Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Ned Levitt'

Warfare in the New Kingdom has been described as a revolution in military organisation. For the first time in Egyptian history, New Kingdom armies were composed of full-time soldiers that were coordinated on a state scale. The motivation for this change is thought to have originated in the wars with the Hyksos and maintained its momentum throughout the 19th and early 20th dynasties. Many scholars have argued that the introduction of the chariot, scale armour and composite bow (the ‘tripartite association’) enabled the Egyptians to transform themselves into a cohesive military power which held a tactical advantage over their Canaanite neighbours. As a result, previous studies have tended to focus on weaponry to explain how Egypt was able to conduct campaigns and maintain political control in the Levant. This thesis illustrates that the logistical component of New Kingdom Egyptian military gave the Egyptians an advantage over their geographic northern neighbours; examining the constraints they faced in trying to meet their territorial goals. By utilising archaeological data from fortresses along the overland route to the Levant (the eastern Delta, north Sinai and southern Levant), it can be demonstrated that the military relied upon logistical support to expand Egyptian influence to its greatest extent. This strategy relied upon rapid deployment, communications and the acquisition of supplies from either vassals or Egyptian-held centres in the Levant. By utilising modern medical and veterinarian data, it investigates how physical limitations would have impacted the Egyptian military’s capabilities. Furthermore, this study refutes the idea that the New Kingdom Egyptians held a technological advantage over their Levantine vassals. It can be demonstrated there was an ‘internationalism of arms’ during the New Kingdom/Late Bronze Age (LBA) throughout the Near East. In order to explain why the New Kingdom Egyptians became a dominant political power, this research considers numerous factors in addition to military equipment.

Durant la période pharaonique, l’Etat égyptien pris le contrôle du Levant à deux reprises, dès la période prédynastique et au Nouvel Empire. Le premier temps d’occupation égyptienne est connu par des traces archéologiques qui plaident pour un intérêt économique. L’Egypte y installe des colonies et gère en direct ces zones où les colons présents vivent largement séparés des populations locales.Le Nouvel Empire voit apparaître de nouvelles solutions. Le Levant ne connaît plus de colonisation ; les objectifs égyptiens ont changé. L’exploitation économique de la région est désormais une conséquence de l’occupation. La présence égyptienne revêt alors une valeur stratégique. La constitution d’une zone tampon séparant l’Egypte de ses principaux compétiteurs septentrionaux devait limiter leurs propres velléités stratégiques ou économiques.C’est bien la sécurité de l’Egypte qui est en jeu et qui dicte son comportement dans cette région ; un comportement au seul profit de l’Egypte qui ne fait aucun effort visant à permettre l’intégration a posteriori de quelque manière que ce soit de cette région dans un vaste système égyptien comme c’est apparemment le cas avec la Basse Nubie et comme on pourrait l’attendre d’un empire en cours de constitution.Il apparaît que sa gestion ne vise qu’une efficacité à court terme, sensible aux évolutions extérieures. Néanmoins la fin du Nouvel Empire est une lente dégradation de sa situation au Levant, peut-être parce que les menaces à l’origine de sa présence diminuent. La dernière réaction notable de l’Egypte est de contrecarrer l’avancée des Peuples de la mer, non pour restaurer un empire perdu au Levant, mais parce qu’encore une fois ils menacent l’intégrité territoriale de l’Egypte même
During the Pharaonic period, the Egyptian State took the control of the Levant twice, as soon as the predynastic period and in the New Kingdom. This first example of Egyptian occupation is known by archaeological traces which plead for an economic interest. Egypt settles colonies to control these zones directly where the Egyptian inhabitants live widely separated from the local populations.In the New Kingdom new solutions appear. The Levant knows no more colonisation; Egyptian goals have changed. The economic exploitation of the region is in fact a consequence of its occupation. The Egyptian presence acquires then a strategical value. The constitution of an exclusive zone of control separating Egypt from its main northern opponents was aimed at limiting their own strategical or economic ambitions.It is the security of Egypt that is in balance and dictates its behaviour in this region; a behaviour in the sole benefit of Egypt who makes no effort aiming at allowing an integration of any kind of this region in a large Egyptian system as it is obviously the case with Lower Nubia and as it would be expected from an empire whose constitution is still in progress.It appears that its management aims only at a short-term effectiveness, influenced by external evolutions. Nevertheless the end of the New Kingdom is a slow deterioration of its situation in the Levant, perhaps because threats at the beginning of its presence are decreasing. The last noteworthy reaction of Egypt is to thwart the advance of the People of the Sea, not to restore a lost eastern empire, but only because once again the territorial integrity of Egypt is threatened

Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 25, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 54-62).

Cette recherche vise à comprendre de quelle manière l’exploitation des sites du Net participatif et de leur dimension sociale peut favoriser les apprentissages en classe de langue. Notre recherche s’appuie sur deux expériences de terrain réalisées auprès de deux publics différents, un public en FLE en 2012 et en 2013, à l’Alliance française Paris Île-de-France, et un public faiblement ou non scolarisé, en 2014, aux Cours Municipaux pour Adultes de la Ville de Paris, en post-alphabétisation. Dans une approche sociocritique, nous avons analysé des dispositifs pédagogiques dans lesquels les apprenants ont posté des messages sur des forums de discussion, des avis et des commentaires sur différents sites dont TripAdvisor, YouTube, Doctissimo, Le Parisien. Essentiellement qualitative, notre analyse a tout particulièrement interrogé la prise en compte de la dimension interactionnelle et sociale du Net participatif qui est sa caractéristique et son avantage principal. L’expérience en FLE nous a permis, en adoptant une approche émique, de repérer un certain nombre de conditions, favorables et défavorables, à l’intégration du Net participatif en classe de langue, de montrer le rôle déterminant de la culture d’usage dans l’appropriation de l’outil par les apprenants et de mettre en avant les notions de besoin et d’utilité de la tâche. À partir de ces conclusions, nous montrons qu’en post-alphabétisation les sites du Net participatif utilisés semblent avoir répondu aux besoins des apprenants faiblement ou non scolarisés. Grâce à la socialisation des écrits qu’il permet, et à l’engouement certain qu’il suscite chez ce public, le Web participatif, crée un effet d’entraînement dans les tâches de lecture-écriture. Nous émettons l’hypothèse que l’hybridité entre oral et écrit et entre langage et action des messages de forums de discussion et des sections commentaires lève certaines inhibitions généralement constatées chez ce public et facilite le processus d’écriture. Ainsi, nous avons repéré sur ce deuxième terrain le potentiel du Net participatif en tant que levier d’acquisition de la littératie traditionnelle et numérique chez un public en insécurité scripturale, et examiné les liens synergiques qui peuvent se créer entre ces deux littératies. Nous dégageons l’intérêt heuristique que présente le Net participatif dans les tâches de lecture-écriture, quel que soit le public, et nous montrons les avantages d’une démarche centrée sur l’apprenant
The aim of this research was to understand and evaluate the use of some sites of the participative web, viewed in their social dimension, to meet the learning needs of learners in language courses. Our study was based on two field experiments conducted on two different types of audiences, one in 2012 and 2013 with French as a Foreign Language (FFL) students at the Alliance française Paris Île-de-France, and another in 2014 with learners with low levels of education at the Cours Municipaux d’Adultes de la Ville de Paris (adult training provider of the City of Paris) in a post–literacy programme. Following a sociocritical approach, we worked on case-based scenarios in which learners were asked to post messages on discussion forums and in the comments section of online magazines on websites such as TripAdvisor, YouTube, Doctissimo and Le Parisien. In a qualitative analysis, we took into account the interactional and social dimensions of the Web 2.0 which are its distinctive features and main advantages. In FFL our experiment enabled us, through an emic approach, to pinpoint some conditions necessary for the effective use of the participative web in language courses, to show the decisive role of culture of use in tool appropriation and to underline the two notions of need and purpose. Our first results led us to show in a second experiment that in post-literacy programmes, the participative websites seemed to answer the needs of learners with low levels of education. Socialization of writing skills and the keen interest these tools arouse in this type of audience were the main factors of improved achievements. The fact that the participative web seemed to improve the performance of reading and writing tasks leads us to formulate the hypothesis that the hybridization of written and oral languages and of language and action found in discussion forum messages and comments section frees this second type of learners from some of the anxieties generally observed at a low education level and helps the writing process. We suggest from our findings that the participative web is a potential lever for the acquisition of traditional and digital literacies in learners with writing skill insecurities, and examine the synergies that could be created in the acquisition of these two literacies. We look into the heuristic value of the participative web in writing-reading skills, regardless of the learner's level of education, and we discuss the benefits of a learner-centered approach

Orientador: Maria Suely Kofes
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T10:20:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dias_AdrianaAbreuMagalhaes_M.pdf: 5397738 bytes, checksum: 8753af9a4da3efc95e5b7c1c3b47492d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007
Resumo: Esta pesquisa busca apreender o universo simbólico das URLs racistas, revisionistas e neonazistas na Internet. O propósito da investigação é, por meio da observação etnográfica das práticas e representações discursivas expostas em sites, portais, comunidades, fóruns, chats e listas de discussão, que abordam este tema, compreender que tipo de relação se constrói entre o espaço digital e a defesa da idéia de "raça ariana", realizada por meus "nativos". Como foco privilegiei os aspectos simbólicos que melhor evidenciam a interface entre estas duas dimensões, por meio da pesquisa empírica e do exercício teórico. A partir deste recorte, emergiram algumas perspectivas relevantes na construção identitária que o racista desenvolve para si e para o outro, tais como as marcas genômicas e mitológicas evidentes em seu discurso, as redefinições da fronteira entre digitalidade e realidade e a luta política "dos arianos", na WEB. O argumento central resultante da pesquisa é de que o neonazismo interpreta simbolicamente o mundo contemporâneo, nos sites analisados, articulando mitos, narrativas e rituais. Neste processo, evidencia-se a elaboração de uma forma específica de identidade: o ¿teutonismo¿
Abstract: This research attempts to apprehend the symbolic universe of racist, revisionist and neonazi pages in the Internet. The aim of the investigation is to understand what kind of relationship is built between the digital space and the defense of the idea of an "Aryan race" attempted by my 'natives¿. This is done by means of ethnographic observation of practices and discoursive representations posted at sites, forums, communities, chats and discussion lists. I focus on those symbolics aspects that highlight best the interface between digital space and racism, by means of both empirical research and theoretical exercise. From this vantage point, some features of the identitary construction developed by racists for themselves and for others were made visible, namely, the genomic and mythic marks of their discourse, the redefinition of the frontiers between digital world and reality, and the ¿aryan¿ political struggle in the WEB. The main argument resulting from this research is that the neonazism interprets symbolically the contemporary world by articulating myths, narratives e rituals. Along this process, a specific way of identity is manifested: the ¿teutonicism¿
Mestrado
Antropologia Social
Mestre em Antropologia Social

This thesis The Failure of the New Left in the US: The Case of SDS analyzes the causes and reasons of the failure of the New Left in the United States. The left-leaning students who were discontent with the social order and reality of the country gathered under the idea of participatory democracy in a group called Students for a Democratic Society. Their aim was to change and improve the system through universities being agents of social change, thus making a clear difference with the Old Left. The worker no longer stood in the center of social progress, but the student did. SDS promptly plunged into several burning issues of the era, such as civil rights movement and inferior position of the blacks and poor in the society. The Vietnam War and antiwar protest movement have also been great issues in which SDSers directed their energy. As the Vietnam War escalated in terms of American soldiers being sent overseas, the intensity of student protests grew as well. Inevitably SDS resorted to usage of violent means of expressing dissent and clashed with the forces of the establishment. The thesis seeks to answer what reasons, events and realities led them to finally adopting revolutionary Marxism as their flag ideology. Soon after that SDS broke up and its once great influence waned away.

The topic of the diploma thesis is a comparison of the old and new left in the Czech Republic. The diploma thesis focuses on a comparison of the selected relevant left-wing political groups operating in the Czech Republic. The thesis examines differences and similarities between the KSČM, the socialist wing of ČSSD on one side and the Green Party and the left-liberal tendencies and offshoots of the ČSSD (such Idealists) on the other hand. The work is divided into three main parts. The first part of the thesis is theoretical. The theoretical part defines main terms such as a political party, political movement, left-right axis of the political spectrum, the old left, the new left etc. The explanation of the terms is very important for understanding the thesis. In the second part of this thesis, I analyze single significant and relevant political parties. I focus on the origin and development of political parties and their electoral program, their attitude to selected issues, electorate, potential cooperation between themselves and so on. The third part is comparative. The goal of this thesis is to find out whether the analyzed political parties fulfill leftist characteristic. Next goal of this thesis is to find out whether the classification on left-right axis of the political spectrum is still...

The 1960s counterculture had a huge impact on American society and questioned many of the American values in order to replace them with their own ideas. Even thought the first trace of youth's revolt against the older generation appeared in the 1950s, it was in the 1960s when the young generation fully rose up and started to fight for their goals. The 1960s counterculture can be divided into two parts, the New Left and the hippies, which both comprised of many different groups and organizations, among them for example the Black Panthers, the Weatherman, Students for a Democratic Society or Vietnam Veterans Against the War. These organizations engaged in many different issues like a civil rights movement or an antiwar movement. The tool for spreading countercultural values was an art - until nowadays countercultural impact is still visible especially in music. Even thought the countercultural movement gradually became radical and in the end of the 1960s split up, its impact on American society is undeniable in some issues such as drug use, perception of sexuality or questioning authorities.

The submitted thesis deals with the issue of left-wing extremism, especially the development of Trotskyist groups in the territory of Czechoslovakia, later the Czech Republic between the years 1989 - 2014. In the first part of the thesis, the background of Trotskyism thought is introduced as an ideology which is the result of a long-standing conflict between Trotsky and Stalin that was primarily concerned with direction, leadership and the nature of the Soviet Union. The main topics of Trotskyism as the intellectual movement are defined on the base of the analysis of several major writings by L. D. Trotsky. The second part is devoted to the analysis of a number of Trotskyist organizations that are acting or have acted in the Czech environment. In total, four groups from the Czech environment can be identified as Trotskyist. These are the following entities: "Budoucnost" ("Socialist Alternative Future"), "Socialistická solidarita" ("Socialist Solidarity"), "Socialistická organizace pracujících" ("Socialist Organization of Working People"), and "Nová antikapitalistická levice/Levá perspektiva" ("New Anti- Capitalist Left/Left Perspective"). This thesis is an analysis of the development of these groups, of their requirements and program principles, and of the events which these groups participated in during...

The left-wing terrorism in Italy in the 1970s and the Red brigades as its most significant symptom resulted in the long-term view from the fight between the partisans and the fascists in the Second World War and from the short-term view from the students' and labourers' protests in the end of 1960s. The Red brigades were founded in 1970 and were composed mainly by students from Trento (Curcio, Cagol), communists from Reggio Emilia (Franceschini, Gallinari) and labourers from Milano (Moretti). They began in the first years of their functioning with agitation in the factories, burning the cars of the high managers and kidnapping. The thesis follows gradual radicalisation of the group and the change of their aims - from this moment on mostly politicians, judges, state magistrates. The transformation of the Red brigades related to the personal changes in the leadership - after Curcio and Franceschini were arrested and Cagol killed, radical Moretti became very influential. The organisation under his leadership started to kill intentionally its victims and the wave of brutal attacks culminated in the spring 1978 in kidnapping and murder of former Prime Minister Aldo Moro. The Red brigades however became strongly socially isolated and several ideological differences among the members of the administration...

In the submitted thesis the author focuses on the rising popularity of extremist political parties in the Czech Republic. The popularity growth of extremist political parties in the Czech Republic is proven by election results in recent years. Right-wing extremists{\crq} ``combat power{\crqq} growth is closely connected with the increasing number of their followers. Regional elections in 2008, in which the Labour Party achieved almost 29 thousand votes, which represents eight times more than the party had achieved in the previous elections in 2004, can be a proof of that. What is more, this party achieved 1.07% votes in the European Parliament elections and it surpassed the limit which is necessary for the state subsidy requisition. In the Theoretical Part the author deals with definitions of basic terms ``extreme{\crqq} and ``radical{\crqq}. Then he deals with the theoretical division of the political scene, from both the current point of view and the historical point of view, into the rights and the lefts. Then he attends to some terms which are closely associated with extremism, such as: nationalism, anti-Semitism and racism. In the Conclusion of the Theoretical Part the author focuses on the far rights and the far lefts. He pays attention to both the current representatives and to their predecessors of those extreme lines. In the Practical Part the author sets his targets and defines hypotheses and he also attends to the used research procedure there. The research was made via questionnaire investigations. Questions were focused on people{\crq}s opinions which are related to inadaptable citizens and extremism. There were also some questions which were focused on activities of those parties in the above mentioned fields, regarding the inadaptable citizens and extremism, which have their members in the Parliament of the Czech Republic. In the Practical part of the thesis the author also evaluates the observed results in light of respondents{\crq} achieved level of education. In the Discussion of the thesis the author compares the observed data with the knowledge of experts. He also focuses on divergent opinions of asked respondents, in connection with their achieved level of education. The thesis and the observed results could be used by general public interested in extremism in the Czech Republic. Besides, the thesis and the observed results could be used as a source of information to improve general knowledge about the scene of extremism and about the problems pertaining to the scene in the Czech Republic.

This thesis aims to investigate and discuss the conceptual and operational contexts of innovative approaches in the design of multi residential housing in Turkey over three selected cases. Flexibility, as an inclusive concept that encompasses adaptability and typological variety, is used to structure the framework of the discussion. The inquiry is based on the idea that flexibility and the associated concepts can be used to develop, in N. John Habraken&rsquo
s words, &ldquo
a new and challenging kind of architecture&rdquo
in the context of multi residential housing. The housing blocks designed by Ahmet Gü
lgö
nen in Eryaman 3rd Stage, and those designed by Tuncay Ç
avdar in the same stage, and Levent Loft 1 project designed by Tabanlioglu Architects are selected as cases. These projects advocate flexibility and also exemplify an innovative approach to design. The thesis introduces a conceptual framework that allows dealing with flexibility in the housing context, and then evaluates the selected cases by means of this conceptual framework.

The dissertation thesis concerns with the issue of the left-wing terrorism in Italy and Federal Republic of Germany in the 1970s. The chosen topic is approached using the methods of transnational studies, which have been thus far applied only exceptionally in the relation to this phenomenon, despite the numerous parallels in different countries. The focus of the research lies in the analysis of the German-Italian terrorist network as a whole, the contacts between the organizations and mutual influence. The direct and indirect comparison of the cooperating terrorist organizations is also a substantial part of the thesis. The protest movement, which spread at the end of the 1960s and from which emerged the future terrorist groups as its most radical branches, was an important transnational phenomenon itself. The first chapter concerns with the analysis of this movement, emphasizing the reasons of its inception and its stances on political violence. The student and worker aspects of the movement are introduced, as well as older roots in the anti-fascist resistance or in the work of the Marxist authors. The thesis finds a special inspiration for the radicalizing Left in the events in the Third World. The thesis further examines the individual terrorist groups, chosen according to their importance and relevance...

This essay describes the radicalization of the Greek society and the rise of the political extremism in Greece in the period of 2000-2012. In this time important changes could have been observed in the Greek political scene and in the society which were linked to the polarization of the electorate and the growth of populism, nationalism, euroscepticism, xenophobia and racism. As a result of modernizing efforts of Constantinos Simitis cabinet (1996-2004), which were related to the Greek ambition to become fully-fledged member of the EU and the Eurozone, under the influence of globalization, immigration crisis and finally the recent slump of the Greek economy, a new social conflict emerged in Greece. This essay analyzes these problems from the perspective of the cleavages theory by Seymour M. Lipset and Stein Rokkan and tries to find social and political roots of such conflict. The radicalization of the Greek society between 2000 and 2012 does not represent a new phenomenon, but is is a continuation of long-term ideological clashes present in the Greek social reality since the World WarI. After identifying the main cleavages in interwar and postwar period the essay identifies the main conflict of Greece after the fall of junta in 1974. Afterwards it confronts the new political issues of the period 2000-2012...

Bibliography: leaves 289-298
Source-criticism of the Pentateuch suggests that the priests (Source P) alone authored the Holiness Code – the premise being that Source P forms one religious, literate and elite group of several. Through the endeavor to redefine Israelite identity during the Neo-Babylonian Empire of 626–539 BCE and the Achaemenid Persian Empire of 550–330 BCE, various ideologies of Israelite identity were produced by various religious, literate and elite groups. Possibly, the Holiness Code functions as the compromise reached between two such groups, these being: the Shaphanites, and the Zadokites. Moreover, the Holiness Code functions as the basis for the agreed identity of Israel as seen by the Shaphanites and the Zadokites. Specifically, in Leviticus 19:1-19a – as being the Levitical decalogue of the Holiness Code, and which forms the emphasis of this thesis – both Shaphanite and Zadokite ideologies are expressed therein. The Shaphanite ideology is expressed through the Mosaic tradition: i.e., through the Law; and the Zadokite ideology is expressed through the Aaronide tradition: i.e., through the Cult. In the debate between the supremacy of the Law, or the Cult – i.e., Moses or Aaron – the ancient Near Eastern convention of the ‘rivalry between brothers’ is masterfully negotiated in Leviticus 19:1-19a.
Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern Studies
D. Phil. (Old Testament)