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Journal articles on the topic 'Neo-Marxist theory'
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1
Neilson, David. "In-itself for-itself: Towards second-generation neo-Marxist class theory." Capital & Class 42, no. 2 (2017): 273–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816817723299.
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First-generation neo-Marxist class theorists advanced some way beyond the orthodox Marxist account that is grounded in a particular reading of the Communist Manifesto. However, capitalism’s changing reality since then has revealed the limited extent of their break with orthodoxy. With the support of Bhaskar’s critical realism and Gramsci’s philosophy of praxis, this article addresses these limitations to facilitate movement towards second-generation neo-Marxist class theory. Rather than following first-generation neo-Marxist Poulantzas who dismissed the ‘class-in-itself’/‘class-for-itself’ distinction as a non-Marxist Hegelian residue, this article treats it as the central problematic of Marx’s class theory. Bourdieu’s subjectivist reformulations of the distinction that resonates with Marxist interpretations that run counter to the neo-Marxist social scientific aspiration are also critically engaged. The innovative conceptual framework arising from the article’s critical engagement with these diverging intellectual trajectories is applied to sketch ‘class effects’ in-themselves especially around the theme of the ‘relative surplus population’. Expected class effects implied by the core dynamic of the capitalist mode of production, and then contemporary empirical effects generated by neoliberal-led global capitalism, are outlined. This re-conceptualisation is then supplemented by critically examining Beck’s argument that individualisation leads to capitalism without classes-for-themselves. The article concludes by reconsidering class-for-itself in the light of the preceding discussion.
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Cole, Mike. "A Marxist critique of Sean Walton’s defence of the Critical Race Theory concept of ‘White supremacy’ as explaining all forms of racism, and some comments on Critical Race Theory, Black Radical and socialist futures." Power and Education 12, no. 1 (2019): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1757743819871318.
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In the context of the ongoing debate between Critical Race Theorists and (neo-) Marxists over the Critical Race Theory concept of ‘White supremacy’, this paper extends the analysis to Black Radicalism in an attempt to further develop the neo-Marxist critique of ‘White supremacy’ deployed as a general descriptor of racism in Western societies. Specifically, the case is made that the neo-Marxist concepts of institutional racism and racialisation are better placed to understand forms of racism such as those beyond the Black/White binary, namely racism that impacts on non-Black people of colour, non-colour-coded racism and hybridist racism. Finally, futures as articulated by Critical Race Theory, Black Radicalism and neo-Marxism are addressed.
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Wright, Erik Olin. "Foundations of a neo-Marxist class analysis." Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing, Stmm 2019 (1) (March 22, 2019): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/sociology2019.01.009.
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The author lays out the distinctive features of a neo-Marxist class approach used in present-day sociology. First, he clarifies what exactly constitutes the fundamental point of class analysis within the Marxist framework and what it tries to accomplish. This work also provides a description of similarities and differences between the Weberian and Marxist traditions with regard to the conceptual components and pivotal explanatory ambitions. The distinctive hallmark of the Marxian approach is that it defines the concept of social class in terms of exploitation. In Wright’s view, the theoretical pay-off of elaborating the Marxian-inspired conception of class, which is based on social relations of production on the one hand and exploitation and domination on the other, is that this conception infuses class analysis with moral critique. Such an analysis can function not simply as part of a scientific theory of interests and conflicts, but also as a constituent of an emancipatory theory offering alternatives to capitalism on the basis of social justice.
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Hill, Dave. "State Theory and the Neo-Liberal Reconstruction of Schooling and Teacher Education: A structuralist neo-Marxist critique of postmodernist, quasi-postmodernist, and culturalist neo-Marxist theory." British Journal of Sociology of Education 22, no. 1 (2001): 135–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01425690020030837.
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Khachaturian, Rafael. "Bringing What State Back In? Neo-Marxism and the Origin of the Committee on States and Social Structures." Political Research Quarterly 72, no. 3 (2018): 714–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918804450.
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This article examines the interdisciplinary movement to “bring the state back in,” advanced during the 1980s by the Committee on States and Social Structures. Drawing on the Committee’s archives at the Social Science Research Council, I show that its influential neo-Weberian conception of the state was developed in dialogue with earlier neo-Marxist debates about the capitalist state. However, its interpretation of neo-Marxism as a class reductive and functionalist variant of “grand theory” also created a narrative that marginalized the latter’s contributions to the literature on the state. This displacement had lasting consequences, for while neo-Marxist approaches had provided a critical perspective on the relationship between the social sciences and the state, the Committee’s narrative had a depoliticizing effect on this subject matter. Reconstructing this moment both recovers the forgotten influence of the New Left and neo-Marxist scholarship on postwar political science and sociology, and elaborates on the contested history of the state as a political concept.
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Kulkov, V. M. "Approaches to Neo-Marxist Synthesis in Political Economy [regarding the monograph by V.T. Ryazanov, «Modern Political Economy: Prospects for Neo-Marxist Synthesis»]." Russian Economic Journal, no. 4 (August 2019): 118–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33983/0130-9757-2019-4-118-126.
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The article is a review of a new monograph by the famous Russian theoretician-economist V.T. Ryazanov, «Modern Political Economy: Prospects for Neo-Marxist Synthesis». The focus is on the possibilities and content of neo-Marxist synthesis in political economy. Its new subject field, reflecting major changes in modern capitalism, is revealed. The scientific potential of classical political economy and the accumulated theoretical developments of heterodox schools that oppose the mainstream in modern economic theory are also shown. All this taken together makes it possible to lay the foundations of neo-Marxist synthesis as a new version of Marxist political economy. The review reveals specific theoretical, methodological and concrete economic problems studied in the monograph, and some critical remarks are made. According to the reviewer, this monograph can be an important step in contributing to the full revival of political economy in the public, scientific and educational space.
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Ritzer, George, and J. Daniel Schubert. "The Changing Nature of Neo-Marxist Theory: A Metatheoretical Analysis." Sociological Perspectives 34, no. 3 (1991): 359–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389516.
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STEPHENS, CODY. "THE ACCIDENTAL MARXIST: ANDRE GUNDER FRANK AND THE “NEO-MARXIST” THEORY OF UNDERDEVELOPMENT, 1958–1967." Modern Intellectual History 15, no. 2 (2016): 411–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244316000123.
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Based on newly available archival records, this article examines the life and thought of Andre Gunder Frank from his years as a graduate student in development economics to the publication of his first and most influential book. A closer look at the evolution of Frank's thought provides new insight into the relationship of his brand of “neo-Marxist” development theories with both classical Marxism and modernization theory. Frank interpreted Marxist political debates according to the categories of thought of 1950s American development economics, and in doing so he both misinterpreted fundamental aspects of Marxism and simultaneously generated lively theoretical debates that remain relevant today.
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Müller, W., and R. Rohr-Zanker. "The Fiscal Crisis and the Local State: Examination of the Structuralist Concept." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 21, no. 12 (1989): 1619–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a211619.
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Neo-Marxist theory has been widely used by urban scientists to explain patterns of fiscal stress among US cities during the 1970s. Despite its popularity, strict empirical tests are rare, and few attempts have been made to account for theoretical and empirical criticism and recent changes in the fiscal behavior of cities. A causal model is developed and tested for long-term debt of large US cities in 1975 and extended through 1985. The results contradict hypotheses of the neo-Marxist theory and show that it ignores the relevance of changes in urban fiscal strategies and underestimates the political flexibility of city managers.
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Walton, Sean. "Why the critical race theory concept of ‘White supremacy’ should not be dismissed by neo-Marxists: Lessons from contemporary Black radicalism." Power and Education 12, no. 1 (2019): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1757743819871316.
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Since entering the field of education studies, critical race theory has had an uneasy relationship with Marxism. One particular point of disagreement between Marxists and critical race theory scholars centres on the critical race theory concept of ‘White supremacy’. Some Marxist scholars suggest that, because of its reliance on ‘White supremacy’, critical race theory is unable to explain the prevalence of racism in Western, capitalist societies. These Marxists also argue that ‘White supremacy’ as understood within CRT is actively damaging to radical, emancipatory movements because the concept misrepresents the position of the White working class as the beneficiaries of racism, and in doing so, it alienates White workers from their Black counterparts. Some neo-Marxist thinkers have sought to replace the concept of ‘White supremacy’ with ‘racialisation’, a concept which is grounded in capitalist modes of production and has a historical, political and economic basis. Drawing on arguments from critical race theory, Marxism and Black radicalism, this paper argues that the critical race theory concept of ‘White supremacy’ is itself grounded in historical, political and economic reality and should not be dismissed by neo-Marxists. Incorporating ‘White supremacy’ into a neo-Marxist account of racism makes it more appealing to a broader (Black) radical audience.
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McKay, Jim. "Marxism as a Way of Seeing: Beyond the Limits of Current “Critical” Approaches to Sport." Sociology of Sport Journal 3, no. 3 (1986): 261–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.3.3.261.
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Like capitalism, Marxism constantly experiences contradictions and crises to which it reacts, adapts, and somehow survives. Currently, Marxism is under attack by post-Marxist critical theorists and certain feminist scholars. In this paper, some of the criticisms made by these writers are applied to neo-Marxist approaches to sport. It is contended that the specific critiques of Marxism need to be situated in a wider framework that is concerned with theorizing all forms of domination (i.e., economic, sexual, ethnic/racial, and political) in sport. Some recent topics researched by neo-Marxists are used to illustrate the theoretical problems raised by restricting any critical theory of sport to the Marxist paradigm.
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Machalica, Bartosz. "Marksowskie ujęcie klas społecznych a paradygmat nauk o polityce." Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica 24, no. 324 (2021): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20813333.24.1.
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The paper outlines the Marxist theory of social classes in reference to the paradigm of the political science.The first part demonstrates the classical Karl Marx’s theory of social classes. Further on, the paper presentsthe main elements of the neo-Marxist class theory, including the works of Erik Olin Wright. Next, the paperpoints to the utility of ‘the social class’ term in the political science paradigm, in reference to the worksof Artur Bodnar, Mirosław Karwat, Julian Hochfeld and others. Subsequently, the paper advocates thestatement to the effect that politics is the concentrated emanation of economic relations, which alludes tothe significance of the Marxist social class theory.
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Konye, Michael Nnamdi. "Which theory of communication is “political correctness”?" Journal of Education Culture and Society 7, no. 2 (2016): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20162.53.74.
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The paper focuses on ‟political correctness”, which has become a late 20th century catch-phrase in Western European and North American liberal democracies but also has found currency in the political climate of the Asian and Eastern countries. A historical and multi-cultural review is intended as an introduction to a broader philosophical analysis of the Marxist backgrounds of political correctness and its neo-Marxist theoretical correctives in Jürgen Habermas’s theory of communicative action. My aim is to draw out both the educational and cultural implications of laying out the ethos of contemporary discourse on the foundations of the evolving dynamics of the rhetoric of political correctness.
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Verbeek, Peter-Paul. "The Struggle for Technology: Towards a Realistic Political Theory of Technology." Foundations of Science 22, no. 2 (2015): 301–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10699-015-9470-7.
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Abstract Pieter Lemmens’ neo-Marxist approach to technology urges us to rethink how to do political philosophy of technology. First, Lemmens’ high level of abstraction raises the question of how empirically informed a political theory of technology needs to be. Second, his dialectical focus on a “struggle” between humans and technologies reveals the limits of neo-Marxism. Political philosophy of technology needs to return “to the things themselves”. The political significance of technologies cannot be reduced to its origins in systems of production or social organization, but requires study at the micro-level, where technologies help to shape engagement, interaction, power, and social awareness.
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Ihde, Don. "Almost a Critical Theorist . . ." Techné: Research in Philosophy and Technology 24, no. 1 (2020): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/techne2020319121.
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This article starts with an autobiographical reflection in which I first trace how close I came to doing my Ph.D. studies with Herbert Marcuse when he was at Brandeis University; then follows my early post-Ph.D. work which continued to use critical theorists in teaching, later following a growing disillusionment with the implicit elitism of many critical theory authors. Then I turn to deeper philosophical reasons for my divergence from critical theory by introducing the notion of “shelf-life,” and argue that much Marxist and neo-Marxist work is today outdated, or has reached limits of its shelf-life.
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Brunkhorst, Hauke. "A Marxist Educated Kant: Philosophy of History in Kant and the Frankfurt School." Kantian Review 25, no. 4 (2020): 515–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1369415420000394.
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AbstractIn a lecture that Habermas gave on his 90th birthday he ironically, but with serious intent, called a good Kant a sufficiently Marxist educated Kant. This dialectical Kant is the only one of the many Kants who maintains the idea of an unconditioned moral autonomy but completely within evolution, history and in the middle of societal class and other struggles. The article tries to show what Kant could have learned from his later critics to enable him to become a member of the Frankfurt School’s neo-Marxist theory of society.
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Ocholla, Dennis. "Decolonizing higher education in Africa: Implications and possibilities for university libraries." College & Research Libraries News 81, no. 6 (2020): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.81.6.289.
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Decolonizing higher education in Africa, a process inclusive of indigenous literacy, is an emancipatory transformative concept that is largely grounded on critical theory, critical theory of education, dependency theory, and Afrikology epistemology. The four theoretical perspectives espouse emancipation, transformation, liberation, empowerment, inclusivity, equality, co-existence and social justice, and, to some degree, are rooted in neo-Marxist radical paradigms and can be used as the theoretical lens for analyzing decolonization and indigenization.
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Basak, Rasim. "Teacher Opinions and Perspectives of Visual Culture Theory and Material Culture Studies in Art Education." Journal of Education in Black Sea Region 6, no. 2 (2021): 186–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.31578/jebs.v6i2.242.
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Teacher opinions and discussions about Visual Culture Theory and Material Culture in art education are examined in this paper. Both approaches were compared and evaluated within their contents and fundamentals. Visual Culture Art Education (VCAE) in art education, specifically, has been criticized as having a Neo-Marxist or Cultural Marxist agenda stemming from Critical Theory, nonetheless, it is also viewed as being just another recent Postmodernist approach. Being a controversial theoretical account, VCAE seems widely unknown and not understood in its conceptual frame among art teachers in Turkey. Its name also may have caused confusion. In this study, art teacher opinions of VCAE content, principles, applications and practices were collected through a survey questionnaire; and examined. Participants were 71 art teachers. A purposeful, convenient, random sampling method was employed to represent a population of art teachers from various backgrounds, with various experience levels, with educational experience from various universities, working at various geographical regions and towns in Turkey. The study was designed and structured as descriptive survey research. Analyses revealed that art teachers usually are not aware of the typical discussions about VCAE. Having been criticized as an ideologically rooted theory, the applicability of VCAE in Turkey seems controversial in many aspects.
 Keywords: visual culture, Modernism, DBAE, VCAE, critical pedagogy, Postmodernism, neo-marxism
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Biebricher, Thomas. "Staatlichkeit, Gouvernementalität und Neoliberalismus." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 38, no. 151 (2008): 307–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v38i151.476.
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The paper examines Foucault's analytics of the state based on the concept and history of governmentality. While the approach has a promising critical-analytical potential, the latter is not always realized in the works of the governmentality studies. These problems that are particularly related to the conceptualisation and analysis of Neo-Liberalism as a governmentality are examined from the perspective of Bob Jessop's Neo-Marxist strategic-relational theory of the state. It is suggested to adopt some of the insights developed in this approach to realize the potential of Foucault's analytlcs of state more thoroughly.
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Glassman, Jim. "The spaces of economic crisis: Asia and the reconfiguration of neo-Marxist crisis theory." Studies in Comparative International Development 37, no. 4 (2003): 31–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02686271.
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Daher, Rami Farouk. "Neoliberal urban transformations in the arab city." Environnement urbain 7 (December 9, 2014): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1027729ar.
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This research represents a discursive-comparative analysis aiming to understand the current urban neoliberal condition in the Arab world in terms of the circulating patterns of urban transformation. The research introduces and suggests a discursive framework in which various neoliberal projects could be examined and evaluated against one or more of the following indicators: urban lifestyle, emancipatory neoliberal discourse, claims to social sustainability, socio-spatial politics and dynamics, governance and place management, changing role of the state, and circulation of neoliberal practices. The research applies and benefits from a reconciliation between neo-Marxist theories of political economy and poststructuralist approaches related to the art of governance. However, in doing so it relies mostly on one body of theory, namely, neo-Marxist theories considering neoliberalism as a class project of social exclusion. The framework of analysis is applied to the following three case studies in Amman: high-end business towers, gated upper-middle class communities, and low-income housing projects. In general, these projects, despite their emancipatory rhetoric, led to geographies of inequality and urban disparities within the city of Amman.
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Strange, Gerard. "The Left Against Europe? A Critical Engagement with New Constitutionalism and Structural Dependence Theory." Government and Opposition 41, no. 2 (2006): 197–229. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00176.x.
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AbstractThis article offers a critical engagement with two important strands of left theorizations of European Union integration and globalization, namely, ‘new constitutionalism’ (a sub-form of neo-Gramscian analysis) and ‘structural dependence’ theory (rooted in a more orthodox Marxist approach). These approaches suffer, respectively, from an uncritical or one-sided approach to constitutionalism and competitiveness; and from a theoretical conflation of national with regional political economy. While new constitutionalism under-theorizes regionalism partly because of its implicit ‘methodological nationalism’ and attachment to the ethics of national political economy, structural dependence theory neglects regionalism in pursuing a highly pessimistic structuralist approach to globalization.
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HARDING, ALAN. "Review Article: North Urban Political Economy, Urban Theory and British Research." British Journal of Political Science 29, no. 4 (1999): 673–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123499000320.
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In 1976, when European debates within urban theory were dominated by neo-Marxist and neo-Weberian approaches to cities as sites for the provision of social and welfare services, the very different notion of ‘the city as growth machine’ slipped into the US urban studies lexicon with the publication of Harvey Molotch's article of the same name. In 1983, the year in which Castells brought the radical phase of European urban studies to a halt with a famous warning against ‘the useless construction of abstract grand theory’, the concept of an urban regime had a similarly unobtrusive birth when the phrase was used by Fainstein and Fainstein to describe ‘the circle of powerful elected officials and top administrators’ in US city government. Had the story ended there it is unlikely that the world – especially outside North America – would have heard much more of urban regimes and growth machines. As it has turned out, though, from the late 1980s onwards urban scholars have hardly seemed able to hear enough about these two approaches within US urban political economy.
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Koen, R. "In Defence of Pashukanism." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 14, no. 4 (2017): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2011/v14i4a2586.
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This essay presents an extended defence of the general theory of law formulated by the Bolshevik jurist, Evgeny Pashukanis, and published in his Law and Marxism: A General Theory in 1924. The general theory is a theory of the legal form. Although Pashukanis did not name his theory, it has become known as the commodity form theory of law because of its theorising the legal form as a homologue of the commodity form. However, despite having weighty Marxist and revolutionary Bolshevik credentials, the general theory has been subjected to sustained attack, especially from new left and neo-Marxist circles. This essay identifies and explicates six major objections to Pashukanism from its left critics. These are that the general theory is too abstract to comprehend the reality of legal relations; that it is infused with economic reductionism; that it derives the legal form wrongly from commodity exchange; that it classifies the legal form incorrectly as an attribute of capitalism only; that it lacks the generality required of a general theory of law; and that it is imbricated in the growth of anarchism and Stalinism. Following a brief exegetical exercise, the bulk of the essay is devoted to demonstrating in detail that each of the six objections to the general theory is without merit, and that none makes any serious incursion into its integrity as a theory of the legal form. The central submission of the essay is that the Pashukanist general theory of law is rooted in the first principles of classical Marxism and hence may lay claim legitimately to being the Marxist theory of law.
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Gill, Timothy M. "Sociological theory and US foreign policy in the 21st century." Current Sociology 66, no. 1 (2016): 128–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392116678441.
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In recent decades, several sociologists have moved beyond grand theories of international relations, and empirically examined the motivations of US foreign policy leading into the 21st century. This article discusses the work of three political sociologists who have examined US foreign policy from three prominent perspectives: Michael Mann, William Robinson, and Julian Go. Working from a neo-Weberian perspective, Mann highlights the rise of neoconservatism within the US government that has encouraged foreign expansion. From a neo-Marxist perspective, Robinson emphasizes the importance of transnational capitalist class interests, including the promotion of neoliberal policies, on US foreign policy. And working from a world-systems perspective, Go underscores how the US is a hegemon in decline attempting to regain its imperial footing through military aggression. While these researchers cover much ground and raise important questions, their perspectives also contain several blindspots that future work on issues of US foreign policy could address. Most importantly, these three theoretical perspectives have neglected the importance of ideology in making sense of contemporary US foreign policy, and this article argues that future work should more intensively examine how ideology influences foreign policymaking in the US.
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Tsygankov, V. V. "Revolutionary Waves of the Twentieth Century: “The Red Wave” in Asia, 1940–1970." Siberian Journal of Philosophy 17, no. 1 (2019): 76–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2541-7517-2019-17-1-76-88.
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The study examines revolutionary waves – the process of spreading protest activity from one society to another. The author reveals the specifics and analyzes the nature of relations within the “red wave” in post-war Asia in the 40s – 70s of the twentieth century. The paper explains the structural, ideological and organizational relationship between these revolutions (uprising, partisan wars) using the world system analysis, demographic and structural theory, the theory of military revolutions, and the neo-Marxist model of B. Moore. These approaches helped to explain the authoritarian, dirigiste an egalitarian Asian “wave”, and also highlighted two ideologically and organizationally separate “waves”.
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Addie, Jean-Paul D. "Stuck inside the urban with the dialectical blues again: abstraction and generality in urban theory." Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society 13, no. 3 (2020): 575–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjres/rsaa020.
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Abstract This article discusses how critical urban theory understands generalisation and particularity by unpacking the process of abstraction. It develops an urban interpretation of dialectics through the philosophy of internal relations to: (i) heuristically examine conceptual and political fissures within contemporary urban studies and (ii) critically recalibrate neo-Marxist planetary urban theorising. Examining the conceptual extension, levels of generality and vantage points of our abstractions can assist in constructively negotiating relations between urban difference and generality. The challenge is not which assertions are true based on a given epistemological position, but which abstractions are appropriate to address specific issues, given the range of politics and possibilities each establishes.
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Siri, Jasmin. "Die Halbierung der Bürgerlichkeit." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 40, no. 160 (2010): 325–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v40i160.380.
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This article discusses the diagnosis of a rising 'neo-bourgeois' movement. Three different dimensions of 'Bürgerlichkeit' can be distinguished. The first is the historical idea of 'Bürgerlichkeit' as the starting point of all social theory. The second is the empirical rise of 'Bürgerlichkeit' as a strongly loaded concept in the self-description of mass medial actors, who deny the rights of the ‘underclass’ and the merit of the welfare state. The third is the idea of 'Bürgerlichkeit' in the Marxist sense of bourgeois, which is often used by the critiques of the mentioned discourse. A constructivist analysis shows that what has been recently discussed as the rise of a neo-bourgeois movement, can be described more precisely as a mass media phenomenon which does not necessarily find its correspondence in the social structure.
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Cvjetkovic, Marija. "David Harvey’s contribution to urban sociology." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 150 (2015): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1550157c.
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David Harvey is a neo-Marxist theorist influential in many disciplines. This paper analyses his specific use of Marx?s theory as a contribution to urban sociology. Observing cities in the context of a constant need of capitalism to overcome the problem of over-accumulation of capital, urbanization is seen as an important factor of capitalist development. Methods of temporary relocation and resolutions of capitalist contradictions, with the help of so-called accumulation by dispossession, are intensified in neo-liberalism, which is seen as a project for the restoration of class power. Therefore, Harvey demands more equitable cities in which the interest of private capital will not be the main factor of their shaping. Harvey?s Marxism is alluring, but it is also the subject of numerous criticisms.
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McCarthy, Cameron. "Rethinking Liberal and Radical Perspectives on Racial Inequality in Schooling: Making the Case for Nonsynchrony." Harvard Educational Review 58, no. 3 (1988): 265–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.58.3.x837383281745343.
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Cameron McCarthy analyzes the mainstream and neo-Marxist explanations of racial inequality in schools. He argues that the theoretical stance of the former depicts racial factors as manipulable variables tied to beliefs, values, and psychological differences; the latter position subsumes issues of race relations into socioeconomic interests. As an alternative frame-work the author presents a nonsynchronous theory of schooling that begins to explain the interaction of race, gender, and class within the economic, political, and social environments as they differentially function within the daily practices of schooling.
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Rojek, Chris. "Convergence, Divergence and the Study of Organizations." Organization Studies 7, no. 1 (1986): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/017084068600700102.
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It is often maintained that capitalist and socialist systems of organization are diametrically opposed. This paper uses convergence theory and the problem of divergence to attack this position. It is argued that socialist systems are economically integrated into the capitalist world economy, and further, that the ideology of divergence acts as a central dynamic in relations of production in the world economy. The world system perspective associated with neo-Marxist writers such as Wallerstein and Frank, is used to suggest an alternative framework for examining the organizational dynamics of 'capitalism' and 'socialism'.
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Rošker, Jana S. "Modernization of Chinese Philosophical Methodology." Asian Studies 9, no. 2 (2021): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2021.9.2.121-141.
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The present paper aims to shed light on certain methodological challenges that Chinese intellectuals faced in the process of coming to terms with Marxist thought. Even at the beginning of these processes, i.e., in the first decades of the 20th century, Chinese theorists faced several difficulties regarding the issue of cross-cultural philosophical syntheses. Thus, in their endeavours to adapt Marxism to the specifically Chinese worldview, they sought suitable adaptations of traditional philosophical methodologies that would enable them to fruitfully integrate classical Chinese and modern Marxist discourses. Zhang Dainian 張岱年 (1909–2004) has played a particularly prominent role in this process. Therefore, this paper aims to shed light on his contribution to the establishment of new Chinese and cross-cultural philosophical methodologies. In terms of exploring general philosophical issues, Zhang established a unique philosophical system known as “neo-materialism” in which he attempted to integrate Marxist materialism with some basic approaches of traditional Chinese philosophy. The crucial features that defined this philosophical system were based on his innovative methodology, which is critically presented in this paper.
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Keršytė, Nijolė. "Rethinking ideology: Greimas’s semiotics, neomarxism, and cultural anthropology." Semiotica 2017, no. 219 (2017): 485–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sem-2017-0128.
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AbstractIdeology is commonly seen today from two points of view, which, although opposed, support each other. For some, ideology no longer has a place in postmodern society; for others it is still an opium, a pathology that must be cured. A different stand-point is defended here, based on the conception of ideology in Greimas’s semiotics. Underlying any human action directed towards values, ideology, over and above its role as a representation of evil (as embodied in totalitarianism), is an inevitable and transversal phenomenon which cannot be confined to the political sphere. This idea is presented first via Geertz’s cultural anthropology. The anthropologist proposes a non-evaluative and non-combative approach to ideology. As if anticipating the neo-Marxist (Althusser’s) conception, discarding the view of ideology as an inverted image of reality, he sees it as a construct of imagination and of figurative discourse. For him, ideology is a symbolic system whose analysis requires a theory of meaning (linguistics, rhetoric, semiotics).Greimasian semiotics offers precisely what Geertz contemplated: a non-evaluative, purely descriptive conception of ideology and of the methodological tools for its analysis. The article stresses the differences between the structural approach and the dominant socio-political theories, and finally compares the principles of ideological analysis of discourse as assumed respectively by (neo)Marxist criticism and by semiotics.
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Sholahudin, Umar. "MEMBEDAH TEORI KRITIS MAZHAB FRANKFURT : SEJARAH, ASUMSI, DAN KONTRIBUSINYA TERHADAP PERKEMBANGAN TEORI ILMU SOSIAL." Journal of Urban Sociology 3, no. 2 (2020): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.30742/jus.v3i2.1246.
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This article aims to examine the critical theory of the Fraknfurt school, especially those related to its history, concepts, assumptions, and contributions. Historically-geneologically, critical theory was born from the womb of Marxist theory. Although born from the womb of Marxist theory, critical theory is not too satisfied with the analysis of the Marxians who are considered too mechanistic economic determinism in seeing the social reality of Western capitalist society. According to critical theory, the Marxian analysis in viewing and analyzing the inequality of the reality of capitalist society in Europe is too reductionist, that is, it is the economic factor (structure) that determines socio-economic inequality or class conflict in a capitalist society. The critical theory developed by the people who call themselves Neo-Maxians, exists to further develop the classical Marxian analysis, which rests not only on economic factors, but also on other socio-economic factors. The Frankfurt school of critical social theory thought services pioneered by Horkheimer, however, has provided a relatively new (though not very new) theoretical perspective in seeing, understanding and analyzing social reality. This critical social theory perspective has contributed significantly to the development of social theory. One of them is that critical theory has contributed to the development of critical and emancipatory awareness of human practice in seeing social realities that are full of inequality and injustice.Keyword : Critical Theory, Frankfurt School, History, Development of Social Theory
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Radchenko, M. A. "The Crisis of the Concept of Identity in Modern Left-Wing Discourse." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 4, no. 3 (2020): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-3-15-19-28.
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The analysis concerns the conceptual crisis within the leftist discourse, which manifests itself in conceptual tensions within the Marxist ideology and philosophy on such cornerstone issues as identity, praxis and practice. The importance of identity for the left idea is connected with both neo-Marxist origins (Frankfurt School) and modern Western left liberalism which fuels the identity debate. The postmodern rejection of activity (Marxist praxis) conditions the identity-practice crisis. Manipulating the category of identity devaluates the concept of class, and, more importantly, the concept of oppression, leading therefore to confusion of the concepts of rights and privileges. The probable reason for that is the general crisis of the subject and, thus, its identity. Inside the left it can be described as saturated generic identity of the working class (Badiou). Instead of praxis, which allows a person to embody the integrity of being, personal identity is built on practices reconceptualized here in terms of identity theory as an economic theory. Practices mean episodic activities, void of continuity and integrity, aimed at increasing one’s market value. Therefore, the left accommodates to neoliberalism, reduces the political activity to activism. The discussion on class issues and the rise of precariat shows that trend. Judith Butler can serve as an example, as her approach defines precariat vulnerable and only able to confront neoliberalism with bodily activation of protest, which only emphasizes precariat’s weakness, incorporates it in neoliberalism, prevents it from realizing its historical subjectivity.
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Lyubinin, A. B. "The Idea of a Meaningful Synthesis of Marxist and Non-Marxist Systems of Political Economy as a Mirror of Intellectual Turmoil (About V.T. Ryazanov’s Book «Modern Political Economy: Prospects of Neo-Marxist Synthesis»)." Russian Economic Journal, no. 6 (December 2019): 74–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.33983/0130-9757-2019-6-74-98.
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Review of the monograph indicated in the subtitle V.T. Ryazanov. The reviewer is critical of the position of the author of the book, believing that it is possible and even necessary (to increase the effectiveness of General economic theory and bring it closer to practice) substantial (and not just formal-conventional) synthesis of the Marxist system of political economy with its non-Marxist systems. The article emphasizes the difference between the subject and the method of the classical, including Marxist, school of political economy with its characteristic objective perception of the subject from the neoclassical school with its reduction of objective reality to subjective assessments; this excludes their meaningful synthesis as part of a single «modern political economy». V.T. Ryazanov’s interpretation of commodity production in the economic system of «Capital» of K. Marx as a purely mental abstraction, in fact — a fiction, myth is also counter-argued. On the issue of identification of the discipline «national economy», the reviewer, unlike the author of the book, takes the position that it is a concrete economic science that does not have a political economic status.
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Hamelin, Spencer. "“Nervous nellies and nay-sayers”: Social movements and Canada-United States free trade." SURG Journal 7, no. 3 (2014): 14–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21083/surg.v7i3.2936.
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Free trade is part of neo-liberal economics, which is centred on the free market principles of limited government regulation and private sector competition. Free trade focuses on the elimination of trade barriers and tariffs. In Canada, the movement toward free trade began in 1985 with the Royal Commission on the Economic Union and Development Prospects for Canada, which encouraged free trade between the United States and Canada, and concluded with the 1988 federal election that sealed Canada’s fate within economic union with the United States. This article will combine a Neo-Marxist and Political Process Theory framework to address how during the period from 1985 to 1988, Canadian social movements adopted innovative tactics and mobilized against free trade to gain greater influence over trade policy.
 
 Keywords: free trade; social movements; Canada; United States; Auto Pact; United Steel Workers; Canadian Auto Workers, National Action Committee on the Status of Women; Council of Canadians; Macdonald Commission
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Khan, Kalsoom, and Nighat Ahmad. "The Neo-imperialist Logic of Global Capitalism in A Banker for All Seasons by Tariq Ali." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. IV (2019): 14–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-iv).03.
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The research attempts to evaluate the nexus between neoliberal global capitalism and neo-imperialism as portrayed in Tariq Ali’s play A Banker for All Seasons (2008) from a Marxist Postcolonial perspective. It applies the theory of World System and Dependency to examine the polarization of the globe into the core, imperialist and peripheral, colonized capitalist economies through the evolution of a capitalist world system in the last five centuries. In the same light, the present study scrutinizes the perpetuation of dependency in the postcolonial, peripheral states by the development of US-centric transnational enterprises which, supported by the national capitalists and neoliberal agenda, economically exploit masses across the globe. A textual analysis of Agha Hasan Abedi’s character in the play highlights the way the global Bank of Credit and Commerce International founded in Pakistan ran neo-imperialist operations and plundered the hard-earned money of its small depositors, benefitting the big capitalists.
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Wood, Ellen Meiksins. "Horizontal Relations: A Note on Brenner's Heresy." Historical Materialism 4, no. 1 (1999): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920699100414355.
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AbstractOne fundamental assumption seems to underlie – explicitly or implicitly – every critique of Brenner I have seen: that there can be no such thing as a Marxist theory of competition, the ‘horizontal’ relation among many capitals, that does not presuppose the ‘vertical’ class relation between capital and living labour. To start (if not also to end) with the relation between capital and living labour is the only way to establish one's Marxist credentials (establishing those credentials does, by the way, seem to be the critical, even the sole, issue for those who engage Brenner's argument on that plane, without considering the empirical or explanatory power of his argument). In support of that assumption, more than one critic has invoked Marx's comment that competition does not produce or explain capitalist laws of motion but merely executes them, as their visible manifestation in the external movements of individual capitals. Predictably, too, some critics have gleefully turned against Brenner the charge he has famously levelled against other Marxists: that his focus on competition and the market makes him a ‘neo-Smithian’.
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Djurdjev, Branislav. "Two centuries of Malthus." Stanovnistvo 36, no. 1-2 (1998): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv9802007d.
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The article is an endeavour to comparatively review classic and modern theories and/or theoretical concepts regarding relationship between population development and the overall sustainable development. On the second centennial anniversary of the first essay that initiated numerous discussions regarding this relationship, it cannot be said that the scientific elite is any nearer the consensus. Not only that the hypothesis of Malthus, Neo-Malthusians and Marxist thinkers are being built upon, but completely new ideas regarding this relationship are springing up. Disregarding the ideological differences but placing emphasis on the technological discrepancies prevailing to this day, the article also indicates that these apparently irreconcilable theories can permeate and complement each other. The Malthusian theory could be valid in a peasant society, but the socialists pointed to its flows in the industrial society. The Neo-Malthusians modernized the teachings of Malthus and in the "Limits to Growth" we find a more exact support to the fears of Neo-Malthusians. The theo1y of E. Boserup provides not only a consistent explanation of the relationship between population growth so far and sustainable development but also points to the essence of theoretical differences. On the short run, at a certain technological level (that is, manner of production) everybody is in the right: constant growth in population ultimately results in declining yields (excess population). On the long run, critical mass of population creates a new technological level which, in the beginning, requires higher population density (new "laws" of the population).
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Pérez, Pablo, and Lucas Cifuentes. "The Service Industry, Private-sector Employment and Social Class in Chile: New Developments from Labour Process Theory." Critical Sociology 46, no. 3 (2019): 443–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920519842372.
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For decades, analysts believed that the expansion of the service sector would lead to a ‘middle-class’ society. By the late 20th century, class analysts and labour process scholars called into question this argument. They showed that distinctions such as that between ‘white-collar’ and ‘blue-collar’ work failed to capture the dynamics of control and exploitation within production. Nevertheless, in Chile and other parts of Latin America, research still contends that the expansion of employment in private-sector service activities accelerated the consolidation of a ‘new middle class’. This article challenges this idea. Drawing upon insights from neo-Marxist class analysis and labour process theory, the article compares the perceptions of control over the labour process of workers from different industries, employment sectors and class locations. Quantitative and qualitative evidence suggest that the most important conclusions of recent research are misleading.
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Khomyakova, Kристина. "The Functioning of Cities in the Context of Globalization: Saskia Sassen's Theory." Sociologicheskaja nauka i social'naja praktika 8, no. 4 (2020): 213–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/snsp.2020.8.4.7666.
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The current trends and specifics of transformations of modern sociological theory are determined by the challenges that faced by societies of the XXI centuries. Social changes require theoretical understanding and need to develop new approaches that allow us to interpret modern reality. One of these approaches is proposed by the modern American sociologist Saskia Sassen. She builds an integral concept of modernity with the corresponding content of the subject field and problems. The scientist focuses on the current processes of globalization, urbanization, transnational migration and inequality, including global inequality, revealing the essence and specifics of the transformations of modern societies, which necessitates a detailed analysis of her theory. The article considers the main groups of factors that influenced the formation of Saskia Sassen’s theory, including the atmosphere of interdisciplinarity and multiculturalism, within which the sociologist carried out her scientific and research activities, as well as socio-historical conditions, in particular, globalization and global problems. The key theoretical and methodological approaches and research directions that determine the specifics of the formation of scientific views of the sociologist are closely related to the selected groups of factors. In particular, special attention is paid to the analysis of marxist and neo-marxist approaches, theories of society in the second half of the XX century, sociological theories of globalization, and sociological theories of the city. The author attempts to systematize the structural components of Saskia Sassen’s sociological theory, to reveal the heuristic potential of her theoretical and methodological approach, to identify the specifics of the interpretation of globalization and differences from other approaches to the study of modern global trends.
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Caravale, Giovanni A. "Demand Conditions and the Interpretation of Ricardo." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 16, no. 2 (1994): 229–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837200001966.
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Kenneth J. Arrow's recent article on Ricardian theory (Arrow 1991) represents the occasion for a renewed discussion of the basic building blocks of the classics' analytical scheme and of the role of demand conditions in this context. Arrow's argument pivots around two ideas: that Ricardo's theory is built without any reference to demand, and that the role of demand can be conceived of only within the logical context of neoclassical demand functions, which are absent in Ricardo, thus making his theoretical scheme irremediably weak. These ideas form the basis of a drastically dichotomized representation on the part of Arrow of current interpretations of Ricardo. On the one hand are the neoclassical-type views, epitomized by his own position, with their emphasis on the allocation problem; on the other hand are the purely cost-oriented neo-Ricardian interpretations, with their strongly Marxist ideological bias.
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Cherryholmes, Cleo H. "Teaching About Research Methodology and Its Crises." News for Teachers of Political Science 44 (1985): 19–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0197901900003913.
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One promise of the behavioral revolution was that metaphysical assumptions would be minimized, if not eliminated, in political research and theorizing. Nothing would be taken for granted. It is now obvious that this is not possible. Instead, the question is which metaphysical assumptions are most felicitous and persuasive in our search for knowledge about politics. This question does not have a single, uncomplicated answer. For those of us who teach research methodology, interesting and at times disillusioning developments have influenced thinking about research methodology during the last twenty years. Developments in modern logic, continental and neo- Marxist thought, philosophy of language, philosophy of science, and even literary criticism has upset previously held assumptions about behavioral political research and the nature of empirically based theory.
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Olsen, Cecilie Sachs. "Urban space and the politics of socially engaged art." Progress in Human Geography 43, no. 6 (2018): 985–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132518807756.
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This paper interrogates the political potential of socially engaged art within an urban setting. Grounded in Lefebvrian and neo-Marxist critical urban theory, this political potential is examined according to three analytics that mark the definition of ‘politics’ in this context: the (re)configuration of urban space, the (re)framing of a particular sphere of experience and the (re)thinking of what is taken-for-granted. By bringing together literatures from a range of academic domains, these analytics are used to examine 1) how socially engaged art may expand our understanding of the link between the material environment and the production of urban imaginaries and meanings, and 2) how socially engaged art can open up productive ways of thinking about and engaging with urban space.
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BRICIU, A., and V. A. BRICIU. "A CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE ON BRANDS AND SYMBOL AFFIRMATION. THE THEORY OF CULTURAL AND ICONIC BRANDING REVIEWED." SERIES VII - SOCIAL SCIENCES AND LAW 13(62), no. 1 (2020): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31926/but.ssl.2020.13.62.1.10.
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The purpose of this article is to provide an in-depth approach to the theoretical issues stated about brands and branding from a cultural perspective. Following contemporary debates in defining the concept of brand and branding in relation to various marketing and organizational communication definitions, branding models that can be used in relation to places, in general, have been highlighted over time: the consumer branding model inspired by the functional tradition of the theoretical and practical marketing approaches, used and applied on products or services and the organizational or corporate communication model, from an identity approach. That is why, a different tendency is highlighted in analyzing branding models and their applicability on places, through a new proposed approach, of neo-Marxist nature, as a moderate response to the paradigm of postmodern brand management, defined by the iconic brand and cultural branding theories - presented in this article -, on the one hand, and the anti-capitalist, anti-corporate and anti-branding movement, on the other.
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Degterev, D. "Non-Western Theories of Development in the Global Capitalism Era." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 4 (2021): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-4-113-122.
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Received 31.08.2020. This article is devoted to the evolution of non-Western theories of development in the epoch of global capitalism, i. e. after 1990. It describes in detail what is meant by this concept – models of socio-economic development, alternative to the Western neoliberal paradigm and associated with the modernization of non-Western countries, primarily in the “Global South”. Periodization of these approaches is given in connection with the process of decolonization (early 1960s), the end of the bipolar world, and the strengthening of China (since 2010s). Two main directions of such theories – neo-Marxian tradition, as well as post-colonial and anti-colonial studies – are shown. The author concludes that the “non-Westernness” of post-colonial studies is conditional, while anti-colonial and neo-Marxian studies are very much intertwined. The article shows the role of such organizations as CODESRIA and Third World Network in shaping the intellectual development agenda of the Global South. It traces the evolution of neo-Marxist approaches to development of the poorest countries, which originated in Latin American structuralism, American neo-Marxism, the works of J. Galtung and W. Rodney. By the early 1980s, the world-systemic approach was already dominant, its representatives were relatively capable to explain the collapse of the socialist system, and also made attempts to describe the growing influence of China. Nevertheless, the theory of the transnational capitalist class that emerged in the 1990s and 2000s was more successful from this point of view. The article investigates the phenomenon of an emerging confrontation between China and the United States in the ideological field – for the influence on leftist intellectuals around the world, and shows the main resources of both sides in this conflict. Special attention is paid to Postdevelopmentalism that developed in the 1990–2000s in line with postmodernist approaches; both strengths and weaknesses of this concept are presented. In conclusion, the author summarizes that neo-Marxist approaches play a key role as the major alternative to neoliberal capitalist development in the countries of the “Global South” while national modernization theories are lacking in the non-Western countries. Acknowledgements. The article has been prepared at RUDN University and supported by a grant of the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (RFBR). Project no. 19-111-50655 (Expansion) “Non-Western Theories of Development in the Age of Global Capitalism”. The author also expresses his sincere gratitude to P. Bond (University of the Western Cape, South Africa), T.M. Gavristova (YarSU), E.N. Grachikov (RUDN University), Li Yan (CASS, China) and V. G. Shubin (Institute for African Studies, RAS) for their valuable comments.
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Diomkina, Anastasia. "Communication strategy of the Spanish Podemos party:how not to lose the support of the electorate, becoming part of the system?" Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 52–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-52-61.
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This study identifies the features of the communication campaign of the Spanish Podemos party, which helped this party to become the third political force in the country. Taking into account the difference between the discourse of Podemos, founded in 2014, and the rhetoric of the «old parties» - the People’s Party and the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party - the conclusion is that the so-called «new language» in the Spanish political discourse played a key role in guaranteeing electoral support to this political movement. Podemos ideologists confirm that in power struggle they had to resort to a special type of discourse based on the post-structuralists’ Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe discursive theory of the hegemony, as well as on the neo-Marxist Antonio Gramsci concept of the cultural hegemony.
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Thompson, William R. "The Spiral of Capitalism and Socialism: Toward Global Democracy. By Terry Boswell and Christopher Chase-Dunn. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2000. 281p. $55.00 cloth, $23.50 paper." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (2001): 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401762016.
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In introductory international relations courses, we were once accustomed to contrast three alternative approaches: realism, liberalism, and Marxism. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the proclaimed triumph of liberal politicoeconomic ideas has led to a deemphasis on the third paradigm or, in some cases, its substitution by constructivism. But, contrary to Fukuyama, history has not quite ended. Neo-Marxist inter- pretations of international relations persist, and new and interesting ones continue to emerge. The latest entry, Boswell and Chase-Dunn's new book, is a case in point. As long-time and leading contributors to world systems theory, they employ their theoretical interpretation of modern his- tory (the last 500 years) to explain what went wrong with socialism and how the socialist strategy might still be salvaged in a future world-system (with a hyphen).
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Spegele, Roger D. "Three Forms of Political Realism." Political Studies 35, no. 2 (1987): 189–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1987.tb01883.x.
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In the recent study of international relations, political realism has, apparently, had as many supporters as detractors. Nonetheless, there seems to be a growing tendency to treat the categories of political realism as if they were passing the way of all flesh, destined to be replaced by system theory, transnationalism, Marxist structuralism, critical theory or whatever. One difficulty with this judgement is that political realism is not a single theoretical entity which can be refuted by single disconfirming instances. Nor is it an understanding of the subject rooted in the views of such well-known exponents of this school as Hans Morgenthau, Kenneth Thompson, Martin Wight, Sir Herbert Butterfield, E. H. Carr or Raymond Aron. On the contrary, political realism is a conception of politics which stretches back to the great Indian thinker Kautilya and in fact constitutes a many-mansioned tradition of thought about international relations. Three aspects of that tradition are examined in this essay: Common-sense Realism, Concessional Realism and neo-Aristotelian Realism. These reflections are only very tangentially related to the debates in the 1950s and 1960s concerning realism. This essay focuses, rather, on certain neglected features of contrasting philosophies of science. The article concludes, somewhat tentatively, that neo-Aristotelian Realism is coherent and cogent and superior in important respects to what scientific empiricism has to offer.