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1

Wells, Bronte. "Nightmarish Romanticism: The Third Reich and the Appropriation of Romanticism." Constellations 9, no. 1 (January 11, 2018): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cons29341.

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Attempting to trace the intellectual history of any political movement is, at best,problematic. Humans construct political movements and the intellectual, philosophical underpinnings of those movements, and, in general, it is not one person who is doing the creating, but rather a multitude of people are involved; the circumstance of how politics is created is a web, which makes it difficult for researchers to trace the historical roots of movements. Nazi Germany has been the focus of numerous research projects to understand the intellectual roots of Nazism and the how and why they were successful in gaining and consolidating power. In line with popular theories in Sociology and History, earlier researchers have traced the intellectual roots of the Nazis in order to situate Nazi Germany as anti-modern, which by extension would situate their crimes against humanityand fascism in the same camp. In particular, Romanticism has been the movement that some historians have cited as a possible root for Nazism. The primary goal of this paper will be to disrupt the historical continuation argument, deconstruct the main parts of each of the camps, and provide support for the appropriation argument. This goal is designed to connect to the much larger debate of the state of anti-modern/modern of Nazism, and aid in showing Nazism as a modern movement. It is through researching and analyzingthe how and why the Nazis appropriated Romanticism that allows academics to study the influences from the past in the development of National Socialism, while accounting for the frame that the Nazis used to read the Romantics and the purpose for the way that Romantic literature was framed within Nazi-Germany.
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Bernhard, Patrick. "Colonial crossovers: Nazi Germany and its entanglements with other empires." Journal of Global History 12, no. 2 (June 8, 2017): 206–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022817000055.

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Abstract Nazi Germany’s place in the wider world is a controversial topic in historiography. While scholars such as Ian Kershaw argue that Hitler’s dictatorship must be understood as a unique national phenomenon, others analyse Nazism within comparative frameworks. Mark Mazower, for example, argues that the international concept of ‘empire’ is useful for comprehending the German occupation of Europe. Using an approach native to transnational cultural studies, my contribution goes a step further: I analyse how the Nazis themselves positioned their regime in a wider international context, and thus gave meaning to it. My main thesis is that, while the Nazis took a broad look at international colonialism, they differentiated considerably between the various national experiences. French and British empire-building, for instance, did not receive the same attention as Japanese and Italian colonial projects. Based on new archival evidence, I show that the act of referring in particular to the Italian example was crucial for the Nazis. On the one hand, drawing strong parallels between Italian colonialism and the German rule of eastern Europe allowed Hitler to recruit support for his own visions of imperial conquest. On the other hand, Italian colonialism served as a blueprint for the Nazis’ plans for racial segregation. The article thus shows the importance of transnational exchange for understanding ideological dynamics within the Nazi regime.
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Lantink, Frans Willem. "De Hohenzollern in de beklaagdenbank. De verloren zaak van de Pruisische dynastie na 1918." Virtus | Journal of Nobility Studies 30 (December 31, 2023): 182–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/virtus.30.182-185.

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Review of: Stephan Malinowski, Die Hohenzollern und die Nazis. Geschichte einer Kollaboration (Berlin: Propyläen/Ullstein, 2021, 752 pp, ill., reg.); Stephan Malinowski, De adel en de nazi’s. De collaboratie van de Duitse keizerlijke familie, vert. Gerrit Bussink en Izaak Hilhorst, met een voorwoord door Beatrice de Graaf (Amsterdam: Nieuw Amsterdam, 2022, 624 pp., ill. reg.).
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Starbuck, Kathryn. "Nazis." Sewanee Review 121, no. 1 (2013): 136–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sew.2013.0012.

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5

Weston, Nathaniel. "Crew, Hitler And The Nazis - A History In Documents." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 33, no. 1 (April 1, 2008): 49–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.33.1.49-50.

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Crew brings his expertise in modern German history to bear on this didactic and considerately arranged text aimed at secondary students, but useful even to introductory college courses in world, European, German, or comparative history. Crew does not immediately begin with the question of "Hitler and the Nazis," but rather by asking "What is a document?" By presenting Hitler and Nazism as "documents," the author successfully introduces a redemptive dimension to the at times horrible events recounted in them.
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Khanova, Irina E. "INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC AND PRACTICAL STUDENT CONFERENCE “MILITARY TRIBUNALS; COMBATING NAZISM AND ITS FOLLOWERS, CRIMES AGAINST PEACE AND HUMANITY” AS AN EXAMPLE OF SCIENTIFIC AND EDUCATIONAL COOPERATION BETWEEN UNIVERSITIES OF RUSSIA, THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS AND THE KYRGYZ REPUBLIC." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian Studies. History. Political Science. International Relations, no. 4 (2023): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2023-4-121-133.

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By example of the student international scientific-practical conference the article considers issues of the current state and prospects for the study of university students in the Eurasian space of the crimes of the Nazis and their accomplices against the peaceful population of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War. The author focuses on the Conference “Military Tribunals; Combating Nazism and its followers, Crimes against Peace and Humanity”, held by the Institute of Eurasian and Interregional Studies of the Russian State University for the Humanities on April 22, 2023. The Conference was attended by students of the Russian State University for the Humanities, students of the Belarusian-Russian University (Republic of Belarus) and the K. Karasaev Bishkek State University (Republic of Kyrgyzstan). In their speeches, the participants emphasized not only the history of crimes committed by the Nazis and their accomplices in the occupied territories of the Soviet Union and the issue of prosecution and condemnation, but also the issues of the falsification of the Great Patriotic War history and the rehabilitation of Nazis and collaborators, which are particularly relevant today. In addition, the organizers and participants of the conference discussed the aspects of patriotic education of young people in higher education institutions, integration of events on the Great Patriotic War commemoration into the educational process, and especially multi-format interaction between partner universities in that area.
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7

Brunssen, Pavel. "Hitler's American Countermodel." German Politics and Society 41, no. 3 (September 1, 2023): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2023.410301.

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Abstract The fact that the Nazis looked to the United States for inspiration has led some to claim that the US served Nazi thinkers as a “model.” This article argues instead that Nazis looked to America as a countermodel for how not to deal with the “Jewish question.” Through an intertextual analysis of visual and textual primary sources, this article demonstrates how the Nazis used America as a projection screen for developing their vision of empire and “redemptive antisemitism.” The Nazis admired the United States’ racist laws and technological development but despised Americans for ignoring the “Jewish threat.” By showing how the Nazis used the United States as a mirror for developing Nazi ideology, this article reintroduces the category of antisemitic ideology to the Historikerstreit 2.0 debate.
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Brothers, Eric. "Issues Surrounding the Development of the Neo-Nazi Scene in East Berlin." European Judaism 33, no. 2 (September 1, 2000): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2000.330206.

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The rise of neo-Nazism in the capital of the former German Democratic Republic (GDR) was not inspired by a desire to recreate Hitler's Reich, but by youthful rebellion against the political and social culture of the GDR's Communist regime. This is detailed in Fuehrer-Ex: Memoirs of a Former Neo-Naxi by Ingo Hasselbach with Tom Reiss (Random House, New York, 1996). This movement, however, eventually worked towards returning Germany to its former 'glory' under the Third Reich under the guidance of 'professional' Nazis.
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Leuschner, Wolfgang. "Rock’n’kill. Le pouvoir meurtrier de la «nazi-musik»." Revue de psychothérapie psychanalytique de groupe 24, no. 1 (1995): 185–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rppg.1995.1289.

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Définis injustement comme marginaux, des groupes de rock nazis, tel «Stökraft», obtiennent une certaine notoriété par leur musique de vociférations et de violence. Ils doivent être reconnus comme dangereux. Avec leurs tirades de persécution et de haine, ils jouent en effet un rôle central lors des sauvages orgies de rock qui visent, dans les ressorts d'une psychologie collective, à briser le tabou du meurtre. Dans une tradition nazie ininterrompue, il se reconstitue une «avant-garde du racisme qui se prépare à agir... et qui agit déjà».
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Kapczynski, J. "Nazi Film Melodrama * Screen Nazis: Cinema, History and Democracy." Screen 56, no. 2 (June 1, 2015): 289–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/screen/hjv026.

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Schelchkov, Andrey. "“If You Go to the Right, You Will Come to the Left”: The Paradoxes of Chilean Fascism, 1930s–1940s." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2022): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640019690-7.

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The period between the two world wars was a time of the emergence and rise of fascism all over the world, including Latin America, where one of the few countries where a mass fascist movement emerged was Chile. In this article the author analyses the ideology and political praxis of Chilean National Socialism in the 1930s. The analysis is based on the Chilean National Socialist political and ideological journalism, the press, and the memoirs of the activists and their opponents. The National Socialist Party (“Creole Nazism”) was formed in Chile, proclaiming nationalism, anti-democracy, anti-liberalism, and anti-communism. It was an anti-systemic movement which rejected the values of liberal democracy, which was associated with the domination of plutocracy and imperialism. They adopted corporatism, anti-Semitism, and racism from European fascists and saw themselves as the only alternative to Marxism, which threatened the Western world. The Chilean Nazis envisioned an anti-liberal revolution, the construction of a totalitarian state. Taken to its logical conclusion, these principles made the movement a dangerous force for the ruling circles, which differed little from the left, Marxist parties, which explains the harsh repression against the “Creole Nazis”, which in turn brought them closer to the left. Chilean Nazism was characterized by its constant evolution towards the left and opposition to traditional right-wing parties, which led this movement to an alliance with the anti-fascist Popular Front, which was created precisely to counter the fascist threat in the face of National Socialism. Thus, the Nazis found themselves in the same political bloc with the communists and the socialists. This unnatural alliance with the left, the preaching of the need for a “right-wing revolution”, as well as the hostility of the traditional right, led to the collapse of the movement and its disappearance from the political arena. Despite the elimination of the movement, the ideas of a right-wing revolution, a totalitarian state, corporatism were firmly established on Chilean soil, and their most striking manifestation was the regime of A. Pinochet in the 70s of the twentieth century.
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Damulin, Igor’ V. "The moral purity of medicine: Is it time to get rid of eponyms related to Nazism?" Medical Journal of the Russian Federation 22, no. 3 (June 15, 2016): 142–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.18821/0869-2106-2016-22-3-142-145.

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The article considers eponymic names of predominantly diseases of central nervous system (Hallervorden-Spatz disease, etc.) which origin is related to physicians actively cooperated with Nazis during the Second world War. The participation of these physicians in euthanasia program and also in inhuman experiments on people implemented by Nazis in concentration camps is emphasized. The conclusion is made that the reason of all this is lacking of moral standards. It is proposed to exclude a number of eponymic names related to physicians actively cooperated with Nazis.
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Cuerda-Galindo, Esther. "Physicians imprisoned in Franco Spain’s Miranda de Ebro “Campo de Concentración”." Medical History 66, no. 3 (July 2022): 264–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2022.20.

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AbstractMiranda de Ebro was created in 1937 to imprison Republicans and foreigners who fought with the International Brigades in Spanish Civil War. From 1940, the camp was used only to concentrate detained foreign refugees with no proper documents. More than 15 000 people, most of them from France and Poland, were kept there until the camp was closed in January 1947. Playing both sides of the international divide, fascist Spain at various points in time allowed passage and was a country of refuge both for those escaping Nazism and for Nazis and collaborators who, at the end of World War II (WWII), sought to escape justice. Treatment of each of these groups passing through Miranda was very different: real repression was meted out to the members of the International Brigades (IB), tolerance shown towards those escaping Nazism, and protection and active cooperation given to former Nazis and their collaborators. For the first time, data about foreign physicians imprisoned in Miranda de Ebro were consulted in the Guadalajara Military Archive (Spain). From 1937 to 1947, 151 doctors were imprisoned, most of them in 1942 and 1943, which represents around 1% of the prisoners. Fifty-two of the doctors were released thanks to diplomatic efforts, thirty-two by the Red Cross, and ten were sent to other prisons, directly released or managed to escape. All of them survived. After consulting private and public archives, it was possible to reconstruct some biographies and fill the previous existing gap in the history of migration and exile of doctors during the Second World War.
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14

Saenko, Anton S. "NAZI CRIMES AGAINST THE SOVIET POPULATION ON THE TERRITORY OF THE OCCUPIED DONBASS, 1941-1943." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations 4, no. 2 (2023): 271–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2023-4-271-281.

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The article, based on archival materials, considers the crimes of the Nazis and their accomplices against the civilian population living in the Donbass in 1941–1943. Based on the Acts of the Extraordinary State Commission for the identification and investigation of atrocities of the Nazi invaders and other historical sources, it analyzes the crimes of the Nazis against representatives of the Slavic, Jewish and Gypsy nationalities in the region under consideration during the Great Patriotic War. The article presents the atrocities of the nazis committed in the cities of Stalino, Makeevka, Enakievo, Mariupol, Artemovsk, Kramatorsk, also in the Gorlovsky, Avdeevsky districts of the Stalino (Donetsk) region, the cities of Voroshilovgrad, Krasny Luch of the Voroshilovgrad (Lugansk) region. Following the sources studied, the author comes to a conclusion that the Nazis and their accomplices carried out a policy of exterminating the population of Donbass during the Great Patriotic War racially motivated.
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Gemilang, Adria Vitalya. "Frank’s Criticism toward Nazism as Seen from the Lives of the Characters in The Diary of a Young Girl." PIONEER: Journal of Language and Literature 12, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36841/pioneer.v12i1.485.

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This research is analyzing a diary by Anne Frank. It tells the readers about the lives of the Jews during the Nazi occupation. The diary describes the experiences of the Jews in order to survive during Nazism. It tells how the Jews are discriminated and suffered by Nazism. Anne Frank describes their everyday life vividly and in honest way which brings the readers to understand their experiences without experience it. The objective of this research is to identify Frank’s criticism toward Nazism as seen from the lives of the characters. In order to accomplish the objectives, the library research is used since many data and theories are collected from some books. In order to analyze the problem, the writer employs the sociocultural-historical approach. It is used to identify criticism toward Nazism. The result of the analysis shows that there is Frank’s criticism toward Nazism in the description of the lives of the characters under the Nazis occupation. Through her diary, Anne Frank criticizes the discrimination, the lack of education, the hunger, the chaos and the mass killing during the reign of Nazism in the Netherlands.
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Weber, Hans. "Nazis zum Frühstück." Die Unterrichtspraxis / Teaching German 22, no. 1 (1989): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3530041.

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Wierig, Angela. "Nazis in Sicht." Kursbuch 52, no. 186 (2016): 123–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0023-5652-2016-186-123.

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Weeks, Gregory, and Peter Fritzsche. "Germans into Nazis." German Studies Review 24, no. 1 (February 2001): 208. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1433198.

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Brahm, Gabriel Noah. "Self-Hating Nazis." Telos 2021, no. 197 (2021): 167–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/1221197167.

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Ternon, Yves. "Les médecins nazis." Les Cahiers de la Shoah 9, no. 1 (April 15, 2007): 15–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lcs.009.0015.

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21

Chojnicka, Joanna. "Nazis vs. occupants." Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict 1, no. 2 (November 18, 2013): 225–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlac.1.2.05cho.

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The present article, based on approximately 50 hours of audio recordings of Latvian parliamentary sessions from 2009, is concerned with the language of ethnic conflict and competing ideologies in the debates of Saeima (the Latvian Parliament). Principles of critical textual analysis are applied to study the aggressive, offensive, and prejudicial ways in which two blocks –of native and non-native members of the Latvian Parliament– addressed, referred to, and talked about each other. The study analyzes the verbal expressions of conflict — their possible triggers, patterns of linguistic behaviour and outcomes and hopes to contribute to a better understanding of the problem of ethnic conflict and polarization in Latvia.
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Pauley, Bruce F. "Germans into Nazis." History: Reviews of New Books 28, no. 2 (January 2000): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2000.10525389.

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23

Leroux, Gilles. "Retour sur la politique «familiale» national-socialiste." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 42, no. 1 (2010): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.2010.6104.

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L’idéal familial propagé par les nationaux-socialistes devait créer l’impression que ces derniers portaient un intérêt inédit à l’institution familiale qui s’en trouvait conséquemment fortement revalorisée. En réalité, la famille n’avait pour les nazis qu’un seul intérêt : celui d’être le lieu de reproduction d’une partie de la population, en l’occurrence celle définie comme de «race aryenne». Au-delà de l’exclusion des autres familles contenue dans cette définition, l’analyse des mesures élaborées pour les familles «élues» montre qu’elles obéissaient davantage aux impératifs de la propagande qu’à une volonté d’améliorer la condition de ces familles. La politique familiale nazie, pour peu qu’elle existât, ne devait dans la pratique rien coûter à l’État.
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Seberechts, Frank. "Onderduikers en vluchtelingen na de Tweede Wereldoorlog: een nieuwe onderzoekspiste." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 67, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 55–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v67i1.12462.

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Op het einde van de Tweede Wereldoorlog slaagde een aantal nazi's en collaborateurs erin onder te duiken of de vlucht te nemen naar het buitenland. In deze bijdrage proberen we een aanzet te geven voor verder onderzoek.Volgens nazi-jager Simon Wiesenthal werd kort na de oorlog een organisatie van voormalige SS-ers opgericht, met de naam 'Odessa'. Die zorgde voor vluchtroutes en dekmantels voor voormalige nazi's. Veel harde bewijzen voor het bestaan van een dergelijk netwerk werden tot nog toe niet gevonden. Hoewel Wiesenthals versie vaak kritiekloos werd overgenomen door heel wat auteurs, rees in de voorbije jaren steeds meer twijfel.Ook in Vlaanderen doken nazi's en collaborateurs onder, of ze slaagden erin naar het buitenland (vooral Spanje, Ierland en Zuid-Amerika) te ontkomen. Bij hun onderduiken en hun vlucht konden zij rekenen op de steun van medestanders in België en in de omringende landen. Er bestonden wel degelijk ontsnappingslijnen voor ondergedoken incivieken. De ondersteuning van de onderneming werd wellicht mogelijk gemaakt door lotgenoten, sympathisanten en de katholieke kerk. Voor zover we tot nu toe konden nagaan, was er ook in België echter geen sprake van een alomvattend netwerk van steunverlening aan ondergedoken en vluchtende collaborateurs. Toch dient dit verder onderzocht. Bronnen voor verder onderzoek bevinden zich onder meer in het ADVN, het Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken en in diverse buitenlandse archieven.________Persons in hiding and fugitives after the Second World War: a new area of researchAt the end of the Second World War a number of Nazis and collaborators managed to go into hiding or take refuge abroad. In this contribution we attempt to instigate further research into this subject.According to Nazi-hunter Simon Wiesenthal an organisation of former SS members, called 'Odessa', was founded shortly after the war. It provided escape routes and covers for former Nazis. Until now not much hard evidence has been found for the existence of such a network. Although quite a few authors often repeated Wiesenthal’s version without criticism, doubts concerning these matters have increased over the past years.In Flanders Nazis and collaborators also went into hiding or managed to escape abroad (particularly to Spain, Ireland and South America). When they went into hiding or took refuge they could count on the support of their associates in Belgium and surrounding countries. There were indeed escape lines for collaborators in hiding. It is possible that the enterprise was facilitated by fellow-sufferers, sympathizers and the Catholic Church. In as far as we have been able to verify until now, however, there was no question of the existence in Belgium of a comprehensive network to assist collaborators in hiding and in flight. Yet this deserves further investigation. Sources for additional research may be found among others in the ADVN, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and in various foreign archives.
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Hett, Benjamin Carter. "“This Story Is about Something Fundamental”: Nazi Criminals, History, Memory, and the Reichstag Fire." Central European History 48, no. 2 (May 22, 2015): 199–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938915000345.

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AbstractFor more than eighty years there has been controversy about who set the fire that destroyed the plenary chamber of the Reichstag fire on the evening of February 27, 1933—thereby handing the Nazis a pretext to gut the democratic Weimar constitution through the emergency “Reichstag Fire Decree.” Since the 1960s there has been a consensus among historians that the fire was set by Marinus van der Lubbe, a twenty-four-year-old Dutch journeyman stonemason supposedly acting alone—with no Nazi involvement. Few historians, however, have been inclined to investigate the motives behind the development of this single-culprit narrative, or the reasons for its generally positive reception among postwar German historians. With the aid of newly discovered sources, this article examines the legal and political interests that have underpinned this narrative. The single-culprit narrative was developed by ex-Nazis, whereas accounts of the Reichstag fire stressing Nazi complicity came almost invariably from former resistance fighters and victims of Nazism. Postwar historians responded to these accounts in much the same way they have responded to perpetrator and victim accounts of the Holocaust: with a markedly greater preference for those of the perpetrators. This tendency has shaped the debate over the Reichstag fire in the same way it has shaped other areas of research on the Third Reich.
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LEE, MIA. "Nazis in the Middle East: Assessing Links Between Nazism and Islam." Contemporary European History 27, no. 1 (September 29, 2016): 125–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000333.

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Since the early-2000s there has been an increasing amount of research on connections between the Nazi regime and the Arab world largely spurred by scholars of Germany. One of the key contributions of this scholarship has been the argument that historic links between National Socialism and Islam, in particular the connection between National Socialist racial ideology and contemporary anti-Semitism in the Middle East, persisted into the post-war period and crucially shaped Middle Eastern politics and policies. This approach is represented in this review in the studies by Matthias Küntzel, Jeffrey Herf, Klaus-Michael Mallmann and Martin Cüppers and Barry Rubin and Wolfgang Schwanitz, who all – in various ways – suggest that there is a direct line of continuity between National Socialism, the Muslim Brotherhood and the rise of al-Qaeda. By calling attention to the role of National Socialism, these studies challenge what has hitherto been the dominant historiography of the modern Middle East, which contextualises the rise of anti-Semitism in the region within a broader analysis of Arab nationalism, anti-imperialism and anti-Zionism. The debate on the importance of National Socialism in the Arab world continues to develop. Recent books by historians David Motadel and Stefan Ihrig return the focus from the Middle East to Nazi policy in the region allowing them to place the Nazi regime within a longer history of Western misapprehensions of the ‘Muslim’ world. Placing these two approaches side by side allows us to evaluate the historical evidence of collaboration between Nazism and radical Islam and thereby assess the extent to which Nazi racial ideology penetrated the Arab world.
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Ross, Chad. "Karla Poewe.New Religions and the Nazis.:New Religions and the Nazis." American Historical Review 112, no. 2 (April 2007): 608–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.112.2.608a.

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Springer, Bernd F. W. "DEMÜTIGUNG, EHRE, HELDENGEDENKEN. DER SCHRIFTSTELLER PAUL COELESTIN ETTIGHOFFER ZWISCHEN SOLDATISCHEM NATIONALISMUS UND NATIONALSOZIALISMUS." Anuari de Filologia. Literatures Contemporànies, no. 10 (January 3, 2021): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1344/aflc2020.10.1.

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Der Artikel arbeitet auf vier verschiedenen Ebenen heraus, wie, wann und warum ein dem Ehrenkodex des alten Kaiserreiches verhafteter Veteran und Kriegsromanautor sich für die mentale Kriegsvorbereitung der Nazis einspannen ließ. Dabei wird die These aufgestellt, dass er keine spezifisch ideologische Affinität zum Nationalsozialismus aufwies, sondern dass der Veteranenkult der Nazis ein emotionales Bedürfnis bediente, das die offizielle Gedenkpolitik der Weimarer Republik vernachlässigt hatte.
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Радченко, Юрий. "Нацистская политика в отношении славян караимского вероисповедания в Крыму (1941–1944)." Ab Imperio 2023, no. 3 (2023): 77–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/imp.2023.a915229.

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SUMMARY: The article focuses on the plight of Karaite Subbotniks during the Holocaust in Nazi-occupied Ukraine. Subbotniks are known as non-Jewish followers of rabbinical Judaism, but since the late eighteenth century, a smaller community of Slavic followers of Karaism also developed. Karaites are an ancient community of Turkic speakers, mostly in Crimea, who rejected the Talmud and rabbinical teachings. The Nazis had a hard time figuring out their policy toward the Karaites, who did not fit the binary understanding of Jewishness, and Karaite Subbotniks offered an even more mind-boggling example of hybridity. Their treatment by the Nazis, which was genocidal in some instances, underscores the archaic religious nature of the self-proclaimed "scientific" racial policy of the Nazis and the lack of centralization and control in its implementation.
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Miraglia, Valentina. "Le cinéma de propagande nazie, trompette de l’apocalypse : Das Wort aus Stein (1939)." Frontières 25, no. 2 (May 9, 2014): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1024943ar.

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Das Wort aus Stein de Kurt Rupli est plus qu’un film d’anticipation. Ce moyen métrage institutionnel produit par la UFA en 1939 est l’expression d’une démesure architecturale qui fait appel au cinéma pour donner réalité aux décors de l’idéologie technocratique nazie. Das Wort aus Stein montre la nouvelle Allemagne telle qu’elle s’imagine avant d’être rasée par les bombardements ennemis qui la menacent déjà au moment du tournage. Une avalanche de pierres, présage prémonitoire du désastre, sert de générique aux projets d’Hitler. À travers l’analyse de certains passages du film, des photos de tournage, des maquettes, d’articles d’époque, ce travail développe l’apocalypse dans laquelle les plans nazis entraînent l’Europe, le peuple juif et finalement l’Allemagne.
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Delage, Christian. "L’ouverture des camps et les gestes d’attestation cinématographique des Alliés (1944-1945)." Cinémas 18, no. 1 (April 4, 2008): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/017844ar.

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Résumé Les Alliés — Russes, Américains et Britanniques — sont confrontés en 1944-1945 à la vision des camps d’extermination et de concentration nazis. Ce qu’ils entreprennent alors tient du geste documentaire de l’enregistrement filmique, mais également de la tentative d’imaginer les conditions de détention et de mise à mort des déportés. La sidération première fait place à différentes pratiques tenant d’une volonté d’attestation : la substitution (le remplacement des images nazies détruites ou inexistantes par celles des Alliés) et la confrontation directe des Allemands aux crimes commis dans les camps, par exemple. C’est, entre autres, le cas de Samuel Fuller à Falkenau, qui mène là-bas une expérimentation annonciatrice des préoccupations techniques, esthétiques et éthiques du néoréalisme italien.
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Chambers, Simone. "Is it Enough to Just Say No to Nazis? Comments on Stephen White’s A Democratic Bearing." Philosophy & Social Criticism 44, no. 2 (January 23, 2018): 121–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453717752774.

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In this paper I pose two questions for Stephen White and his aspirational model of citizenship. The first is to ask what ethical sources do citizens need to oppose the presence of Nazis in our public sphere. The second is to question White’s deep suspicion of foundationalism and theism as sources of an open and democratic bearing and indeed as sources from which we can build strong opposition to Nazis.
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Heller-Sahlgren, Gabriel, and Johan Wennström. "The Fatal Conceit: Swedish Education after Nazism." Journal of Controversial Ideas 2, no. 1 (April 29, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.35995/jci02010009.

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In the aftermath of the Second World War, Sweden dismantled an education system that was strongly influenced by German, Neo-Humanist pedagogical principles in favor of a progressive, student-centered system. This article suggests this was in large part due to a fatal misinterpretation of the education policy on which Nazism was predicated. Contrary to scholarly and popular belief, Nazi schools were not characterized by discipline and run top-down by teachers. In fact, the Nazis encouraged a nationwide youth rebellion in schools. Many Nazi leaders had themselves experienced the belligerent, child-centered war pedagogy of 1914–1918 rather than a traditional German education. Yet, Swedish school reformers came to regard Neo-Humanism as a fulcrum of the Third Reich. The article suggests this mistake paved the way for a school system that inadvertently came to share certain traits with the true educational credo of Nazism and likely contributed to Sweden’s recent educational decline.
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Tall, Boaz. "Sądzenie tych którzy nie mogą być sądzeni – procesy kolaborantów w Izraelu." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 2 (December 2, 2006): 99–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.182.

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As part of the purification and self-cleansing atmosphere in the newly liberated countries of Europe following the end of World War II, dozens of Jews were put on trial for their actions during the war, and some were even convicted. This dispensation of justice did not pass by the young Jewish state. In 1950, the "Nazis and Nazi Collaborators (Punishment) Law, 5710-1950" was passed in Israel. Although the law was supposedly intended to bring to justice Nazis, in fact the majority of defendants were Jews. Until the beginning of the 1960s, close to 40 Jewish survivors of the holocaust who were accused of collaboration with the Nazis, were put on trial under this law. Most of them had been prisoners with special duties in Nazi camps, which were known by the collective name, "Kapo".
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Sergeenkova, I. F. "THE PROBLEM OF RELATIONS BETWEEN BIG BUSINESS AND NAZISM IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 100–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-1-100-119.

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The article presents an analysis of the works of American and English historians devoted to one of the key problems in the history of Nazism - the problem of relations between the NSDAP and big business during the Weimar Republic. The collapse of the first democratic republic and the rise of the Nazis to power were a great tragedy for world history. What forces destroyed the Weimar Republic, and who is responsible for it, this question has always aroused the interest of historians. The literature on this topic is very large, so the main attention is paid to the works of the most famous American and English specialists. The article traces the evolution of historians' assessments of the role of the monopolistic bourgeoisie for the rise of the Nazis to power from the 1930s to the present day, highlights the stages in the development of American and English historiography, due to the change of research paradigms and generations of historians. Most American and British historians reject the definition of fascism given at the XIII Plenum of the ECCI on fascism as an open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of financial capital. However, in most of the works, the responsibility of the business elite for the collapse of the Weimar Republic is more or less recognized. The article draws conclusions about the prospects and directions of further study of this problem.
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36

Bassey, Alessandra. "Shylock and the Nazis." European Judaism 51, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 152–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2018.510221.

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Abstract This article gives due and extended attention to the performance in 1943 of The Merchant of Venice in Vienna, examining the ways in which Shylock was portrayed and potentially misused for propagandistic purposes by the regime. The approach will be both primarily analytical and comparative. Archival material sourced from the theatre museum in Vienna (Theatermuseum) and the Burgtheater will form the base of this research. The question ‘How was Shylock performed under the Nazis?’ will be accompanied by ‘To what extent was the play modified?’ and ‘How does the infamous Vienna production differ from previous, celebrated productions?’ Considering that Merchant is a play which, up until today, often upsets audiences, analysing a Nazi performance might seem too crude an endeavour. This article, however, aims to demonstrate that no matter how painful or uncomfortable a topic may be, ‘Erinnern macht frei’ – remembrance can set you free (Marko Watt).
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Ritchie, J. M., and John London. "Theatre under the Nazis." Modern Language Review 97, no. 2 (April 2002): 502. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3736964.

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38

Bassey, Alessandra. "Shylock and the Nazis." European Judaism 51, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 152–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2017.510221.

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This article gives due and extended attention to the performance in 1943 of The Merchant of Venice in Vienna, examining the ways in which Shylock was portrayed and potentially misused for propagandistic purposes by the regime. The approach will be both primarily analytical and comparative. Archival material sourced from the theatre museum in Vienna (Theatermuseum) and the Burgtheater will form the base of this research. The question ‘How was Shylock performed under the Nazis?’ will be accompanied by ‘To what extent was the play modified?’ and ‘How does the infamous Vienna production differ from previous, celebrated productions?’ Considering that Merchant is a play which, up until today, often upsets audiences, analysing a Nazi performance might seem too crude an endeavour. This article, however, aims to demonstrate that no matter how painful or uncomfortable a topic may be, ‘Erinnern macht frei’ – remembrance can set you free (Marko Watt).
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39

Bochow, Jorg, and John London. "Theatre under the Nazis." German Studies Review 25, no. 3 (October 2002): 629. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432641.

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40

Ternon, Yves. "Médecine et crimes nazis." Vingtième Siècle, revue d'histoire 22, no. 1 (1989): 147–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/xxs.1989.2142.

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41

Meier, Horst. "„Kein Bett für Nazis“?" Recht und Politik 56, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 526–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/rup.56.4.526.

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„Alle Menschen sind vor dem Gesetz gleich“ – dieser allgemeine Gleichheitssatz gehört seit der amerikanischen und französischen Revolution zum Traditionsbestand der modernen Verfassungen, und er galt auch für dieWeimarer Reichsverfassung von 1919. Das Grundgesetz von 1949 knüpfte daran an, ging aber einen Schritt weiter. „Niemand“, heißt es dort in Art. 3 Abs. 3, „darf wegen seiner politischen Anschauungen benachteiligt oder bevorzugt werden“. Das ausdrückliche Verbot der politischen Diskriminierung ist eine Reaktion auf die Entrechtungspolitik, die das Naziregime gegen Andersdenkende betrieb. Mit dem Grundgesetz – das in Kraft treten konnte, weil die Alliierten Nazideutschland besiegt hatten –, wollte man jegliche Form von Willkür und Benachteiligung beenden.
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Fritzsche, Ulrich. "Nazis and Animal Protection." Anthrozoös 5, no. 4 (December 1992): 218–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2752/089279392787011296.

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Ternon, Yves. "Medecine et crimes nazis." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 22 (April 1989): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3769272.

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Magilow, Daniel H., and Sanford L. Segal. "Mathematicians under the Nazis." German Studies Review 27, no. 3 (October 2004): 644. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4141017.

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Rowe, David E., and Sanford L. Segal. "Mathematicians under the Nazis." American Mathematical Monthly 112, no. 4 (April 1, 2005): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30037487.

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46

Brenner, Lenni. "Nazis, Zionists, and Arabs." Journal of Palestine Studies 16, no. 1 (1986): 143–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537031.

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47

Polt, Richard. "Heidegger and the Nazis." Philosophers' Magazine, no. 14 (2001): 39–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tpm200114137.

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48

Miller, Cynthia J. "Nazis and the Cinema." History: Reviews of New Books 36, no. 1 (September 2007): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2007.10527161.

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Miller, Cynthia J. "Nazis and the Cinema." History: Reviews of New Books 36, no. 2 (January 2008): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2008.10527194.

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50

Alexander, Michael. "Nazis in Newark (review)." Jewish Quarterly Review 95, no. 2 (2005): 418–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2005.0047.

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