. Bauer. "Political Depolarization in German Public Opinion, 1980–2010." Political Science Research and Methods 1, no. 1 (2013): 67–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2013.7.

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Little is known about political polarization in German public opinion. This article offers an issue-based perspective and explores trends of opinion polarization in Germany. Public opinion polarization is conceptualized and measured as alignment of attitudes. Data from the German General Social Survey (1980 to 2010) comprise attitudes towards manifold issues, which are classified into several dimensions. This study estimates multilevel models that reveal general and issue- as well as dimension-specific levels and trends in attitude alignment for both the whole German population and sub-groups.

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Battenberg, J. Friedrich. "Der Rechtshistoriker Guido Kisch als Deutscher jüdischen Glaubens." Aschkenas 28, no. 1 (2018): 119–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asch-2018-0002.

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Abstract The German-Jewish legal historian, Guido Kisch, born into the former Bohemian Jewish community of Prague, was a very famous scientist during the Weimar Republic and the first decades after the Second World War. Persecuted by the Nazis, he had to leave Germany for the United States of America. His research on matters relating to medieval German law, social and economic problems of medieval society, especially of the Jewish communities, became famous inside the scientific community. But less is known as to his Jewishness and the influence of his traditional Jewish views on his scientifi

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Hagemann, Harald. "Dismissal, Expulsion, and Emigration of German-Speaking Economists after 1933." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 27, no. 4 (2005): 405–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10427710500370158.

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The dismissal of academicians from German universities under the Restoration of Civil Service Act (Gesetz zur Wiederherstellung des Berufsbeamtentums), promulgated by the National Socialists on April 7, 1933, and the expulsion of academicians from Germany, Austria, and other European countries interrupted or destroyed promising developments in economics, as well as in physics or other areas. According to this new “law,” which was passed by the Nazis in a short cut immediately after coming to power, “disagreeable” persons could be dislocated from the public service predominantly for racist (sec

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Grakhotskiy, A. P. "Trials of Members of Einsatzkommando 8 in West Germany: Gaswagen and the Holocaust in Mogilev." Actual Problems of Russian Law 17, no. 1 (2021): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2022.134.1.011-030.

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In 1942, in order to execute the genocide of Jews in Belarus, along with carrying out mass executions, the Nazis began to use gaswagens. In June 1942, a «special vehicle» appeared at the disposal of Einsatzkommando 8 in Mogilev. Based on the trials’ recordings and protocols, it can be assumed that at least 2,500 Jews of the Mogilev region were poisoned in gas vans (gaswagens). Details of the crimes committed by the Nazis with the use of gas vans became known in the 1960s, when lawsuits were held in the Federative Republic of Germany against former members of Einsatzkommando 8: A. Garnishmacher

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Nurislamov, Ruslan Rifovich. "The Enlightenment Committee of Hamburg-Bremen and the Nazi Seizure of Power: the Case of "Self-Coordination"?" Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 11 (November 2024): 21–37. https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2024.11.69152.

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The subject of the study is the "coordination" of the Enlightenment Committee Hamburg-Bremen after the Nazis came to power. The purpose of the study is to characterize the process of including this organization in the system of the state apparatus of Nazi Germany. The article analyzes documents from the collections of Russian, German and British archives. The study revealed that the attitude of the Enlightenment Committee Hamburg-Bremen to the Nazi regime was due to a number of reasons: the negative impact of the world economic crisis of 1929-1933 and, against this background, increased intera

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Welch, David. "Manufacturing a Consensus: Nazi Propaganda and the Building of a ‘National Community’ (Volksgemeinschaft)." Contemporary European History 2, no. 1 (1993): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730000028x.

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The point has to be made at once that any attempt to quantify public reaction to Nazi propaganda is fraught with difficulties. Accurate measurement of the effectiveness of Nazi propaganda is weakened by the absence of public opinion surveys and the fact that, in a society that resorted so readily to coercions and terror, reported opinion did not necessarily reflect the true feelings and moods of the public, especially if these views were opposed to the regime. Nevertheless, to state that public opinion in the Third Reich ceased to exist is not strictly true. After the Nazi ‘seizure of power’ i

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Franczak, Karol. "“Germany in ruins”. Framing new political movements in Germany in the Polish opinion-forming press." Lodz Papers in Pragmatics 15, no. 1 (2019): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lpp-2019-0006.

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Abstract One of the main goals of contemporary media, along with the experts and professionals, who speak in them, has been to explain complex issues and provide the audience with clear descriptions of social reality. This is mostly achieved by the production of ideologically useful interpretative schemes that facilitate understanding of the issues present on the media agenda. An important strategy of shaping the public opinion in the way in which public affairs and the activity of social life participants is framed. Analyses of such practices have been conducted for over thirty years within v

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Mommsen, Wolfgang J. "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in Wilhelmian Germany, 1897–1914." Central European History 24, no. 4 (1991): 381–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019221.

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The age of high imperialism was also the age of the emergence of mass journalism. This heralded a steady widening of what might be called the “political nation,” that is, those groups who took an active interest in politics in contrast to the mass of the population still largely outside the political arena. Up to the 1890s politics tended to be Honoratiorenpolitik—confined to “notables” or Honoratioren, a term first applied by Max Weber around the turn of the century to describe the elites who had dominated the political power structure up to that time. Gradually “public opinion” ceased to be,

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Oko Omaka, Arua. "“Biafrans Are Not Nazis:” The Biafran Humanitarian Disaster and Trudeau’s Analogies." Canadian Journal of History 57, no. 2 (2022): 220–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh-57-2-2021-0115.

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During the Nigeria-Biafra War, the Nigerian government employed shooting and economic blockade as powerful instruments of uniting the country and defending its territorial integrity. Starvation as a potent weapon was of a magnitude that arguably made it the worst catastrophe since the Second World War. The tension was between sovereignty and human rights. Public opinion in Canada strongly favored humanitarian support for Biafra, but the Canadian government argued that humanitarian aid for Biafra might be offensive to the Nigerian government. This article examines the attitude of Pierre Trudeau

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Philpott, Colin. "Relics of the Reich – dark tourism and Nazi sites in Germany." Worldwide Hospitality and Tourism Themes 9, no. 2 (2017): 132–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/whatt-11-2016-0058.

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Purpose The purpose of this study is to provide an overview of the fate of the buildings and public spaces created by the Nazis. By doing so, the author explains how Germany has handled this difficult legacy as part of a wider narrative of Germany’s post-war national reconciliation with its Nazi past. Design/methodology/approach Visits to Germany; interviews with German academics and museum professionals running memorials and museums relevant to the subject; study of literature related to specific Nazi sites and also literature related to the Nazi legacy in Germany more generally, as well as d

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Solodoch, Omer. "Regaining Control? The Political Impact of Policy Responses to Refugee Crises." International Organization 75, no. 3 (2021): 735–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818321000060.

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AbstractIn response to the political turmoil surrounding the recent refugee crisis, destination countries swiftly implemented new immigration and asylum policies. Are such countercrisis policies effective in mitigating political instability by reducing anti-immigrant backlash and support for radical-right parties? The present study exploits two surveys that were coincidentally fielded during significant policy changes, sampling respondents right before and immediately after the change. I employ a regression discontinuity design to identify the short-term causal effect of the policy change on p

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Machtans, Karolin. "“Racism Is Not An Opinion”: Muslim Responses to Pegida and Islamophobia in Germany." German Politics and Society 34, no. 4 (2016): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340406.

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Islamic organizations in Germany find themselves in a dilemma. On the one hand, they feel the need to take a public stance on the acts of violence committed by Muslim terrorists worldwide. On the other hand, they also feel the need to speak up against the growing Islamophobia in Germany, propagated by movements such as Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamization of the Occident (Pegida). As Islamic organizations in Germany band together, they appear to the German public as a homogeneous group unified by religious and ethnic affiliation, not recognized in their diversity. Hence, the external p

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Killen, Andreas. "What Is an Enlightenment Film?Cinema and the Rhetoric of Social Hygiene in Interwar Germany." Social Science History 39, no. 1 (2015): 107–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.44.

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This paper examines the discursive production of risk and its management in the German “enlightenment film” of the interwar period. From the sexual enlightenment films of the immediate postwar era to the Nazi-era sterilization films, public health campaigns mobilized new ideas about hygiene and the new resources of the mass media. Depicting a world composed of discrete risks (venereal disease, hereditary illness), on the one hand, and supplying information on how to manage such risks, on the other, public officials and experts invested considerable resources in this project of public education

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JOHANSSON, OLA, JANELLE REINELT, and WILLMAR SAUTER. "‘It's the real thing’: performance and murder in Sweden." European Review 9, no. 3 (2001): 319–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798701000308.

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Sju tre (1999) is the most controversial theatre production in Sweden in modern times. Lars Norén, a well-known playwright and director, staged a dialogue involving three real convicts, of whom two were outspoken Nazis. Shortly after the last performance, the latter two men were involved in a bank robbery in which two policemen were killed. These scandalous events are discussed from three different perspectives, all, however, revolving around the uncertain boundaries between aesthetic, ethical, and political issues. By virtue of its performative impact, the theatrical event proved to be direct

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Rammeloo, Stephan. "Past, Present (and Future?) of the German Volkswagengesetz under the EC Treaty." European Company Law 4, Issue 3 (2007): 118–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eucl2007031.

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On 13 February 2007, the Opinion of Advocate General Dámaszo Ruiz-Jarabo Colomer was made public in the case brought before the ECJ by the European Commission against the Federal Republic of Germany regarding the Volkswagengesetz. The author discusses this opinion and reflects on the possible outcome of these proceedings.

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Anderson, Christopher J., and Jason D. Hecht. "The preference for Europe: Public opinion about European integration since 1952." European Union Politics 19, no. 4 (2018): 617–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518792306.

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To determine how public opinion matters for the politics of European integration, we need to know what Europeans say about Europe. Yet, despite a proliferation of analyses of public support for Europe, fundamental questions remain. First, does aggregate opinion reflect a single preference for Europe? Second, is the content of opinions similar across countries? Third, have opinions about Europe become more structured over time? Finally, what are the long-term dynamics in opinions about Europe? To answer these questions, we construct a new dataset of historical public opinion since 1952 in Franc

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Rasmussen, Anne, Lars Kai Mäder, and Stefanie Reher. "With a Little Help From The People? The Role of Public Opinion in Advocacy Success." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 2 (2017): 139–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017695334.

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Recent years have witnessed an increased interest in research on advocacy success, but limited attention has been paid to the role of public opinion. We examine how support from the public affects advocacy success, relying on a new original data set containing information on public opinion, advocacy positions, and policy outcomes on 50 policy issues in Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. Claims by advocates are measured through a news media content analysis of a sample of policy issues drawn from national and international public opinion surveys. Our multilevel r

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Kudriachenko, Аndriy. "The Peculiarities of Overcoming the Painful Nazi and Socialist Past in Contemporary Germany." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 664–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-43.

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The article analyses the components of overcoming the national socialist past of Germany and the totalitarian legacy of the socialist era, identifies four historical periods, displays the fundamental difference and common features in the approaches of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic to the study of the national socialist past, and outlines a system of measures for the formation of political culture in reunified Germany. Various components of the policy of clear distancing from the Hitler regime and integration of former Nazis into new public institutions as a

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Mikhail A., Korotkevich. "GERMAN PUBLIC BROADCASTING MODEL: CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL ASPECT." Ser-11_2023-2 64, no. 2, 2023 (2023): 100–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.55959/msu0130-0113-11-64-2-7.

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The communication rights enshrined in Part 1 of Article 5 of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany — freedom of expression, freedom of informa-tion, press, broadcasting, and cinema (Kommunikationsgrundrechte) are of constitu-tive importance for German democracy, since the process of forming of public opinion, which is important for the functioning of democratic institutions, depends on the level of their guarantee. At the same time, due to the special persuasiveness of the audiovi-sual form of information presentation, broadcasting is the most significant means of influence. Public

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Heidbrink, Ingo. "Renewable vs fossil fuel: How a fossil-fuel powered industry pushed a renewable resource out of the ice market in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries." International Journal of Maritime History 34, no. 1 (2022): 172–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08438714221080268.

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Artificially produced ice replaced natural ice as a cooling agent in a process of displacement that lasted several decades. This article uses the German market as an example to identify the three main factors that underpinned this process. First, it argues that the displacement process was largely driven by marketing and image campaigns created by the proponents of artificial ice-making technology, together with the general technophilia that prevailed in Imperial Germany. Second, the article shows how Europe's last major cholera outbreak in Hamburg was utilised to promote the transition from n

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Risse-Kappen, Thomas. "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies." World Politics 43, no. 4 (1991): 479–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010534.

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The paper discusses the role of public opinion in the foreign policy-making process of liberal democracies. Contrary to prevailing assumptions, public opinion matters. However, the impact of public opinion is determined not so much by the specific issues involved or by the particular pattern of public attitudes as by the domestic structure and the coalition-building processes among the elites in the respective country. The paper analyzes the public impact on the foreign policy-making process in four liberal democracies with distinct domestic structures: the United States, France, the Federal R

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Proctor, R. N. "The anti-tobacco campaign of the Nazis: a little known aspect of public health in Germany, 1933-45." BMJ 313, no. 7070 (1996): 1450–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.313.7070.1450.

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Toshkov, Dimiter, Lars Mäder, and Anne Rasmussen. "Party government and policy responsiveness. Evidence from three parliamentary democracies." Journal of Public Policy 40, no. 2 (2018): 329–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x18000417.

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AbstractDoes party government moderate the responsiveness of public policy to public opinion? Analysing a new dataset, we examine whether the ability of governments to respond to the public on 306 specific policy issues in Denmark, Germany and the UK is affected by the extent of coalition conflict and by the fit of the considered policy changes with the government preferences. We find a systematic but relatively weak positive impact of public support on the likelihood and speed of policy change. Contrary to expectations, a higher number of coalition partners are not associated with fewer polic

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Tolmacheva, Anastasia. "Immigration Problems in Terms of German Public Opinion (Case Study of Internet Media During 2015–2019)." Sociologicheskaja nauka i social'naja praktika 8, no. 4 (2020): 152–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/snsp.2020.8.4.7662.

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Modern Germany plays active role in global migration movement and public opinion has an important part in the adaptation and integration of immigrants. Their count has seen yearly increases and this will continue, also due to children born in their families in Germany. The country has seen debates ongoing for the last 10 years regarding the necessity of the immigration. The debates in political circles could not help but touch ordinary German citizens who meet the foreigners both in professional and everyday life. Nowadays Internet is the most convenient place for the local population to expre

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Young, Julia G. "Fascists, Nazis, or Something Else?: Mexico's Unión Nacional Sinarquista in the US Media, 1937–1945." Americas 79, no. 2 (2022): 229–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.142.

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AbstractThis paper examines the public relations battles in the US media over Mexico's Unión Nacional Sinarquista (UNS), an explicitly Catholic social movement founded in 1937 that aimed to restore the Church to its traditional role in Mexican society and to reject the reforms of the revolutionary government. The sinarquistas shared many of the features of fascism and Nazism, the major global antidemocratic movements of the time, including a strident nationalism, authoritarian leanings, an emphasis on martial discipline and strict organizational structure, and a militant aesthetic. Both its id

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Forýtek, Lukáš. "Evropská unie z pohledu turecké společnosti: O čem vypovídají průzkumy veřejného mínění?" Politické vedy 26, no. 3 (2023): 32–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2023.26.3.32-57.

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The paper focuses on the development of the public opinion in Turkey towards the EU. The paper set the question: does the relation of the Turkish society towards the EU in long term (2004-2022) pose an obstacle for the potential accession to the EU? The main method of the paper is the analysis of the public opinion surveys Eurobarometer. The article analysis the long-term trend of the perception of the EU by Turkish citizens (very positive, fairly positive, neutral, fairly negative, very negative), the average value of these indicators; and identifies the core of the supporters and opponents.

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Lamberti, Marjorie. "German Antifascist Refugees in America and the Public Debate on “What Should be Done with Germany after Hitler,” 1941–1945." Central European History 40, no. 2 (2007): 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938907000544.

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The debate over “what should be done with Germany after Hitler” became so intense in America in 1943–44 that competitive organizations were created to influence public opinion and official postwar planning. German refugees fought on both sides in the crossfire of opinion. Recent historical scholarship has discussed the failure of the German political emigration to gain formal political recognition from the United States government and the right to participate in Allied planning for postwar Germany. Though correct, this contention should not obscure the significant role that some of the anti-Na

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Rye Olsen, Gorm. "European public opinion and aid to Africa: is there a link?" Journal of Modern African Studies 39, no. 4 (2001): 645–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003731.

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The current international debate on aid to Africa seems to assume that public opinion matters, i.e. it presupposes the existence of a ‘bottom-up’ relationship between public opinion and aid policy. This paper shows that it is rather the other way round. It is only possible to understand the relationship between decision-making on aid and public opinion as a ‘top-down’ relationship. The conclusion is supported by case studies of five European aid donors: France, the UK, Germany, Denmark and the European Union. The ‘missing link’ between opinion and policy-making is mainly to be explained by the

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Wittmann, Rebecca Elizabeth. "The Wheels of Justice Turn Slowly: The Pretrial Investigations of the Frankfurt Auschwitz Trial 1963–65." Central European History 35, no. 3 (2002): 345–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691610260426498.

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The investigations into the crimes of the Auschwitz perpetrators by the Frankfurt public prosecutor's office began in 1958. The trial opened in 1963. Why did it take five years? In the 1960s, scholars such as Theodor Adorno, Alexander and Margarete Mitscherlich, and Hannah Arendt emphasized West German reticence, indifference, or even unwillingness to confront the Nazi past as explanations for the late start of investigations of Nazi criminals. They argued that the 1950s were dominated by a collective silence about Nazism and crimes against the Jews in Germany. According to them, politically,

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Schaefer, Martin. "20 years of independence: Public opinion on Ukraine in Germany and France." ЄвроАтлантика, no. 3 (2011): 53–57.

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