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Journal articles on the topic 'Nehru and Modi on federalism'
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SHARMA, PANCH RISHI DEV. "Modi's Nehru Jacket: President's Rule Invocations during the tenures of Prime Ministers Nehru and Modi." Perspectives on Federalism 16, no. 2 (2024): 1–40. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14416721.
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The President’s Rule impositions under Article 356 of the Constitution of India extraordinarily empower the central government to determine ‘constitutional machinery failure in a state (province)’ and acquire executive and legislative powers of the state (provincial) government, until the constitutional machinery is restored. In between 1950-2024, Indian central governments imposed 121 President’s Rule (PR) impositions, most of which occurred during single-party-personality-dominated central governments. This article examines PR invocations by the two single-party-personality-dominated central governments under the Prime Ministership of Jawaharlal Nehru and Narendra Modi in reference to the grounds, justifications, and state of restraints on these impositions. The article examines whether Modi used Nehru’s tactics (jacket) to impose PR impositions particularly against opposition-ruled states to counter dissent and empower single party-personality hegemony at national and provincial levels.
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Singh, Mahendra Prasad. "Book review: Shashi Bhushan Kumar, Indian Prime Ministers: Nehru to Modi." Indian Journal of Public Administration 69, no. 1 (2023): 244–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00195561221120941.
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Narang, Amarjit Singh. "Federalism in India during the Nehru and Post-Nehru Periods." South Asian Survey 19, no. 2 (2012): 189–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971523114539598.
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Rana, Sumit. "Changing Patterns of India"s Foreign Policy During Pre and Post Globalization Era." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 05, no. 02 (2020): 53–56. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3801345.
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In this article, an attempt has been made to assess the changing patterns of India"s foreign policy during pre and post Globalisation. Foreign Policy is an instrument through which a country protects and promotes its national interest. There is broad agreement on the concept of National Interest; it comprises the obligation to defend the country"s National Security, to maximize economic benefits for its citizen from international trade and commerce, and also to enhance the effectiveness of power potential through propagation of its core cultural assets. We can see the changing dynamics in Indian foreign policy from Nehru to Modi. Indian independence was achieved from a protracted anti-colonial struggle led by Indian National Congress (INC). Therefore, the Indian National Congress leader Pt. Nehru adopted non-alignment policy during Cold War era to protect the sovereignty and interest of India. Besides, Nehru believes in peaceful co-existence, friendship and cooperation. After Nehru, the other landmark foreign policy maker of India was Indira Gandhi. But unlike her father Pt. Nehru, her approach was more realistic then idealistic. Modi"s „act east policy" and the „neighbourhood first" policy are some important contributions in the foreign policy of India. The present article makes a fresh analysis which would help to understand the challenges that a rapidly evolving and changing global setting poses.
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Tripathy, Jyotirmaya. "Development Modernity in India, an Incomplete Project: From Nehru to Modi." Bandung 8, no. 1 (2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21983534-08010001.
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Abstract Modernity as a set of attitudes based on reason, or as the cultivation of scientific temper, was informed by the imperative of development in a postcolonial state like India. Alongside the rise of democracy, there was the pressing need for removing poverty and ensuring fulfilment of basic needs for the common people. It is in this sphere of addressing poverty and underdevelopment that India became modern in a very material and substantive sense. The paper makes a case for an understanding of modernity that is deeply rooted in the material needs of the people and traces this impulse of development modernity from the time of India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru till the present government led by Narendra Modi. While doing so, it problematises Nehru’s and Modi’s statist understanding of development and brings them to conversation to understand the continuing promise of modernity predicated on development. In the process both Nehru and Modi are interpreted vis-à-vis the times they lived in as well as their responses to what constituted India’s core values, their relationship with modernity and development’s place in it.
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Lukács, Eszter. "Value Driven Foreign Policy in South Asia, and its Lessons for the West Asian Region." UKH Journal of Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (2019): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.25079/ukhjss.v3n1y2019.pp83-84.
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India during the long rule of the Nehru-Gandhi ‘dynasty’ aptly practiced realist foreign policy in the regional theatre and globally, but fell short of representing specifically Indian cultural values. Since the early 1990s, India’s foreign policy has regained its identity. Today, under Prime Minister Narendra Damodardas Modi, India assertively stands for its heritage in foreign policy. This is a practice that has relevance for the entire West Asian region, including the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.
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Hall, Ian. "The unfinished quest: India's search for major power status from Nehru to Modi." International Affairs 100, no. 6 (2024): 2697–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiae255.
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Singh, Malkiat, and Nirat Pandey. "India’s foreign policy: From Nehru to Modi: A journey of diplomacy and transformation." International Journal of Political Science and Governance 7, no. 3 (2025): 98–107. https://doi.org/10.33545/26646021.2025.v7.i3b.468.
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Rid, Saeed Ahmed. "THE PAKISTAN MOVEMENT AND FEDERALISM." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, no. 02 (2021): 116–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i02.211.
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The careful reading of the history of Pakistan movement tells us the movement rose in response to the fear of the imposition of majoritarian- unitary democracy model in British India following the West Minister model. After 1857 war of independence, Sir Sayed Ahmed Khan had advised Muslims not to take part in politics and focus their energies on acquiring modern education and hence securing their due share in bureaucratic positions under the British rule. But when Congress was formed in 1885 and gradually democratic reforms were introduced, the fear of majoritarian-unitary model started creeping in among the Muslim elite. The leaders of Muslim League felt if the Westminster style majoritarian- unitary democracy model is introduced in British India that will ultimately bring over the centralized Congress rule in British India which they equated as the Hindu raj. The debate around the federal question remained on top of the agenda in British India since the announcement of the Nehru report in 1928. The failure of the Congress in addressing Muslim concerns regarding majoritarian- unitary democracy model ultimately led to the partition of India in 1947. In this paper the debate around the federal question and the demands for consociational democracy in Pakistan movement would be studied in detail and it will be analysed how far the failure of addressing the federal question was responsible for the partition of India. Keywords: Majoritarian Democracy, Indo-Pak History, Consociationalism, All India Muslim League, Muslim Separatism
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Rana, Sumit. "A Study of Contrasts in the Nehru and Modi Doctrine in Indian Foreign Policy." Quest-The Journal of UGC-HRDC Nainital 13, no. 2 (2019): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2249-0035.2019.00013.5.
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Nasir, Hajra, Mariam Asif, and Saima Gul. "The Promulgation of Hindutava Ideology under Secularism's Curtain in the Modi Era." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VII, no. I (2022): 66–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2022(vii-i).07.
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The research article addresses the underline reason for opting for Secularism in India by Nehru.Nehru knew India was a home of people from different cultures, languages, religions, and ethnicities. So,choosing one religion, i.e., Hinduism, would create problems for the rest of the religions, and in the future other religions may ask for a separate country. An aggressive reaction was seen by other parties who wanted to protect Hinduism after the adoption of Secularism in India. Secularism welcomes all religions and allows people of its Nation to live freely by treating everyone equally. Gandhi also announced his view on Secularism and how he considered it a western concept and would not fit in easily. Gandhi believed that you could not separate religion from state policies. Nevertheless, Nehru was more than convinced, so he chose Secularism as an ideology for India.
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Kumar, Ravi. "The unfinished quest: India's search for major power status from Nehru to Modi T.V. Paul." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 25, no. 1 (2024): 143–46. https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcae014.
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Batabyal, Somnath. "From Nehru to Modi: Understanding the History of Indian Television Through a Post-Development Lens." Indian Journal of Mass Communication and Journalism 2, no. 3 (2023): 8–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.54105/ijmcj.c1031.032323.
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Digital India, the government's flagship programme, at first glance is a radical departure from the past and a welcome step forward to digitise the country's faltering infrastructure. However, as this chapter argues, seen through a post-development lens, the launch of Digital India can also be seen as a continuation of past governmental policies that hark back to the era of India's first Prime Minister and the continuation of such programmes thereafter, policies which used the medium of mass media ostensibly as a tool for development but ultimately as a mechanism of control. From the beginnings of television history in India and tracing its growth, this chapter shows that the policies of the present government, has its echoes in the past and development is still the rhetoric used to control the country's increasing population.
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Somnath, Batabyal. "From Nehru to Modi: Understanding the History of Indian Television Through a Post-Development Lens." Indian Journal of Mass Communication and Journalism (IJMCJ) 2, no. 3 (2023): 8–16. https://doi.org/10.54105/ijmcj.C1031.032323.
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<strong>Abstract: </strong>Digital India, the government's flagship programme, at first glance is a radical departure from the past and a welcome step forward to digitise the country's faltering infrastructure. However, as this chapter argues, seen through a post-development lens, the launch of Digital India can also be seen as a continuation of past governmental policies that hark back to the era of India's first Prime Minister and the continuation of such programmes thereafter, policies which used the medium of mass media ostensibly as a tool for development but ultimately as a mechanism of control. From the beginnings of television history in India and tracing its growth, this chapter shows that the policies of the present government, has its echoes in the past and development is still the rhetoric used to control the country's increasing population.
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Mukhopadhyay, Subhodeep. "Is Indian History Being Falsified? Public Interest Trends of Historical Figures, 2004-2023." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VIII, no. VI (2024): 664–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2024.806051.
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Since the ascent of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to power in 2014 under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, concerns have been raised regarding the appropriation or undermining of the legacies of India’s prominent leaders and the promotion of specific figures to reshape historical narratives by promoting right-wing Hindutva ideology. The study investigates these claims by examining changes in public perception of three significant historical personalities, Mohandas Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Vallabhbhai Patel. Information seeking behavior is used as the theoretical basis to explain any change in public interest, measured using Google search volumes from 2004 to 2023. The data is split into two 10-year subsets centered around 2014 corresponding to BJP’s rise to power. Welch’s t-test is applied to the data to measure if there is any change in search volumes after 2014.Results show an increased interest in Sardar Patel during the period 2014 to 2023 and possible reasons are analyzed. However, no statistically significant changes were observed for Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi. There is no evidence to suggest that the legacies of these personalities are being suppressed or appropriated to align with a Hindutva narrative, or that such actions, if any, have had any statistically significant impact on public interest.
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Jha, Rajani Ranjan. "Prime Minister’s Office: The Fulcrum of Indian Administration." Indian Journal of Public Administration 65, no. 1 (2019): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556118822029.
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Prime minister occupies a pivotal position in any parliamentary system of government. At the time of India’s Independence, the prime minister’s office (PMO) started working as a low profile non-constitutional and non-statutory body. But within less than two decades, the PMO emerged as an institution with a formidable influence in policymaking. It was sometimes labelled as the parallel government. This article is a modest attempt to discuss the origin and development of the PMO in India right from Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to PM Narendra Modi. In the process, it deals briefly with the organisational structure of PMO and the role of the principal secretary to the PMO. Additionally, the article examines how with every prime minister importance of the PMO changes. This nerve centre of power basks in the reflected glory of its incumbent, the Prime Minister of India.
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Kashin, V., та T. Shaumyan. "Рarliamentary Elections in India 2014: the New Political Realities". World Economy and International Relations, № 11 (2014): 104–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-104-114.
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Parliamentary elections in India were held from April 7 to May 12, 2014 and ended with a convincing victory of conservative Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), leader of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), and a crushing defeat for the Indian National Congress (INC) from the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) created in 2004. BJP won 282 seats in Parliament for the first time in 30 years which was sufficient for the formation of a single-party government, while Congress has only 44 seats – the lowest result for all years of the independence of Republic of India. The election results are natural and reflect the real balance of power in the political arena of the country at the moment. BJP victory was largely achieved thanks to the wide support its leader Narendra Modi received from the Indian electorate. The defeat of the Congress shows a deep and prolonged crisis in the party and the inability of the current representatives of the dynasty of Nehru-Gandhi to cope with it due to lack of political will and constructive ideas that meet the modern needs of the society. Numerous regional parties are still limited in scope, which narrows the chance of their political influence to the borders of one state and prevents the creation of a coalition that is ready to compete with the NDA and UPA. The key issue for Narendra Modi as Prime Minister will be the problem of development, economic growth and achievement of economic self-sufficiency – the slogan is highly attractive to the younger generation of voters. Being an explicit pragmatist, Modi is going to manage the country on the principle that if something does not serve the interests of India, especially the interests of economic growth, India would not do this. According to many experts, his government in the short and long term context will focus on such areas as agriculture, energy, law and order, administrative reform and international relations. Narendra Modi describes Russia as a "time-tested and reliable friend, who supported India in difficult periods of its history, and a major partner in building the foundations of India's defense capability." He intends to raise the Russian-Indian relations to a higher level and is looking for a meeting with V. Putin before the end of this year.
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Solodkova, Olga. "The new historical politics and criticism of Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi in contemporary Indian press." Asia and Africa Today, no. 4 (2022): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750017717-0.
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To successfully modernize the country and mobilize Indian society and to eventually implement ambitious plans for economic development, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) sets itself the task of achieving national unity. The BJP in the face of its leader Narendra Modi is forced to conduct constant polemics with their main political opponent - the Indian National Congress. Having come to power in 2014, the BJP representatives use a number of management methods aimed at changing the historical memory of the peoples of India, which can be characterized as &quot;historical politics&quot;. The authorities are trying to back up their actions to mobilize Indian society with a new historical rationale, using Hindutwa as a &quot;new ideology&quot;. A new official version of the past is being formed, history and historical mythology are actively used to solve political problems of the present. The historical memory of society undergoes transformation and becomes an arena for the struggle against a political enemy. In the Indian press, every memorable date, every historical event becomes the basis for broad discussion and polemics with its historical predecessors and political competitors. After coming to power, Bharatiya Janata Party constantly refers to recent historical events, considering them from a certain ideological angle. This controversy, which has spilled over into the pages of the Indian press, allows us to talk about the BJP pursuing a new historical policy aimed at creating comfortable interpretations of controversial historical events for itself.
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Solodkova, Olga. "The new historical politics and criticism of Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi in contemporary Indian press." Asia and Africa Today, no. 4 (2022): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750017717-0.
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To successfully modernize the country and mobilize Indian society and to eventually implement ambitious plans for economic development, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) sets itself the task of achieving national unity. The BJP in the face of its leader Narendra Modi is forced to conduct constant polemics with their main political opponent - the Indian National Congress. Having come to power in 2014, the BJP representatives use a number of management methods aimed at changing the historical memory of the peoples of India, which can be characterized as &quot;historical politics&quot;. The authorities are trying to back up their actions to mobilize Indian society with a new historical rationale, using Hindutwa as a &quot;new ideology&quot;. A new official version of the past is being formed, history and historical mythology are actively used to solve political problems of the present. The historical memory of society undergoes transformation and becomes an arena for the struggle against a political enemy. In the Indian press, every memorable date, every historical event becomes the basis for broad discussion and polemics with its historical predecessors and political competitors. After coming to power, Bharatiya Janata Party constantly refers to recent historical events, considering them from a certain ideological angle. This controversy, which has spilled over into the pages of the Indian press, allows us to talk about the BJP pursuing a new historical policy aimed at creating comfortable interpretations of controversial historical events for itself.
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Paul, T. V. "Response to Anuradha Sajjanhar’s Review of The Unfinished Quest: India’s Search for Major Power Status from Nehru to Modi." Perspectives on Politics 23, no. 1 (2025): 343. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1537592724002500.
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Sajjanhar, Anuradha. "The Unfinished Quest: India’s Search for Major Power Status from Nehru to Modi. By T.V. Paul. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2024. 280p. £22.99 cloth." Perspectives on Politics 23, no. 1 (2025): 341–43. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1537592724002470.
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Kaushiva, Anamika. "NITI Aayog- A Think Tank Replaces the Planning Commission: A Review." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 4, no. 1 (2019): 211–17. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.2540858.
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A newly formed nation, freshly out of the adverse conditions created by the struggles of independence, partition and the World War II, with scarce resources and the responsibility to build a strong economy, had a difficult growth path ahead. It immediately needed formulation of a strong strategy to deal with its socio-economic issues and the planning commission was constituted by late Prime Minister Jawaharlal Lal Nehru. For 65 years, the Planning Commission served India via its five year plans and laid the foundation of a strong mixed economy. However, the concept of planning changed from directive planning towards indicative planning after economic reforms of 1991. The world economy too changed drastically and in this scenario, the planning commission began running out of course. Realizing the need of the hour - to step up the pace of development and meet the sustainable development goals - The NITI Aayog (National Institution for Transforming India) was formed to replace the planning commission. This study reviews the major achievements of the planning commission. It highlights the reasons for replacing the planning commission with NITI Aayog. The major differences in the policy approach of the two have been highlighted. It is a study of the objectives of the NITI Aayog and its achievements since inception in light of the arguments on the basis of which it was constituted.
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Malik, Tassawar Aziz, and Sehrish Qayyum. "INDIAN POLITICAL DOCTRINES: UNDERSTANDING INTERNAL SECURITY DYNAMICS OF INDIA IMPACTING PAKISTAN." Margalla Papers 26, no. I (2022): 18–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54690/margallapapers.26.i.95.
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Strategic culture involves diplomatic ties, geopolitical orientation and political ideology involving the military. India’s strategic culture orientates pro-nationalist policies, emphasizing the business progression of a specific class, discriminating in exercising minority rights, and imbalancing diplomatic ties with neighbouring states for regional hegemony. Indian leadership, from Jawaharlal Nehru to Narendra Modi, has kept regional dominance as a primary Indian strategic objective. More importantly, the Indian strategic community has carefully maintained narrative linking insurgencies with its neighbours, especially Pakistan. A cross-sectional analysis of Indian political doctrines explains how internal security challenges of India are shaping its strategic culture and stance towards Pakistan. It includes contextualizing the concept of strategic culture and modelling Indian strategic culture to the scope of research. The impact of Indian strategic culture on Pakistan is multi-dimensional, ranging from combat capabilities to international presence at international forums like the UN and FATF. The research proposes policy options and action points for Pakistan. The paper establishes three fundamental aspects. First, the Indian strategic thoughts are rooted in Kautilyian discourse. Second, linking Pakistan with insurgencies in India. Third, with the rise of Hindutva through the BJP with a conducive geostrategic environment, India has resorted to an offensive-defensive strategy towards Pakistan. With these interpretations, the research paves the way for identifying policy options for Pakistan while considering Pakistan’s national interests. Bibliography Entry Malik, Tassawar Aziz, and Sehrish Qayyum. 2022. "Indian Political Doctrines: Understanding Internal Security Dynamics of India Impacting Pakistan." Margalla Papers 26 (1): 18-33.
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Goswami, Chandrama. "Bilateral Strategies and Development Agenda." Space and Culture, India 2, no. 2 (2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v2i2.83.
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The recent visit of the Chinese president, Xi Xinping, to India has great significance for both the countries. The relationship between India and China has always been one of distrust, especially after the collapse of the friendship attempt made by the then Prime Minister of India, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, and Mao, India’s decision to allow Tibet’s Dalai-Lama (who Beijing considers a dangerous separatist) to reside in India, and the Sino-Indian Border War which followed in 1962. The border dispute still continues with both countries contesting land along their border in Ladakh and China’s claim over India’s north-eastern province of Arunachal Pradesh. India’s concern also lies with the construction of the Chinese dam on the side of the River Brahmaputra. Each country is also skeptical about the other’s relationship with Third World countries. In China’s case, India’s developing relationships with countries in the Asia-Pacific, especially Japan and the US; and in India’s case, China’s relationship with Pakistan. The Manmohan Singh Government brought in new levels of India-American co-operation which troubled the Chinese, thinking that India would become a part of an American ‘containment’ policy. Another cause of concern was when India tested the Agni-5 ICBM in April 2012, expanding the scope of India’s nuclear deterrent and bringing the whole of China in range for the first time. Narendra Modi was quite vocal about the territorial dispute with China during his campaign stating that China should give up its policy of expansion. This has however been considered as campaign trail rhetoric by Chinese foreign experts.
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Lamichhane, Dron Prasad. "Revisiting India’s Neighborhood First Policy in the Context of Growing US China Engagement in Nepal." Nepal Public Policy Review 3, no. 2 (2023): 20–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.59552/nppr.v3i2.70.
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Where does India’s Neighborhood First policy stand in the context of U.S.-China’s growing strategic engagement in Nepal? It has been realized that Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Neighborhood First Policy was unable to deliver on its economic and developmental promises in a multifaceted manner. Mr. Modi’s initial engagements with Nepal were perceived as accommodating policies, and it was believed that they would bring about a “paradigm shift” that would replace the “Nehru Doctrine.” However, going against the spirit of the speech delivered by Mr. Modi in Nepal’s Constituent Assembly, India imposed an unofficial blockade that pulled down Nepal-India relations. Further, Kalapani border disputes and Mr. Modi’s unwillingness to receive the EPG report also added to the trust deficit. The EPG report was expected to reactivate the trust. However, this vacuum gives the U.S. and China an opportunity to increase their strong presence in Nepal. China’s interest in getting access to South Asia via the BRI project overlaps with the MCC. So, their rivalry to create strategic space in Nepal is going on. On the one hand, India has not joined BRI and believes it String of Pearls strategy. Further, the country perceives any development in the Himalayan region as a security threat. On the other hand, India and the U.S. are global allies since China’s takeover of Tibet and they have held similar views on Nepal. Considering the growing bipolar strategic rivalry between China and the U.S., this paper examines where India’s Neighborhood First policy stands and what the state of its implementation will be. This study uses qualitative, exploratory research techniques to analyze the geopolitical relation and diplomacy.
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Kurylev, Konstantin P., and Larisa A. Chereshneva. "RUSSIAN-INDIAN REGIONAL COOPERATION IN THE FIELD OF HISTORICAL HIGHER EDUCATION (THE CASE OF THE ORIENTAL RESEARCH LABORATORY OF THE P.P. SEMENOV-TYAN-SHANSKY LSPU)." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 4 (26) (2023): 380–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2023-4-380-386.
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In the XXI century, the Russian Federation and the Republic of India have great scientific and educational potential. A particularly privileged strategic partnership between the two states and their leaders, President Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is aimed, among other things, at developing and innovating scientific and educational cooperation, which has stable traditions laid down in the second half of the XX century. The 75th anniversary of India’s independence and the establishment of Soviet/Russian-Indian diplomatic relations, widely celebrated in both countries in 2022, emphasize the relevance of studying the history of cooperation between the two states in the field of science and higher education, its current state and prospects. One of the aspects of such a partnership is the Russian-Indian cooperation between regions and individual universities. In this practice-oriented article, based on the principle “not in general, but in particular”, the authors characterize the experience of scientific and educational activities and international cooperation of the Oriental Studies Laboratory of the Lipetsk State Pedagogical University named after P.P. Semenov-Tyan-Shansky with Indian publishing houses, the Center for Russian and Central Asian Studies of the Jawaharlal Nehru University (Delhi), participation in international forums and their organization, implementation of grant projects on Indian issues with the support of federal funds: the Presidential Grants Fund, the Fund of the Federal Agency for Youth Affairs (Rosmolodezh), RGNF, RFBR, Russian scientific foundation. An important component of the laboratory’s international cooperation is the reception of delegations and online contacts with the Embassy of the Republic of India in the Russian Federation since 2000. Until now.
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Verma, Vijay. "The Changing Nature of the Indian Party System: ‘Congress System’ to ‘BJP Dominance’." Research Expression 6, no. 8 (2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.61703/10.61703/vol-6vyt8_1.
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In the last 75 years, the Indian political system has gone through various changes and transition phases, the clear impact of which can be seen in the Indian party system. The existence of the Congress as an important national party after independence, both at the national and state levels, in what Rajni Kothari termed the 'Congress System' (1952-1967). Morris-Jones described the 1950–1967 phase in similar terms as "coexistence with competition but without a trace of alternative". 1977 marked the beginning of the end of the 'Congress system' by Rajni Kothari, which had been facing challenges since 1967, when Congress lost power in eight states for the first time. The main reasons behind this were the rise of opposition and regional parties, allegations of corruption and scams, preference for seniority and dynasty over talent, the dominance of the Nehru-Gandhi family, failure to attract youth and the Modi wave etc. Along with this, various parties and regional parties started emerging in the opposition, which changed the Indian party system towards a multi-party system. In this form, BJP emerged as an important national party, which completely changed the party system after winning the national elections in 2014 and 2019. Some thinkers argue that 2014 marks the beginning of India's fourth party system—the first three-party system in the Congress system (1950–77), the second transitional phase (1977–89) when the dominance of the Congress was challenged, Third, the emergence and new phase of a bipolar party system in the 1990s. Can we compare BJP dominance with the 'Congress System'? What are the similarities and dissimilarities in this? What are the reasons behind the decline of 'Congress System'? All these questions will be discussed in detail.
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Soomro, Dr Siraj Ahmed, and Wali Muhammad Phulpoto. "Leadership, Tenacity and State: A case study of Muhammad Ali Jinnah as a Statesman." Advance Social Science Archive Journal 3, no. 2 (2025): 815–25. https://doi.org/10.55966/assaj.2025.3.2.011.
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This research article is focused on the leadership of Muhammad Ali Jinnah as a statesman before the partition of British India into two dominant states, Pakistan and India. Jinnah's role is analyzed not merely as a political figure but as a tenacious leader whose vision, constitutionalism, and strategic adaptability were pivotal in the creation of a separate Muslim homeland. The research uses a qualitative case study framework. The study also cross-examines critical turning points in Jinnah's political career as the Lucknow Pact in 1916, the Fourteen Points in 1929, and the Lahore Resolution in 1940, to substantiate the argument that under his leadership, the struggle transitioned from one advocating for Hindu-Muslim unity to one firmly oriented toward Muslim sovereignty.The sources that are being used and research are based on archived speeches and legislative debates to explain how Jinnah's style of leadership differed from his contemporary compatriots such as Gandhi and Nehru. Instead of mass mobilization or forcing people’s minds for revolutionary methods, Jinnah advocated legal processes and diplomatic negotiation to push his objectives. While working for democratic principles in the Indian subcontinent, he tried to unite Muslimidentity into a well-organized political movement with his constitutional ideology and consistency.The paper intends to discuss literature review into three major historical waves of scholar’s contribution on Jinnah’s lifefrom nationalist categories to critical revisiting and interdisciplinary studies, with the gap in available literaturethat has surfaced out of studying Jinnah as a statesman rather than merely a nationalist. This research will interpret his leadership as a deliberate balancing act between ideological clarity and political pragmatism through constructivist and realist political theory. The study holds that Jinnah's tenacity and statesmanship remain as relevant as ever to contemporary debates on minority rights, federalism, and statesmanship. His political legacy can still inform visions, strategies, and legal legitimacy on national destinies against the background of imperial decline and internal division.
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Government, of Kerala. "Towards Greater Cooperation: Re-Energizing India's Act East Policy for Southeast Asia." ISHAL PAITHRKAM 40, no. 40 (2024): 80–99. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14680718.
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Towards Greater Cooperation: Re-Energizing India’s Act East Policy for Southeast AsiaAuthor: Nithya N.RThe paper aims to illustrate the development of India’s Look East policy into Act East Policy, Act East and North Eastern Regions, the role of China in the region and the challenges and prospects. Regional cooperation was built in south-east Asia by “ASEAN WAY” based on consultation and consensual decision making and flexibility rather than starting with ambitious political commitments. After Indian independence, Jawaharlal Nehru remarked that “India was the gateway to both west and south East Asia and therefore inevitably came into the picture.” The independence and security of South East Asia served to strengthen India’s own independence and security and any serious setbacks there, constituted a political threat to India too. But, the prominence to this region in India’s international relations was given a long back later. The “Look East policy” of India was launched by former Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao in 1991. This was mainly exercised through India-ASEAN ties. Later in 2014, prime minister Narendra Modi, transformed “Look East into Act East policy”. Terming Look East into Act East, the main aims of this policy was to revive political ties, strengthen economic linkages, and forge regional security and ensure strategic cooperation with South East Asia, for which the North Eastern region serves as the gateway. This foreign policy has given geographic proximity, socio-cultural and historical ties with South Eastern countries. This policy is described as a comprehensive and multi–pronged effort to forge strategic alliances with several individual nations and foster constructive ties with the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Over the last several years, India’s Act East Policy has enhanced India’s relationships with Southeast Asian nations, Pacific Island countries, and other regions, including Taiwan, Japan, Mongolia, South Korea, and the United States. How is geopolitically significant in Southeast Asia to India’s foreign policy? What are the geopolitical factors behind the genesis and transformation of the Look East Policy into the Act East Policy? How well is China pursuing its interests in Southeast Asia? How the changing power politics affect the relations between these nations? These are some of the questions that I will seek to answer through this paper. Nithya N.RAssistant ProfessorDepartment of Political ScienceUniversity of KeralaKaryavattamPin: 695581IndiaPh: +91 9496468751Email: nithyatpm@keralauniversity.ac.inORCID: 0000-0002-0487-0295
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Sehgal, M. L. "From Non-Alignment to Multi-Alignment: India Hopes to Contain China." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 9 (2020): 619–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.79.9103.
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In 1954, India did a ‘Himalayan Blunder’ of having fallen into China’s trap of accepting Tibet to be a part of China. In ‘1962 Indo- China War’, China’s biggest argument of its having claim over Ladakh was that since Ladakh was a part of Tibet and thus belongs to China. But the historical perspective, altogether, contradicts it. Having annexed Tibet and forcefully occupying Aksai Chin, there was no looking back for China; be it in 1965, 1967, 1987, 2013, 2017; and now in 2020. Every time, the Chinese rulers would invent one lie or the other. Xi Jinping, the present Chinese President, imbibes the qualities of both- Mao Tse Tung, Chinese ideologue, a protagonist of the ‘Expansionist Ideology’ and the philosopher- Sun Yat-sen who wrote “The Art of War” and believed that“The greatest victory is that which requires no battle”. Xi Jinping is an expert in both. He did ‘land grabbing’ not just of India and Tibet rather China has 17 territorial disputes with its neighbours, on land and sea. He has also applied ‘Debt- Diplomacy’; mostly on the nascent, economically weak, fragile democracies to subjugate them without firing a bullet. What to talk of entrapping India’s immediate friendly neighbours under his ‘Debt-net’ by using it as a political ideology called “String of Pearls” (weaning away friendly Indian neighbours with the money power), China has loaned over $ 1.5 trillion(5% of its GDP) to more than 150 countries that make it a bigger lender than even W.B. and IMF that compares it well with the USA. China's stance along LAC fits well with a larger pattern of the ‘Expansionist Ideology of Mao. Modi, unlike Nehru, chose to follow Multi-Alignment and befriended countries both the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and the South China Sea lying in the periphery of China by garlanding China with a ‘Necklace of Diamonds’ which gave India the strategic access and fast-developing routes to Central Asians, East Asian and South-East Asian countries. Moreover, the USA, India, Australia and Japan formed ‘The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue QUAD’ in case of any emergency. India’s ‘Look East Policy; has paid it the dividends with the USA openly playing the role of a deterrent to China in South China; Australia gave a military base in Cocos Islands, France supplied Rafales and good-humoured Russia, unlike the Russia of 1962, is supplying India with the much needed Military pieces of Equipment while refusing the S-400 to China. The suspected role of China in the pandemic COVID-19 has made it ‘a persona non- grata’ in the eyes of many countries. The anti-democracy Security Law in Hong Kong and the USA’s open support to the ‘Independent Tibet’ and recognizing ‘Taiwan as a Sovereign State’ has threatened ‘One China Principle’ which has resulted in the taming China by India.
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ШАУМЯН, Т. Л. "ПРОБЛЕМА ЕДИНСТВА В МНОГООБРАЗИИ: ОПЫТ ИНДИИ". Власть 33, S1 (2025): 33–47. https://doi.org/10.56700/n1808-9008-3525-w.
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Индия сегодня - это динамично развивающаяся страна с эффективной экономикой и стабильной политической системой, основанной на принципах представительной демократии и федерализма. Индийское общество представлено индуистами, мусульманами, христианами, сикхами и др. Индуисты разделены на множество каст и четыре варны. Конституция объявила дискриминацию на основе касты незаконной. Разобщенность индийского общества воздействует на общественное развитие. В основу единого федерального государственного устройства положен национально-территориальный принцип. Британские колониальные чиновники были убеждены в том, что после их ухода Индия распадется на десятки самостоятельных государств. Однако Конституция заложила основы единства страны, формирования республиканского строя и утверждения парламентской демократии. Она предусматривает сильный центр и автономные штаты, полномочия которых четко разграничены. В состав Индии вошли княжества; Джамму и Кашмир получил особый статус в соответствии со статьей 370 Конституции Индии. В 2019 г. эта статья была отменена и образованы две союзных территории - Джамму и Кашмир и Ладакх с целью большей интеграции их в состав Индии. В 1962 г. был создан Совет национальной интеграции для обсуждения проблем общинности, кастовой системы, терроризма, поликонфессиональности и языковой разобщенности. После прихода к власти БДП Совет фактически перестал существовать. Главным для индийского государства остается сохранение территориальной целостности и единства страны. Over the years of its independent development, India has been able to put an end to its colonial past, strengthen its sovereignty, and achieve major successes in overcoming socio- economic backwardness. Today, it is a dynamically developing country with an efficient economy and a stable political system based on representative democracy and the principles of federalism. In terms of the complexity of its ethnic composition, India ranks first in the world: along with 12 large nations, hundreds of small nations and tribes live in India. Indian society is divided along confessional lines into Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, and others. Hindus are divided into many castes and four varnas. The Constitution has declared caste-based discrimination illegal. The disunity and heterogeneity of Indian society has a special impact on social development. The basis of the unified federal state structure is based on the national-territorial principle, determined by ethno-national factors. British colonial officials were convinced that after their departure, India would break up into dozens of independent states, although during the years of independence not a single group had come forward with demands for sovereignty. The Constitution of India laid the foundations for the unity of the country, the formation of a republican system and the establishment of the principle of parliamentary democracy. It provides for a strong center and states enjoying real autonomy, whose powers are clearly delineated. India included the principalities located on its territory, only Jammu and Kashmir received a special status in accordance with article 370 of the Constitution. In 2019, the Indian parliament passed a law on the repeal of this article, the de facto liquidation of the state and the formation of two union territories in its place - Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh.. These actions contributed to the greater integration of this Territory into India. In 1962, at the initiative of Nehru, the Council for National Integration was established, which discussed the problems dividing the country: the preservation of community, the existence of a caste system, terrorism, poly-confessionalism and linguistic disunity. Religious and communal strife was regarded as the main threat to the unity of the country. The Council was active until the BJP party came to power, after which it virtually ceased to exist. National integration is a complex and lengthy process, which takes into account the traditions of the national liberation movement, cultural and civilizational community, and the existing political system. The main thing for the Indian state remains the preservation of the territorial integrity and unity of the country.
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"INDIA’S ISRAEL POLICY: FROM NEHRU TO MODI." Journal of critical reviews 7, no. 09 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.31838/jcr.07.09.164.
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Shah, Mumtaz Ahmad, and Dr Tabraz. "INDIA’S ISRAEL POLICY: FROM NEHRU TO MODI." Journal Of Critical Reviews, 2020. https://doi.org/10.53555/jcr.v7:i9.13269.
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Godbole, Nikhil. "Book review: T. V. Paul, India’s Unfulfilled Quest: India’s Search for Major Power Status from Nehru to Modi." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs, November 24, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477970241298787.
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Tripathi, Vikas, and Rupak Kumar. "From Nehru to Modi: The Executive in India." Indian Journal of Public Administration, March 12, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1177/00195561241309145.
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The legitimacy of the executive in parliamentary democracy comes from Parliament. The Parliamentary system envisages an accountable executive collectively responsible to the Parliament. This assertion is also reflected during the deliberations of the Drafting Committee of the Constitution and the Constituent Assembly Debates. The executive in India consists of the President who is the head of the State and the Prime Minister who heads the government. Executive, legislature and judiciary are constitutionally equipped to perform different roles in a democracy. The constitution grants structural and functional autonomy but how the executive evolved also depends on the political processes, nature and assertion of power by a Prime Minister, his personality and outlook, his command and hold over the organisational wing of his own party, the nature of majority which the government enjoys and the composition of the cabinet. Similarly, the relationship between the President and the Prime Minister is contingent upon the nature of the government whether it is a stable, majority, minority or coalition government and the personality and background of the President and Prime Minister, respectively. This article demarcates the nature and functioning of the executive in India since Nehru and in particular, since the instituionalisation of coalition governments at the Centre. The article also shows how during the coalition period, the status and position of the Prime Minister transformed with the emergence of new institutions like the Group of Ministers and Coordination Committees that imparted strength and stability to the former.
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Tripathy, Jyotirmaya. "The Developmental Desire: The Crucible of Masculinity, from Nehru to Modi." Journal of Developing Societies, February 5, 2023, 0169796X2211485. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x221148503.
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The recent boom in critical literature engaging with the development/masculinity nexus in contemporary India requires unpacking and further critique, not to over-emphasize the need for a grounded understanding of that dyad. India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and the incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi are brought to conversation over their developmental thought vis-à-vis their masculinities and the way they reflected and guided people’s desire for development. While doing so, the article interrogates the tendency to see political leaders as the protagonists of change while ignoring their simultaneous production within the social discourses of their times. In the process it corrects the assumption that leaders like Nehru and Modi contained within them singular and coherent versions of what they believed development to be and proposes that far from being stable carriers of their developmental thought, they betrayed contradictions within and such spillages defined their developmental character.
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De, Prabir. "Changing Profile of India's Economic Diplomacy: Nehru to Modi." Journal of Indian and Asian Studies, August 9, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2717541324400096.
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-, RAJENDRA DAYAL. "The Changing Dynamics of the Federal System during Modi’s Regime: A Critical Appreciation." International Journal For Multidisciplinary Research 6, no. 3 (2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.36948/ijfmr.2024.v06i03.22255.
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When the National Democratic Alliance led by Narendra Modi assumed office in 2014 after a spectacular victory at the electoral hustings, he had promised to rewrite the center-state relations so as to effectively move away from centralised federalism of the past towards cooperative federalism. After some promising starts in the direction of cooperative federalism, the general drift of the federal -relational movement was towards centralization of power in the Union government, with open espousal for BJP’s ‘double engine’ governments at the centre and states. There was a slide down on federal rhetoric as well. This paper dwells on the centre -state relations during the Modi regime. This paper is based on the assumption that the dynamics of federal relations, inter alia, is mainly, shaped by transformations in the nature of the party system, as evident during the coalition era, but under certain conditions such as the ideology of the party in power, and the personality of the leader, the federalization process in the parliamentary-federal form of government that had gained momentum can even get reversed. After examining the dynamics of centre-state relations, based on a critical appreciation of the literature, this paper posits that cooperative federalism in the course of the last nine years or so has given rise to a new notion of ‘national federalism’, but one which is deeply resented by non-Hindutva political formations.
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Parameswaran, Ameet, and Shirin M. Rai. "Delhi Dispatches Blogs." Lateral 6, no. 1 (2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.25158/l5.2.14.
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Starting in February 2016, a protracted struggle has taken place on the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) campus, pitting the students and their faculty supporters against the right-wing government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the Administration of the university. The protestors’ issues chime with the desire to leverage justice that drives this issue. This piece presents one senior scholar and one early career scholar blogging about these events.
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Mohanasakthivel, J. "The Unfinished Quest: India’s Search for Major Power Status from Nehru to Modi." Strategic Analysis, June 17, 2025, 1–3. https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2025.2494942.
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Aryal, Saroj Kumar, and Simant Shankar Bharti. "Evolution of ‘India’s Neighbourhood First Policy’ Since Independence." Society, February 6, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-023-00819-y.
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AbstractThe ‘Neighbourhood First Policy’ is the anchor point of India’s general foreign policy since independence in 1947. Subsequently, the Neighbourhood First Policy has evolved, was debilitated, and has been reformed under the various prime ministers of India. Based on preferences and perceptions about the South Asian neighbourhood, the Neighbourhood First Policy has been implemented differently. This article aims to analyse the Neighbourhood First Policy of India under four different prime ministers (Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Inder Kumar Gujral, and Narendra Modi). The article investigates the pretexts behind each premier’s way of handling the Neighbourhood First Policy followed by an empirical analysis.
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Pratap Singh, Uday, Vaibhav Srivastava, Anwar Ahmad Siddiqui, and Kachnar Verma. "PRETREATMENT NLR AS A BIOMARKER AND IT'S CORRELATION WITH BREAST CANCER STAGING: A PROSPECTIVE OBSERVATIONAL STUDY." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH, June 1, 2023, 13–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.36106/ijsr/9306004.
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Aim and objectives: The present study was undertaken to investigate pre-treatment NLR as biomarker concerning breast cancer stage and nd Correlations of NLR with various stages of Carcinoma Breast. Materials and method: This observational prospective study was conducted in the Department of General Surgery, Moti Lal Nehru Medical College, Prayagraj, and Kamla Nehru Memorial Hospital, Prayagraj. The pathological analysis included Tumour size, Modied bloom Richardson grade and score, Nodal status and Pathological stage. 8th AJCC TNM classication was used for staging of breast cancer was used. NLR was calculated using Total leucocyte count, Neutrophil percent, Lymphocyte percent as follows: NLR= Neutrophil count/ Lymphocyte count. Results: The result of the Pearson correlation showed that there was a signicant association between NLR with Tstage, N stage, M stage, Pathological stage and Early or late breast CA. ROC analysis was done for nding the cutoff values of NLR for early vs Late breast cancer Area under the curve was 0.903 and is statistically signicant with 95% CI for AUC = 0.828-0.978. Conclusion: In view of positive correlation, cost-effectiveness, and easy availability of NLR, pre-treatment NLR can be used as a biomarker for breast cancer stages.
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Sharma, Chanchal Kumar, and Wilfred Swenden. "Modi-fying Indian Federalism? Center-State Relations Under Modi's Tenure as Prime Minister." Indian Politics & Policy 1, no. 1 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.18278/inpp.1.1.4.
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Sridharan, Eswaran. "Book Review: The Unfinished Quest: India’s Search for Major Power Status from Nehru to Modi PaulT. V., The Unfinished Quest: India’s Search for Major Power Status from Nehru to Modi, Oxford University Press, New York, 2024; ISBN 9780197669990 (hardback), price $29.99, 280 pp." Journal of Asian and African Studies, March 31, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096251331090.
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Tremblay, Reeta C. "Book Review: The Unfinished Quest: India's Search for Major Power Status from Nehru to Modi by T.V. Paul." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis, February 18, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020251320939.
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Sharma, Panch Rishi Dev. "The Black Hole of Centralization: Subnational Emergency Invocations During the Tenures of Indira Gandhi and Narendra Modi." Asian Politics & Policy 17, no. 3 (2025). https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.70023.
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ABSTRACTThe constitutional provision of “Subnational Emergency” under Article 356 of the Constitution of India, 1950, extraordinarily empowers the central (union) government to acquire executive and legislative powers of the states (subnational units) on the occurrence of an undefined and largely unrestrained state of “constitutional machinery failure” emergency. Since 1950, central governments have imposed 121 subnational emergency invocations covering almost all Indian states at least once. The oft‐abused subnational emergency power has generated a black hole of centralization overpowering the gravity of federalism, constitutionalism, and democracy in India. The frequency of subnational emergency invocations reaches its zenith during the regimes of single‐party personality‐dominated central governments. The article comparatively explores two of the most prominent tenures of single‐party personality‐dominated central governments under Indira Gandhi (1967–1977, 1980–1984) and Narendra Modi (2014–2024) regarding the grounds, manner, justifications, and state of restraints on subnational emergency power.
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Sarkar, Saddam Hossain. "T.V. Paul, The Unfinished Quest: India’s Search for Major Power Status from Nehru to Modi . Oxford, 2024, 263 pp., ₹2,639. ISBN 9780197669990 (Hardback)." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations, June 16, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1177/09735984251348192.
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Saroj, Kumar Timalsina. "Foreign Policy of Independent India." July 31, 2023. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8199466.
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This article titled “Foreign policy of Independent India”is based on the reflections of Indian foreign policy adopted after independency .Foreign policy principles of India are panchasheela , NAM, respect to international law, respect to UN, regionalism (SAARC, BIMSTIC) but in terms of foreign policy practice India is dominating towards its immediate neighbors but bowing towards powerful nations . Objectives of the Study: Broadly, this article has made its objective to study the overall Indian foreign policy but specially, India’s foreign policy of independent India and to find out its dual role in terms of implementation contradiction is focused. Methodology of Study: This study is carried out on the basis of available resources i.e. books, journals, newspapers, interviews of scholarly people broadcasted and published, online materials, internet articles and so on. It means descriptive method of study is mainly applied while conducting this research. Limitation of Study: This study is limited on Indian foreign policy since 1950-2019 A. D. The article has defined basic principles of Indian foreign policy as well as it has described the Indian foreign policy under Prime Minister Nehru (1947 - 63), Lal Bahadur Shastri (1964 – 66), Mrs. Indira Gandi (1967 – 76), Morarji Desai (1977 – 1980), Mrs. Indira Gandi (1980 – 84), Rajeev Gandi (1984 – 1989), VP. Singh (1989 – 1991), P.V. Narsimha Rao (1991 – 1996), H.D. DeveGowda (1996 – 1997), I.K. Gajral (1997 – 1998), Atal Behari Bajapayee (1998 – 2004), Dr. Man Mohan Singh (2004 – 2014), Narendra Modi 2014 onwards are referred here.
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Singh Gill, Prem. "The unfinished quest: India’s search for major power status from Nehru to Modi by T.V. Paul. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2024. 288 pages. Hardback, £22.99 GBP, ISBN: 9780197669990." International Journal of Asian Studies, December 10, 2024, 1–5. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1479591424000445.
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