Academic literature on the topic 'Nee, Watchman'

Indigenous Chinese preacher Watchman Nee is considered to have had the greatest theological influence on China’s vibrant house church movement, yet there are few studies detailing his influence on church practices. This paper analyzes the writings of Watchman Nee and other Local Church members to show how Nee contextualized the message of Western missionaries to China, using subaltern strategies of returning to scriptural fundamentals and reducing the scale of organization and worship. He divested mission Christianity of its hegemonic trappings and created flexible Christian practices, which take place in the ‘divine and mystical realm,’ out of reach from ‘worldly’ power structures.

The article discusses the pneumatology of Watchman Nee and the five questions raised by it. First, does the NT distinguish between being ‘filled with the Holy Spirit’ and being ‘full of the Holy Spirit’ in terms of duration (shorter versus longer period of time) and function (power for ministry versus spiritual maturity and life)? Second, does the NT distinguish between the outpoured Spirit (the Spirit coming ‘upon’ a person) and the indwelling Spirit (the Spirit entering ‘into’ and dwelling ‘in’ a person)? Third, does the NT more or less equate baptism in the Holy Spirit with being ‘filled with the Holy Spirit’? Fourth, are there two comings of the Holy Spirit, one at Easter (John 20:22) and the other at Pentecost (Acts 2:1-42)? Fifth, does the NT distinguish the Spirit as an influence (giving converts new life) and the Spirit as a person (enabling believers to enter into a deeper and more Spirit-filled life)? The article concludes that while there are indeed differences between the various phrases, they are not of the kind specified by Nee. More importantly, there are not two comings of the Spirit in the NT.

The experience of Watchman Nee (Ni Tuosheng) and the Christian Assembly (Jidutu juhuichu or Jidutu juhuisuo) in Mainland China after the Communist Revolution of 1949 reveals the complexity of church and state relations in the early 1950s. Widely known in the West as the Little Flock (Xiaoqun), the Christian Assembly, founded by Watchman Nee, was one of the fastest growing native Protestant movements in China during the early twentieth century. It was not created by a foreign missionary enterprise. Nor was it based on the Anglo-American Protestant denominational model. And its rapid development fitted well with an indigenous development called the Three-Self Movement, in which Chinese Christians created self-supporting, selfgoverning, and self-propagating churches. But it did not share the highly politicized anti-imperialist rhetoric of another Three-Self Movement, the Communist-initiated “Three-Self Patriotic Movement” (sanzi aiguo yundong): self-rule autonomous from foreign missionary and imperialist control, financial self-support without foreign donations, and self-preaching independent of any Christian missionary influences. As the overarching organization of the one-party state, the Three-Self Patriotic Movement sought to ensure that all Chinese Protestant congregations would submit to the socialist ideology.

This article will examine aspects of Watchman Nee's interactions with British churches and missions during the 1920s and 1930s. It will argue that, rather than simply appropriating and adapting Christianity for a Chinese context, as has been claimed, a more complex exchange was taking place. In particular, Nee was seeking to develop churches in China on a primitivist basis – that is, using the New Testament as a model for church forms and practices. In this, he was drawing inspiration from the Christian (or Plymouth) Brethren, a radical evangelical group that had emerged in Britain during the nineteenth century. For a number of reasons, the significance of Nee's primitivism has been played down, both by his admirers in the West and by historians. However, it was a vital factor in the success of his movement and gave an important impetus to the spread of Christianity in China during the twentieth century.

AbstractThe majority of Chinese Christians can be considered to be theologically conservative. One distinctive feature of conservative theology is Biblicism, according to which Scripture occupies a central role. The Reformation principle of sola scriptura legitimises this conservative stance and calls for a stern application of this principle. As Biblicists, they are discontented with the ‘unbiblical’ practices and ministries of missionaries. On the other hand, missionaries have put forward the Union Version translation project on the basis of the principle of sola scriptura. This article investigates how Watchman Nee (1903–72) and Wang Mingdao (1900–91) were discursively influenced by the missionaries’ Union Version Bible translation project through their different understandings of sola scriptura. For missionaries, sola scriptura required the translation of a faithful and popular Chinese Bible, and Mandarin was deemed an appropriate language for the task. While Nee and Wang did not appreciate the missionary enterprise, for sola scriptura they valued the Chinese Union Version as an outstanding and up-to-date translation of the Scripture. For Nee and Wang, sola scriptura was not only a translation principle, but also a principle underpinning religious life. Conservative Christians’ devotional practice emphasises the memorising of biblical texts and verbalising them throughout the day. This practice resulted in the Union Version, which is written in eloquent modern Chinese, becoming an integral part of Chinese Christian practice rather than a mere translation. Though Nee and Wang accused missionaries of having betrayed the Reformation principle, they were still under its influence thanks to the Chinese Union Version Bible. Also, their teaching on biblical reading had similarities with the medieval monastic practice of lectio divina. In this sense, the Chinese Union Version Bible reveals an interesting integration of Chinese conservative Christian faith, missionary enterprise, sola scriptura, and a monastic style of spiritual practice within the Chinese Church.

Worldwide followers of the late Chinese Christian reformers Watchman Nee and Witness Lee share a central concern with human-divine ‘oneness’, but there are different understandings in different localities about how such oneness works. I utilize one such difference by analyzing group unity in Euro-America using Taiwanese understandings of oneness, which involve things (selfsame unities) but not relations. Experimenting with Dumontian, Strathernian, and object-oriented anthropologies, I show that anthropological analysis is currently possible (a) by emphasizing things, (b) by emphasizing relations, and (c) entirely without relations. Anthropology entirely without things, however, has not yet been achieved. I conclude by suggesting reasons why we might want to attain this final possibility in our approach to things and/or relations.

Abstract Worldwide followers of the late Chinese Christian reformers Watchman Nee and Witness Lee share a central concern with human-divine ‘oneness’, but there are different understandings in different localities about how such oneness works. I utilize one such difference by analyzing group unity in Euro-America using Taiwanese understandings of oneness, which involve things (selfsame unities) but not relations. Experimenting with Dumontian, Strathernian, and object-oriented anthropologies, I show that anthropological analysis is currently possible (a) by emphasizing things, (b) by emphasizing relations, and (c) entirely without relations. Anthropology entirely without things, however, has not yet been achieved. I conclude by suggesting reasons why we might want to attain this final possibility in our approach to things and/or relations.

The persecution of Chinese Christians after the outbreak of the Korean War raised important questions about faith and politics in a state-centric society. This article examines the experience and memory of three Protestant religious prisoners in the Maoist era: Watchman Nee (Ni Tuosheng 倪柝声), who founded the Christian Assembly (jidutu juhuichu基督徒聚会处) or Little Flock (xiaoqun小群) in early twentieth-century China; Epaphras Wu (Wu Weizun 吳维僔), an active Little Flock member; and Robert Huang (Huang Zhaojian 黃兆坚), who organized Seventh-Day Adventist activities in 1950s Shanghai. The persecution stories of these religious leaders entered Chinese Christian hagiography, providing Chinese Christians with a shared cultural resource that transcended denominational and theological differences. Central to my investigation are questions about how Christians reacted to Maoism, how they came to terms with the traumatizing experience of incarceration as part of a broader life struggle, and how Chinese churches made sense of these persecution narratives to assert their faith and agency. A closer look at the history of these religious prisoners enables us to capture faith-based resistance at an individual level, and to contextualize the particularities of each persecution in the Maoist period.朝鲜战争爆发之后，对基督徒的迫害在中国这样一个国家主导的社会里是一个严重的信仰与政治问题。本文探究了毛泽东时代三位基督新教徒囚犯的经历与回忆。第一位是倪柝声，二十世纪早期中国基督徒聚会处或小群的创始人；吴维僔，一位活跃的小群信徒；以及黄兆坚，50年代上海基督复临安息日会活动的组织者。这三位基督徒领袖受迫害的故事纳入了中国基督徒的圣人史，为中国基督徒提供了超越宗派神学差异的共享文化资源。本文的核心问题是，这些基督徒如何应对毛泽东思想，他们如何忍受漫长的囚禁生涯，以及中国教会如何理解这些事迹以维护其信仰与教会。深入分析这些被囚基督徒的历史能帮助我们捕捉个人层面以信仰为根基的反抗，以及理解毛时期每个逼迫案例的独特性。

This dissertation is an intervention into the ongoing revisions of Gerard Genette’s concept of paratexts. Increasingly used in discussions of artifacts other than the literary novels that were Genette’s object of attention, the concept of paratexts has given rise to intense debates regarding the nature and functions of paratextual elements across media. One area of contestation is the relation of paratext to narrative. While Genette’s original paradigm complicates the possibility of a narrative paratext, I show that the liminal zones usually occupied by paratexts—what I call paratextual space—are commonly used for narrative purposes, particularly as popular narratives extend across media. In this dissertation, I analyze the different embodiments of Watchmen with a focus on such a use of paratextual spaces. I argue that studies of narratives presented in these spaces—what I refer to as paratextual narratives—will not only shed light on these narrative strategies, but also give new insights into how popular narratives extend across new media platforms. My first analytical chapter concerns the material that frames the Watchmen graphic narrative, and its roots in the media specific history and paratextual phenomenon known as lettercols. I show how this paratextual space was repurposed in the creation of Watchmen to present narrative material that worked to establish and augment the history of the storyworld and the characters presented in the graphic narrative of the Watchmen comics. I argue that the functions of these materials are influenced by the tradition established by the lettercols and the paratextual spaces in which they are situated. In my second analytical chapter I turn to the Watchmen adaptation, focusing in particular on the digital narratives framing the cinematic premiere of the film. I show how the paratextual nature of these materials occluded their narrative functions, causing them to be excluded from what is regarded the adaptation of Watchmen. I argue that the materials framing the Watchmen film are paratextual narratives that should be seen as integral parts of the Watchmen adaptation. In my conclusion I address the Watchmen prequel-series Before Watchmen and raise questions regarding how paratextual narratives function for media franchising.

This thesis examines three cases of fatal police-involved killings of black men in order to understand the significance and value of citizen journalism. Citizen journalism, journalism that is produced by ordinary people rather than professional journalists, functions as an alternative to mainstream news media. With technological developments like smartphones and social media, people have the means to produce and disseminate their own news in real-time. There has been a recent trend of witnesses filming videos of acts of police violence against people of color. I argue that these videos are significant because of the way they challenge our perceptions of police officers and black men, force mainstream news media to report on news that are of public interest, amplify historically marginalized voices, and expose the issue of police brutality to a wider audience.

L’étude de l’ordre urbain au XVIIIe siècle à Mexico, capitale de la Nouvelle-Espagne, contribue à comprendre comment la police, en tant que technique de gouvernement des hommes et des choses, contribue à améliorer la sécurité, l’approvisionnement et les commodités des habitants. Dans la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle, le bon ordre de la ville repose sur une différenciation socio-ethnique qui se lit aussi bien dans les règlements urbains que dans la séparation de deux Républiques : celle des Espagnols et celle des Indiens. Plusieurs corps, dotés de privilèges et de leurs propres gardes, jouent également tous à des degrés divers un rôle dans la construction de la paix urbaine. A partir des années 1760, sous l’impulsion de la Couronne et de savoirs policiers venus d’Europe, de nouvelles conceptions de l’ordre se font jour, portées par le vice-roi, le corregidor et les magistrats de l’Audience royale qui cherchent à réformer l’ordre corporatif traditionnel. A ce titre, la réforme de 1782 qui divise Mexico en cuarteles et barrios fait écho à la réforme madrilène de 1768. Elle débouche sur la création de nouveaux agents territorialisés, les alcaldes de barrio, figures de l’ordre qui s’imposent dans l’ensemble des grandes villes des Indes à la fin du XVIIIe siècle. Le mandat du vice-roi Revillagigedo (1789-1794) constitue assurément une nouvelle étape dans ces transformations des conceptions et des pratiques de l’ordre. En s’appuyant sur la troupe, qui s’implante durablement dans la capitale à partir de 1765, et sur un personnel policier nouveau, Revillagigedo fait de l’espace urbain un banc d’essai pour mettre en pratique des mesures novatrices, à l’image du système de l’éclairage public. Au terme d’un siècle de mutations qui ne sont ni linéaires, ni univoques, le paysage de l’ordre n’est plus exactement le même qu’un siècle auparavant. Les distinctions socio-ethniques se sont progressivement effacées, la séparation entre les deux Républiques a été gommée par le nouveau quadrillage policier et de nouvelles forces de l’ordre ainsi que de nouveaux auxiliaires de police concourent à faire appliquer une législation urbaine alors florissante
The study of the urban order in the 18th century in Mexico, the capital of New Spain, helps to understand how the police, used as a technique of government for the people and for things, contribute to improve the inhabitants’ security, means of supply and facilities of life. In the first half of the 18th century, the right order of the town is based on a socio-ethnic differentiation found in both the city rules and the two separated Republics: the Spanish Republic and the Indian Republic. Several jurisdictions, using their privileges and own guards, all take a part, in different ways and degrees, to the peace process of the town. From 1760, thanks to the Crown impetus and the influence of new know-how police techniques imported from Europe, new concepts about order appear encouraged by the viceroy, the corregidor and the judges of the Real Audiencia, all wanting a reform of the traditional corporations. Hence, the 1782 reform dividing Mexico into cuarteles and barrios, is a copy of the 1765 reform in Madrid. Then, a new urban police are created, the alcaldes de barrio, who embody this new order. They can be found in most big towns in India at the end of the 18th century. The viceroy Revillagigedo’s mandate (1789-1794) is most certainly a new step in the evolution of the new order concept and practice. Thanks to the army support established in town since 1765, and to a new police, Revillagigedo used the city as a laboratory to test new changes such as the street-lighting. At the end of a century of urban changes, neither regular nor unequivocal, the townscape order is not exactly the same as a century before. The socio-ethnic differences have regularly faded, the separation between the two Republics has been eliminated by the new police coverage, and the creation of new order forces as well as new guards participate to enforce the new, then prosperous urban laws
Un estudio del orden urbano durante el siglo XVIII en México, capital de la Nueva España nos permite entender mejor la manera en que la policía, entendida como técnica de gobierno de los hombres y de las cosas, contribuye a mejorar la seguridad, el abasto y las comodidades de los habitantes. Durante la primera mitad del siglo, el buen orden de la ciudad se apoya en diferenciaciones socio-étnicas que se pueden observar tanto en los reglamentos como en la separación entre dos Repúblicas: la de los españoles y la de los indios. Varios cuerpos, con privilegios, jurisdicción y guardas propios desempeñan un papel en la construcción de una paz urbana. A partir de los años 1760, bajo el impulso de la Corona y bajo la influencia de conocimientos policiales importados de Europa, nuevas concepciones del orden se vislumbran, llevadas por el virrey, el corregidor y los jueces de la Real Audiencia que buscan reformar el viejo orden corporativo. En este sentido, la reforma de 1782 que dividió la ciudad de México en cuarteles y barrios suena como a eco de la reforma madrileña de 1768. Desemboca en la creación de nuevos agentes de la policía urbana, los alcaldes de barrio, figuras del orden que se establecen en la mayoría de las ciudades de las Indias al final del siglo XVIII. El mandato del virrey secundo conde de Revillagigedo constituye sin duda una nueva etapa en el proceso de transformación de las concepciones y las practicas del orden. Con el apoyo de la tropa que se implanta de manera duradera en la capital a partir de 1765 y con el respaldo de un nuevo personal policial, Revillagigedo usa del espacio urbano como si fuera un laboratorio para poner en práctica medidas innovadoras como el sistema de alumbrado público. Tras un siglo de mutaciones que no son lineales tampoco unívocas, el paisaje del orden no es el mismo que un siglo por atrás. Las distinciones socio-étnicas se borraron paulinamente, la separación entre las dos Repúblicas desaparece a favor de una nueva red administrativa y nuevas fuerzas del orden como nuevos agentes participan a cumplir con una legislación urbana cada vez más abundante

袁明蕙.
"2002年7月"
論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2002.
參考文獻 (leaves 91-94)
附中英文提要.
"2002 nian 7 yue"
Yuan Minghui.
Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002.
Can kao wen xian (leaves 91-94)
Fu Zhong Ying wen ti yao.
Chapter 第一章： --- 緒言 --- p.1-10
Chapter 第一節. --- 題解及選題目的
Chapter 第二節. --- 前人硏究回顧
Chapter 第三節. --- 硏究進路及方法
Chapter 第二章： --- 倪柝聲「地方教會」理念的源起（1920-1927) --- p.11-33
Chapter 第一節. --- 福州的基督教會
Chapter 1. --- 宣教路線的轉移
Chapter 2. --- 宣教事業的屬靈危機
Chapter 3. --- 有名無實的福州青年信徒
Chapter 第二節. --- 二十世紀初的奮興佈道運動
Chapter 1. --- 奮興佈道運動的淵源與特色
Chapter 2. --- 被奮興的福州青年
Chapter 3. --- 分別爲聖與分離主義
Chapter 第三節. --- 倪柝聲「地方教會」理念的建構
Chapter 1. --- 西方屬靈書籍及作家的啓發
Chapter 2. --- 走入文字工作的門檻
Chapter 3. --- 遊行佈道與聚會點的建立
Chapter 第三章： --- 倪柝聲「地方教會」的拓展（1927-1942) --- p.34-61
Chapter 第一節. --- 上海的啓發
Chapter 第二節. --- 上海聚會點的建立、發展與功能
Chapter 1. --- 實踐理念的試驗場所
Chapter 2. --- 招聚各地信徒的基地
Chapter 3. --- 抗戰初期的盛況
Chapter 第三節. --- 建立文字工作的基地
Chapter 1. --- 書籍的出版及其影響力
Chapter 2. --- 報刊的出版及其影響力
Chapter 第四節. --- 「使徒」的腳蹤與聚會點的拓展
Chapter 1. --- 「使徒」的來源及身份
Chapter 2. --- 「使徒」的職責與功能
Chapter 3. --- 與宗派教會的關係
Chapter 4. --- 同工訓練
Chapter 第四章： --- 「地方教會」的組織化（1943-) --- p.62-87
Chapter 第一節. --- 背景一陷落於內憂外患的組織基礎
Chapter 第二節. --- 戰後的恢復與組織化
Chapter 1. --- 善於組織的領袖一李常受
Chapter 2. --- 重振地位的創辦人一倪柝聲
Chapter 第三節. --- 理念與組織的配合一新方向的內容特色
Chapter 1. --- 高舉團體性
Chapter 2. --- 「使徒」的腳蹤：跟隨耶路撒冷的原則一從中心到圓周
Chapter 3. --- 「地方教會」的地位與運作
Chapter 第四節. --- 短暫的實踐期
Chapter 1. --- 中心的榜樣
Chapter 2. --- 文字工作
Chapter 3. --- 「使徒」的腳蹤與各地聚會點之運作
Chapter 第五節. --- 「地方教會」在香港一組織化與分裂
Chapter 1. --- 興起的背景
Chapter 2. --- 戰後的組織化與蓬勃期
Chapter 3. --- 分裂的原因
Chapter 4. --- 分裂以後的發展
Chapter 第五章： --- 總結 --- p.88-90
參考書目 --- p.91-94

This chapter on “Where There Is No Formal Social Welfare System for an Indigenous People: Entrepreneurship, Watchmen, and the Reinvention of the Maasai Warrior” addresses the transformation of the Maasai moranism (warrior society). As a marginalized indigenous group, the Maasai have not benefitted from any important social welfare or safety net programs. The chapter interrogates the evolution of an entrepreneurial spirit among young Maasai men who have joined the ranks of the massive informal sector to become watchmen (security guards) in cities and small townships in both Kenya and Tanzania. The chapter draws from ethnographic narratives about the “fierceness” of the Maasai in global capitalist expansion and their economic marginalization. The overriding question is: In what ways is the proliferation of the phenomenon of Maasai watchmen a reaction to the community’s marginalization?

This paper presents a new algorithm for solving the generalized watchman problem. It is the problem of mobile robot operators that must find the shortest route for the robot to see the whole area with many obstructions. The algorithm adapts the well-known ant algorithm to the new problem. An experiment where the algorithm is applied to an area containing more than 10 obstructions is described. It proves that efficiency and accuracy of the algorithm are high.

This chapter discusses the importance of the state and sovereignty to the study of politics. It first provides an empirical typology of the state, from the minimalist night-watchman state to the totalitarian state, before considering various theories of the state such as Marxism, pluralism, elitism, and the New Right. Two key general points about these competing theories are examined. First, an organizing theme relates to what each of these theories say about the distribution of power. Second, the theories can be analysed in both empirical and normative terms. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the claim that the state has significantly declined in importance, mainly as a result of economic globalization.

This chapter explains why the state and sovereignty are relevant to the study of politics. It first provides an empirical typology of the state, ranging from the minimalist night-watchman state, approximated to by nineteenth-century capitalist regimes at one end of the spectrum, to the totalitarian state of the twentieth century at the other. It then examines the distribution of power in the state by focusing on three major theories of the state: pluralism, elitism, Marxism, as well as New Right theory. The chapter seeks to demonstrate that the theories of the state identified can also be critiqued normatively, so that pluralism, for instance, can be challenged for its divisive character, as exemplified by identity politics. It then goes on to review different views about what the role of the state ought to be, from the minimalist state recommended by adherents of classical liberalism, to the pursuit of distinctive social objectives as recommended, in particular, by proponents of communitarianism. Finally, it discusses empirical and normative challenges to the state and asks whether the state’s days are numbered.

Constitutional systems of government promoting the protection of property actually lead to a mix of democracy and despotism. This is due to the fact that property, with its absolute prerogatives and the decentralization of sovereignty it represents, was designed to protect individuals’ autonomy. With the advent of a corporate economy, however, these prerogatives were concentrated within corporations used to legally structure business firms. A new form of legal pluralism developed, in an unofficial manner. Global firms are organizations coordinating the operation of large sectors of the economy. But they do it in an unofficial manner. After each of the major crises of the twentieth century - the two World Wars and the Great Depression, in particular - radical evolutions occurred in the legal systems to equilibrate the imbalanced operation of the private side of the Power System. Protective laws were adopted, social rights were granted. Via the Constitutional Revolutions of the twentieth century, the liberal, night watchman State, moved to become the welfare and regulatory State. These Constitutional Revolutions are now being challenged by globalization.

Wagner believed that reducing vocal display and rejecting the convention that the orchestral material remain subordinate to vocal melody would involve listeners more intensively in the drama, and enhance their ability to identify with mythic or “uncanny” dramatic situations. In addition, Wagner’s new ideas about the “symphonic” potential of poetic-musical periods were complemented and challenged by occasional allusions to the simpler designs and textures of the Lied—a polarity that Richard Strauss found no less appealing. After an introductory Wagner/Strauss comparison—the music for night-watchmen in Die Meistersinger and Die Frau ohne Schatten—some relevant episodes in Wagner’s works from Rienzi to Parsifal are discussed, and then set in counterpoint with comparable passages from operas by Strauss. Finally, there is brief consideration of more recent developments in German opera that have sought to retain some aspects of the focus on reflective song that Wagner made his own.