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Journal articles on the topic 'Neo-Confucianism Philosophy, Confucian'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Seok, Bongrae. "The Four–Seven Debate of Korean Neo-Confucianism and the Moral Psychological and Theistic Turn in Korean Philosophy." Religions 9, no. 11 (November 19, 2018): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9110374.

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This paper discusses how Korean Neo-Confucian philosophers in the Joseon dynasty (1392–1910) explained the moral nature of the mind and its emotions. Among the philosophical debates of Korean Neo-Confucianism, the author of the paper focuses on the Four–Seven Debate (a philosophical debate about the moral psychological nature of the four moral emotions and the seven morally indiscrete emotions) to analyze its li–qi metaphysics (a philosophical explanation of the universe through the intricate and interactive relation between the two cosmic processes, li and qi) and its conflicting viewpoints on the moral psychological nature of emotion. Because of the ambiguities and inconsistencies in the Neo-Confucian explanation, specifically those of the Cheng–Zhu schools of Neo-Confucianism on the nature and functions of the mind, Korean Neo-Confucians struggled to bring Neo-Confucian li–qi metaphysics to the moral and practical issues of the human mind and moral cultivation. Later in the Joseon dynasty, some Korean Neo-Confucians discussed the fundamental limitations of li–qi metaphysics and developed their explanations for the goodness of the moral mind and the world from an alternative (i.e., theistic) viewpoint.
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2

Aulisio, George J. "The Deontological Foundation of Neo-Confucian Virtue Ethics." International Philosophical Quarterly 60, no. 3 (2020): 339–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq2020716155.

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I show that Neo-Confucianism is practiced in two ways: (1) deontologically and (2) as a virtue ethical theory. When fully appreciated, Neo-Confucianism is a virtue ethical theory, but to set out on the path of the sage and behave like a junzi, Neo-Confucianism must first be practiced deontologically. I show this by examining the importance of Neo-Confucian metaphysics to ethical practice and by drawing out the major practical differences between “lesser learning” and “higher learning.” In my view, Neo-Confucianism can be practiced deontologically because some adherents may never move to practicing Neo-Confucianism as a virtue theory.
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3

Liu, Shu-Hsien. "A Reinterpretation and Reconstruction of Confucian Philosophy." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 40, no. 5 (March 2, 2013): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-04005018.

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This article further develops my understanding of Confucianism as a spiritual tradition. The spirit of Confucian philosophy remains the same as Confucius and Mencius in the ancient era, and Zhu Xi in the Song Dynasty, who developed liyi-fenshu (one principle/many manifestations) into a comprehensive anthropo-cosmic philosophy. The idea is inherited by Contemporary Neo-Confucian scholars, reinterpreted to cope with the current emphasis on plurality, the aspect of fenshu (difference), but maintained liyi (unity) as a regulative principle, sometimes radical reconstruction is needed to respond to contemporary issues such as the conflict between universalism and particularism.
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Brasovan, Nicholas S. "An Exploration Into Neo-Confucian Ecology." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 43, no. 3-4 (March 3, 2016): 203–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-0430304006.

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In this article, I lay the groundwork for hermeneutically reconstructing Neo-Confucian discourse as a viable, twenty-first century ecological worldview. I begin by outlining the tenets of complex systems theory, which are integral to contemporary ecological worldviews. I then provide an ecological reading of central concepts in the Neo-Confucian cosmology of Wang Fuzhi. As Neo-Confucian cosmology is rooted in the Book of Changes, I provide an ecological interpretation of this classic. This discussion demonstrates that contemporary ecological discourse provides a cogent hermeneutic position from which we can productively read Neo-Confucianism.
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5

Arghirescu, Diana. "Song Neo-Confucian Conceptions of Morality and Moral Sources (Zhu Xi): Connections with Chan Buddhism." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 47, no. 3-4 (March 3, 2020): 193–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-0470304006.

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In this study of ancient Confucian, Neo-Confucian (School of Principle) and Chan Buddhist ways of thinking about morality and the moral agent, my main objective is to trace changes relating to the nature and foundation of Confucian moral thought that occurred during the Song dynasty, through a parallel reading of Neo- Confucian writings and the Platform Sutra. By using the hermeneutical method and comparative textual analysis, the essay provides evidence that these changes reflect the Chan influence on Neo- Confucianism and embody a specific Neo-Confucian spirituality. The following concepts and themes articulate the theoretical framework of the research: the moral agent and moral agency; the heart-mind, authentic nature, and the principle of coherence; types of morality (substantive and procedural); and interrelatedness, oneness and purity.
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6

Zhang, Weiwen. "Heavenly Law (Tiandao) and Its Change by Time (Shibian): The Revival of Confucianism in the North Song Dynasty and Its Philosophy of History Based on the Interpretations of Yijing." Kronoscope 15, no. 1 (March 31, 2015): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685241-12341323.

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The Neo-Confucians in the North Song dynasty pursued the GreatDaoin Confucian Classics and conceptualized it as the highest rational principle and cultural spirit, which is known asTiandao天道 (the Heavenly Law) orTianli天理 (the Heavenly Principle), so as to restrain imperial authority and to provide guidance for political and economic decision-making.1 This was one of the fundamental reasons for the revival of Confucianism in the North Song period. Confucianism has a profound historical and cultural consciousness; it acknowledges the reasons for the changing nature of human social life, and it discourages people from abandoning this worldly life for a heavenly paradise. InYijing(The Book of Changes), the emphasis on the idea ofSheng Sheng生生 (ceaseless/creative creativity), morality and social norms coincides with the ethos of Confucianism. The Confucians’ effort in interpretingYijingcontributed to he revival of Confucianism in the North Song dynasty. By outlining the blueprint of an ideal world, they hoped to bring social development back on track. As a result, they had in-depth discussions on a number of philosophical questions, such as the end goal of history, social structure, social change, momentum, and laws of historical development. The neo-Confucianism in the North Song dynasty can be regarded as including a philosophy of history.
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7

Miyajima, Hiroshi. "THE EMERGENCE OF PEASANT SOCIETIES IN EAST ASIA." International Journal of Asian Studies 2, no. 1 (December 10, 2004): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147959140500001x.

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In the recent debates about Confucianism and its role in East Asian economic development, there has been little discussion about why East Asian societies embraced Confucian values in the first place. Here, “Confucian” refers particularly to the ideas of the Song dynasty Zhu Xi school (neo-Confucianism) which became associated in China with the shidafu scholar-bureaucrat class. Zhu Xi political philosophy was anchored in a centralized governing bureaucracy under the emperor, and differed markedly from political ideals underlying medieval feudal society in Europe, for example. Land-ownership was not a condition of shidafu status, and there is only a partial resemblance between the Chinese landowner and European feudal ruling strata. In Japan and Korea, notwithstanding the fact that neo-Confucianism was an imported philosophy and there arose discrepancies between its ideas and social reality, it sank deep roots into both societies. This paper looks at the conditions that allowed this to happen, and concludes that the spread of Confucian ideas depended on structural changes in Korea and Japan that were similar to those that had occurred in China. It is in the emergence of peasant society that we find the key to such changes. This, I contend, is a far more important watershed than the one that divides early-modern and modern.
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8

Lo, Ping-Cheung. "Neo-Confucian Religiousness Vis-à-Vis Neo-Orthodox Protestantism." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 41, no. 5 (March 3, 2014): 609–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-04105007.

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Contemporary Neo-Confucianism, as represented by Tang Junyi, Mou Zongsan and Tu Wei-ming, has a definite religiosity. They consciously draw a parallel between the Christian God-human relationship and Confucian Heaven-human relationship, and argue for the superiority of the latter. They characterize the Christian God as “pure transcendence”; in contrast, they embrace immanentism of the Heaven and assert the divinity of human nature. This article argues that these Confucian thinkers have a very distorted understanding of classical Christian theology. They cherry-pick some statements from the Neo-Orthodox theologians (such as God as Wholly Other), charge this God for its remoteness from us, and happily ascribe divinity to human nature. They are totally unaware that their immanentism is déjà vu to the Neo- Orthodox theological movement. The religious thoughts of Tang, Mou, and Tu, though in different degrees, resemble German liberal theology in many crucial ways, against which Barth, Brunner, and Bultmann (with the assistance of Otto and Buber) have successfully revolted. Instead of using Neo-Orthodox theologians as a foil, the future development of Neo-Confucian religiousness has much to learn from this theological movement.
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9

Xin, Yamin. "A Preliminary Inquiry into Zhang Zai’s Philosophy of History in His Studies of Yijing." Kronoscope 15, no. 1 (March 31, 2015): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685241-12341322.

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“Zunwang jianba” 尊王賤霸 (Honoring the [Three] Kings and Denunciating the [Five] Hegemons) is commonly regarded as the principal idea of the Confucian Conception of History. However, Zhang Zai 張載 (1020-1077), the founder of North Song’s Neo- Confucianism, expressed his unique view of history by interpretingYijing(The Book of Changes) in his workHengqu Yishuo橫渠易說 (An Explanation of the Meaning of Yi), which departed from the ancient Confucian tradition. This article offers an account of Zhang’s philosophy of history, which has been overlooked for a long time. Zhang Zai’s historical philosophy ofYijingcan be summarized in two sentences: “Histories existed before [the advent of] historical records書前有史,” and “Tools existed prior to [the invention of] hexagrams卦前有器.”
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10

Chan, Wing-Cheuk. "Liu Zongzhou and Michel Henry on Absolute Subjectivity." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 41, no. 3-4 (March 2, 2014): 328–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-0410304006.

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With the thesis that life is auto-affection, the French philosopher Michel Henry introduced a phenomenology of life. By disclosing the parallels between the Ming Neo-Confucian Liu Zongzhou’s and Henry’s philosophy, this article tries to develop a more radical understanding of the essential difference between Liu Zongzhou’s and Wang Yangming’s Confucianism. Moreover, it will show in what sense Liu Zongzhou’s doctrine is a phenomenology of life. In contrast to Henry’s founding of the phenomenology of life upon Christianity, Liu Zongzhou’s approach is nontheological. In recent years, Henry’s theological phenomenology has been challenged. Particularly, Henry’s Christian account for the possibility of selfhood is charged for lacking phenomenological evidence. It will show that such a difficulty might be overcome by Liu Zongzhou’s thesis of the essential connection between pure feeling and the will.
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11

Rošker, Jana S. "Modernizing the Philosophy of Creative Creativity." Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (September 22, 2020): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2020.8.3.141-160.

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Fang Dongmei (1899–1977) is among the most influential Chinese philosophers who lived and worked in Taiwan during the second half of the 20th century. The present article aims to clarify his view on the basic nature of the human Self. This assessment is more multifaceted than it seems at a first glimpse, for Fang’s philosophy is also more complex than it seems. As a member of the so-called neo-conservative streams of thought, he criticized the Western-type modernization and aimed to revive the holistic onto-epistemology of classical Confucianism. On the other hand, he highlighted the importance of its basic paradigm which underlay the Confucian discourses from their very beginning, i.e. since the Book of Changes, namely the principle of creative creativity (shengshengbuxi 生生不息). The alleged contradiction between his advocating of holism and creativity, has been reflected in the apparent dichotomy between the social and relational essence of the Confucian Moral Self on the one side, and individual uniqueness on the other. The paper aims to show that both seeming contradictions are actually parts of the same theoretical principle defining the complementary interactions of binary oppositions.
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12

Torrey, Deberniere. "Separate but Engaged: Human Subjectivity in the Poetry of Tasan Chŏng Yagyong." Journal of Korean Studies 15, no. 1 (September 10, 2010): 95–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07311613-15-1-95.

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Abstract Tasan Chŏng Yagyong’s (1762–1836) philosophy is often noted for its departure from the mainstream Neo-Confucian thought of his time, particularly for its conception of the human mind as being distinguished from the cosmos. This aspect of Tasan’s philosophy implies a new paradigm of human subjectivity, which would have ramifications for his creative work. Thus, the question: How does this new subjectivity manifest itself in Tasan’s poetry? This paper analyses the characteristics of Tasan’s social poems that reflect his distinctive paradigm as follows: ethnic self-consciousness, heightened realism, oppositional images, anthropocentric themes, and a poetics of subject-object independence. Tasan’s distinctive subjectivity differs from the mainstream poetic trends of his time, but its moral engagement with the object of social malaise nonetheless remains faithful to the ethical goals of classical Confucianism.
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13

Li, Jinglin. "The ontologicalization of the Confucian concept of Xin Xing: Zhou Lianxi’s founding contribution to the Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism." Frontiers of Philosophy in China 1, no. 2 (June 2006): 204–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11466-006-0003-x.

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14

Ommerborn, Wolfgang. "«Mein Geist ist das Universum»." Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter 1 (December 31, 1996): 57–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bpjam.1.04omm.

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Abstract Lu Jiuyuan (1139-1193) is one of the most prominent philosophers of the Song dynasty. He belonged to the School of Mind (Xin-Xue), one of the two main schools of Neo-Confucianism - the other being the School of Principle (Li Xue), of which Zhu Xi (1130-1200) is the outstanding figure. This essay investigates the onto-logical and epistemological teachings of Lu Jiuyuan and compares them with the thought of other Neo-Confucian thinkers such as Zhu Xi. The most important term in Zhu Xi's philosophy is li (universal principle). Lu Jiuyuan equated li with the mind of man. He developed his philosophy on the basis of li- present in and apprehended by the mind - as the moral criterion of human conduct. For him, the purpose of study is to recognize li and return to the originally pure condition of the mind. Every man, he said, is responsible for the condition of his mind and must strive to attain knowledge of the truth. Lu refused to consider as important the acquisition of factual knowledge by external investigation, emphasizing instead that li is to be known intuitively. The realization of li is the result of inner, subjective self-examination.
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15

Song, Pan, and Chung-Ying Cheng. "A Study on Chinese Confucian Classics and Neo-Confucianism in the Song-Ming Dynasties, Volumes 1 and 2. By Cai Fanglu. (Beijing: People's Publishing House, 2011.)." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 41, S1 (December 2014): 757–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-6253.12164.

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16

Song, Pan, and Chung-Ying Cheng. "A Study on Chinese Confucian Classics and Neo-Confucianism in the Song-Ming Dynasties, Volumes 1 and 2. By Cai Fanglu. (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2011.)." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 41, no. 5 (March 3, 2014): 757–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-04105017.

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17

Liangjian, Liu. "Rujia Chuantong de Quanshi yu Sibian: Cong Xianqin Ruxue, Songming Ruxue dao Xiandai Ruxue (An Interpretation and Critical Reflection on the Confucian Tradition: From Classical Confucianism and Neo-Confucianism to New Confucianism). By Peng Guoxiang, . (Wuhan:Wuhan Daxue Chubanshe, 2012. 428 Pp. Paperback, ISBN 978-7-307-09621-9/B•342.)." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 40, no. 3-4 (March 2, 2013): 601–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-0400304016.

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18

Liu, Liangjian. "Rujia Chuantong de Quanshi yu Sibian: Cong Xianqin Ruxue, Songming Ruxue dao Xiandai Ruxue《儒家傳統的詮釋與思辨：從先秦儒學、宋明儒學到現代新儒學》(An Interpretation and Critical Reflection on the Confucian Tradition: From Classical Confucianism and Neo-Confucianism to New Confucian." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 40, no. 3-4 (September 2013): 601–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-6253.12041.

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19

Wang, Hwa Yeong. "Confucianism and Rituals for Women in Chosŏn Korea." European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 13, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 91–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.24204/ejpr.2021.3308.

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This essay offers an analysis of the writing and practices of Song Siyŏl as a way to explore the philosophical concepts and philosophizing process of Confucian ritual in relation to women. As a symbolic and influential figure in Korean philosophy and politics, his views contributed to shaping the orthodox interpretation of the theory and practice of Neo-Confucian ritual regarding women. By demonstrating and analyzing what kinds of issues were discussed in terms of women in four family rituals, I delineate the ways in which Song Siyŏl positioned women in his ritualist metaphysics and to examine his philosophizing process.
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20

Tu (杜維明), Weiming. "Mencius, Xunzi, and the Third Stage of Confucianism." Journal of Chinese Humanities 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340087.

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Abstract According to Karl Jaspers’s theory of the Axial age, many important cultures in the world experienced a “transcendental breakthrough” between 800 and 200 BCE; no more transformations occurred until Martin Luther’s Protestant Reformation in the sixteenth century, which eventually ushered in the modern era. The implication of this theory is that only the West had a second cultural breakthrough, thus rendering moot the discussion of a third Confucian epoch. But, in reality, Confucianism had a second breakthrough during the Song—Ming period (tenth to seventeenth centuries) and spread from China to East Asia; this new form of Confucianism is called “neo-Confucianism” by Western scholars. The third Confucian epoch is a forward-looking concept that uses the lexicon of Western science and democracy to trace Confucianism’s philosophical transformation from a Chinese tradition into a part of world culture, and the integration of Mencian and Xunzian thought has to be treated in this light. Faced with Western cultural challenges, modern Confucianism has broken new ground in many ways. Mou Zongsan 牟宗三 is Mencian (as represented by Lu Xiangshan 陸象山, Wang Yangming 王陽明, and Liu Jishan 劉蕺山) in spirit and Xunzian (as represented by Zhu Xi 朱熹) in practice. Li Zehou 李澤厚, by contrast, exhorts us to talk the Mencian talk but walk the Xunzian walk; this contradictory stratagem, which he thinks will lead to a brighter and healthier future, only accentuates the power of Mencius 孟子 as a philosopher of the mind. Mencius and Xunzi 荀子 are very important in a modern deconstruction of Confucianism and the integration of their thought may very well become the impetus for another transcendental breakthrough. Is integration possible? How should they be integrated? We await the results of Confucian scholars’ open-minded explorations.
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Starostina, A. B. "Confucian concept of “transmission of the Way” in the works by Han Yu." Orientalistica 3, no. 1 (March 29, 2020): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2020-3-1-70-83.

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This article is an attempt to find out how one of the leaders of the revival of Antiquity movement in China, the philosopher Han Yu (768–824), saw the place of the Han era philosopher Yang Xiong (53 BCE – 18 CE) in the history of Confucianism and Chinese culture. The author argues that the works by Yang Xiong influenced the ideas by Han Yu especially those regarding the lineage of the transmission of the Path. She also suggests that because the Neo-Confucianists had interpreted these features in a specific way the connection, which contributed to the fact that the relationship as mentioned above was ignored.The author declares that there is no conflict of interest.
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Zhang, Qianfan. "Democracy and Meritocracy: A False Dichotomy." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 47, no. 3-4 (March 3, 2020): 213–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-0470304007.

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In this article I refute the conceptual viability of “political meritocracy” and its application to mainland China. I begin with the methodological individualistic definition of “merit,” arguing that electoral democracy based on one-person, one-vote is the genuine form of meritocracy. I then respond to several challenges to electoral democracy and argues that they can—perhaps can only—be properly addressed by improving democracy itself. I further refute the proposition that China is a case for political meritocracy and argue that Singapore would not have been meritocratic but for its functioning (albeit defective) elections based on one-person, onevote. I conclude with a call for contemporary neo-Confucians to develop political doctrines responsibly in order to make Confucianism relevant today.
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Liu, Puning. "The Adoption of Neo-Confucianism in Discussing Legitimacy Dispute." Asian Culture and History 10, no. 1 (December 8, 2017): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ach.v10n1p43.

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Lipset (1960) denotes legitimacy as “the capacity of the system to engender and maintain the belief that the existing political institutions are the most appropriate ones for the society.” All political powers, including Chinese dynasties in history, needed legitimacy to ensure their governance. In general, Western thinkers who discuss political legitimacy could be identified into two groups (Habermas, 1979). The “empiricists”, likes Max Weber, studies legitimacy in an empirical method, focusing on the types, constitutions, functions, and evolutions of legitimacy. The second group consists of “normativists”, such as Plato and John Rawls, who tend to base legitimacy on various normative values such as justice or democracy. Pre-modern Chinese views on political legitimacy have the similar approaches like west. The first one pays attention to different empirical factors of legitimacy. For instance, the pre-Qin philosopher Zou Yan (305-240 BCE), and Western Han thinker Liu Xin (50 BCE-23 CE) view a dynasty’s legitimate by its adoption of rightful dynastic phase (Wang 2006). The Song Dynasty (960–1279) historian Ouyang Xiu (1007-1072) argues that the just position and the unification of China make a legitimate dynasty (Rao 1996). The second approach bases legitimacy on normative values. For example, Confucius (551-479 BCE) indicates that the rightfulness of a ruler relies on his properly practicing both “benevolence” (ren ), and “rites” (li ). Many present scholars give us their studies on the legitimacy in Chinese history. For instance, Rao Zong (1996) provides the general overviews of legitimacy in the Chinese tradition, with an extensive collection of relevant primary sources. Hou Deren (2009) introduces most relevant present-day Chinese studies on that issue. For English readers, general studies of traditional Chinese views on legitimacy can be found in the writings of Hok-lam Chan (1984) and Richard Davis (1983). Nevertheless, it is notable that the question of legitimacy became pressing from the 13th century onwards in China, when China was ruled by non-Chinese ruling houses, such as the Yuan Dynasty 元 (1272-1368) and Qing Dynasty (1889-1912). Scholars during that period showed a great interest in discussing the question of what makes a legitimate ruler of China. In general, these scholars approached that question in two ways; they introduced the prevailing Neo-Confucianism to define the virtuous rule as the principal value of legitimacy (Bol, 2009), or they defined a Chinese ruled dynasty as legitimate. To reveal these scholars’ distinct views on legitimacy, this paper investigates two of them, the Yuan literatus Yang Weizhen (1296-1370) and the Ming (1368-1644) scholar-official Fang Xiaoru (1357-1402). For English readers, only Richard Davis (1983) gives a brief introduction on Yang Weizhen’s views on legitimacy. Few studies focus on Fang Xiaoru’s relevant views. Following the text analysis way, this article proves that Yang Weizhen and Fang Xiaoru acted as two representatives of scholars in the late imperial China. Both of them adopted Neo-Confucianism to discuss legitimacy, viewing the discussion of legitimacy as a moral evaluation of the dynasty and monarch. They also shared the idea that Chinese ruled dynasty should be viewed as legitimate.
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"The Flexibility of Confucian Thought in Times of Crisis." Philosophical Literary Journal Logos 28, no. 6 (January 2019): 131–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/0869-5377-2018-6-131-150.

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The article is devoted to the crisis of Confucianism in the history of Old and New China, the causes of these crises, and the ability of Confucianism to respond to the demands of the times, to change under the influence of political, historical and ideological metamorphoses. Particular attention is paid to the flexibility of the Confucian tradition, which for thousands of years has remained the main ethical teaching for the Chinese intelligentsia and a fundamental instrument of government. The reasons for the stability of the Confucian doctrine are explained through analysis of the orthodox canons which changed in response to crises. The role of commentators on traditional treatises who greatly enriched the teachings of Confucius and contributed to its flexibility in the face of impending crises is also considered. The article also considers the stylistic changes carried out by the neo-Confucians under the guidance of the famous philosopher Zhu Xi. Those changes temporarily made Confucianism more resistant to all kinds of cataclysms, but in the end it was these changes that played a crucial role in the fundamental crisis in its teachings. There is no denying that the literature of Old and New China exposed all the flaws in Confucian morality. The criticism of Confucianism is especially thorough in the satirical literature that best highlights all the defects of Confucian orthodoxy. The article concludes with an examination of the role of Confucianism in modern China, and Xi Jinping’s new course is analyzed by invoking traditional Chinese thought, which abounds in his works and speeches. The reasons for the stability and flexibility of Confucian thought are explained.by reference to the thumbnail sketch of Chinese history in the article.
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Lior, Yair. "A Comparative-Informational Approach to the Study of Religion: The Chinese and Jewish Cases." Journal of the American Academy of Religion, October 12, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfz027.

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AbstractThis article offers a “comparative-informational” approach to the study of religion. It demonstrates how historical transformations in religious traditions are frequently intertwined with shifts towards new strategies of managing information, or “informational orders.” The article shows how two unrelated schools of thought—Neo-Confucianism and Kabbalah—were responsible for the construction and institutionalization of new information strategies in their respective traditions. The innovative discourses Neo-Confucians and Kabbalists established were characterized by “analytic” qualities that were co-opted from competing foreign traditions. As part of the Confucian and Jewish reactions to Buddhism and Greek philosophy, respectively, Neo-Confucian and medieval Jewish mystical discourses underwent considerable rationalization. Moreover, from an informational perspective, a major factor in the dramatic cultural transitions that Neo-Confucians and Kabbalists facilitated was the ability of these schools to restructure the canonical literature of their respective traditions. Such rare modificiations in a tradition’s “informational core” are here interpreted as adaptive strategies that drive cultural systems towards greater complexity and long-term resilience.
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