Academic literature on the topic 'Neo-patrimonial regimes'

The article analyzes authoritarian regimes within the post-Soviet territory in terms of informal practices (clannishness, clientelism and patronage) and their characteristics used by political leaders to form a power coalition. It has been argued that any of these informal practices determine a power coalition of a certain size, which is consequential for regime sustainability. Power coalitions formed on the basis of a clan-like nature is the least effective way to retain power and generally leads to regime destabilization. Clientelism, which allows for forming a power coalition on a wider basis, is a more effective strategy in terms of regime sustainability. Maximum regime sustainability is reached when patronage practices are used, which require more material resources and are only accessible to a limited number of wealthy states.

The paper intends to give an insight into the relations of the economic and political systems of the Central Asian republics using the theoretical framework of the “rentier economy” and “rentier state” approach. The main findings of the paper are that two (Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan) of the five states examined are commodity export dependent “full-scale” rentier states. The two political systems are of a stable neo-patrimonial regime character, while the Kyrgyz Republic and Tajikistan, poor in natural resources but dependent on external rents, may be described as “semi-rentier” states or “rentier economies”. They are politically more instable, but have an altogether authoritarian, oligarchical “clan-based” character. Uzbekistan with its closed economy, showing tendencies of economic autarchy, is also a potentially politically unstable clan-based regime. Thus, in the Central Asian context, the rentier state or rentier economy character affects the political stability of the actual regimes rather than having a direct impact on whether power is exercised in an autocratic or democratic way.

China's expansion into Africa has attracted a great deal of criticism, particularly regarding its implications for human rights on the continent. However, the nub of the problem is found within Africa itself, within the neo-patrimonial regimes that dominate the continent. Obviously, there is justifiable disquiet that Beijing's Africa policies may undermine political and economic reform on the continent. Nevertheless, the reasons for Africa's current predicament are complex and erecting a potential scapegoat to blame for Africa's woes makes little sense. Before critiquing China's role in Africa vis-à-vis governance and human rights, analysts need to understand both China's particular human rights discourse and the nature of most African states, for it is here that the real problem lies.

Institutional Conditions of the Political Rivalry in the Post-Soviet Authoritarian RegimesMore than 25 years have passed since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Despite that, political scientists until now have used the category of ‘post-Soviet countries’, meaning that the Soviet past still determines the direction of the evolution of the political systems of the republics that won their independence in 1991 and that they still share some common features of the political design and have failed to successfully complete the transformation to democracy. The main goal of the following paper is to present institutional conditions that make post-Soviet authoritarian regimes relatively stable and limit the alternation of power. Main conclusions of the paper are the following: firstly, the power in post-Soviet authoritarian countries is held by their presidents who create informal groups of relevant politicians and businessmen that can be treated as neo-patrimonial clients. Secondly, presidential or parliamentary elections are regularly held but are just a facade that is meant to hide and legitimize authoritarian practices of these regimes. Thirdly, in such countries significant role the political life is played by the so-called ‘parties of power’ – non-ideological parties whose only goal is to support the president.

Abstract:Current usages of the terms patrimonial and neopatrimonial in the context of Africa are conceptually problematical and amount to a serious misreading of Weber. His use of the term patrimonial delineated a legitimate type of authority, not a type of regime, and included notions of reciprocity and voluntary compliance between rulers and the ruled. Those reciprocities enabled subjects to check the actions of rulers, which most analyses of (neo) patrimonialism overlook. We apply these insights to a case study of Botswana and suggest that scholars reconsider the application of Weber's concepts to African states.

ABSTRACTThe 3 August 2005 military coup was Mauritania's best opportunity to turn the page on decades of the deposed quasi-military regime's destructive politics. This article critically analyses relevant aspects of the transition that ensued in the context of the prevailing models of military withdrawal from politics in Africa. It also examines the challenges that Mauritania's short-lived Third Republic faced. It argues that the transition process did not escape the well-known African military junta leader's proclivity to manipulate transitions to fulfil suddenly awakened self-seeking political ambitions, in violation of solemn promises. While there was no old-fashioned ballot stuffing to decide electoral outcomes, Mauritania's junta leader and his lieutenants spared no effort to keep the military very much involved in politics, and to perpetuate a strong sense of entitlement to political power. Originally designed as an ingenious ‘delayed self-succession’ of sorts, in the end, another coup aborted Mauritania's democratisation process and threw its institutions in a tailspin. This only exacerbated the challenges that have saddled Mauritania's political system and society for decades – unhealthy civil-military relations, a dismal ‘human rights deficit’, terrorism, and a neo-patrimonial, disastrously mismanaged economy.

This report explores influences of ethnicity on determining voters’ choices in Tanzania. It questions the dominant neo-patrimonial and hybrid approaches to African politics, which argue that primordial (traditional) ways of organising politics inform ethnic voting. This study deviates from ethnic structure theorists arguing that outcomes of elections are determined by the ability of ethnic groups to form minimum winning coalitions (MWCs). Instead, it looks at the ideational structure of nationalisation, driven mainly by the promises of the independence movement (PsIM). The movement created an experiential and discursive framework that emphasises depoliticisation of ethnicity, peacefulness and national unity as ‘Tanzanian’ national values. The frame is intact despite Tanzania’s ethnic diversity and liberal socio-economic as well as political reforms it has undergone overtime. The report critically divulges this capacity to build a political organisation encompassing the political leaders, ideals of the independence movement and the people in informing voters’ choices. Key words: ethnicity, neo-patrimonialism, hybrid regimes, promises of independence and voting

The increasing concentration of power in the hands of the presidential families in all Central Asian states led to the personalisation of the state during the last years. The presidents successfully established neo-patrimonial, authoritarian regimes with a high level of consolidation but without fulfilling the criterion of democracy. The article explores the strategies the presidents use to maintain their authority and discusses which political developments can be expected concerning the question of succession.

This thesis explores the interface between the processes of securitizing threats in West African states and their neo-patrimonial statehood. It analyses the securitization processes among the West African elites which arise from their political culture of patronage politics. The securitization-neo-patrimonialism nexus should be understood to encompass every instance of threat perception and construction of same as existential threat to security and economic interests of securitizing actors at national government, sub-regional and extra-African levels. This research builds on the classical literature of securitization and neo-patrimonialism, as well as subsequent works which focused on various elements of these concepts. Methodologically, this work utilises a case study approach, semi-structured interviews, and documentary analysis and builds on an extensive journey through the region. It examines in detail the two cases of Liberia and Sierra Leone in order to explain the securitization-neo-patrimonialism dynamics of West Africa. The thesis has made vital contributions to the literature in two major areas. The thesis argues that: a) there is absence of an institutionalised and securitization framework in the West African states; b) what is defined as a security threat is a function of the narrow threat perception of the neo-patrimonial states’ leaders at national, sub-regional and transnational levels. Thus, theoretically, the thesis introduces a new securitization-neo-patrimonialism framework for West Africa’s security analysis, a framework based on a synthesis of the concepts of securitization and neo-patrimonialism. Empirically and analytically, the thesis suggests the three-level analytical approach for the analysis of West African security.

Cette these examine la question du politique dans les societes du tiers-monde en general et en algerie en particulier. A cette fin, les notions de pouvoir et d'etat sont definies dans une perspective anthropologique et historique, mettant en lumiere le fait que le pouvoir est une donnee anthropologique necessaire et que l'etat est une construction historique contingente. Ce resultat permet d'apprehender les mecanismes politiques des societes du tiers-monde dans leur evolution historique, a travers les contradictions politiques inherentes a toute collectivite politique. Le principal resultat de la these est que les societes du tiers-monde - et ceci est montre a travers l'experience de l'algerie - connaissant toutes, a des degres divers, des regimes neo-patrimoniaux. Or le regime neo-patrimonial est contradic- toire avec la rationalite de la reproduction economique et de l'accumulation. Le regime neo-patrimonial evolue sous la pression, concede des espaces a la societe. Cette evolution est parallele a la formation de l'etat, entendu comme emanation de l'espace public. Les pays occidentaux ont construit leurs etats respectifs a partir des monarchies patrimoniales, les pays du tiers-monde le construisent a partir de regimes neo-patrimoniaux
This thesis examines the political question in the third world societies in general, and in algeria in particular. To this end, the notions of power and state are defined in an anthropological and historical perspective, with an emphasis on the fait that power is a necessary anthropological factor and that the state in a contingent historical construct. The findings allow (us) to apprehend the political mecanismes of third world societies in their historical evolution, through the political contradictions inherent to any political collectivity. The main finding of the thesis is that all third world societies -and this is shown through the algerian experience- know to varying degrees, neo-patrimonial regimes, though the neo-patrimonial regime is in contradiction with the rationality of economic reproduction and accumulation. The neo-patrimonial regime evolves under pression, concedes space to society. This evolution is parallel to the formation of the state, taken as an emanation of public space. Western countries have built their respective states out of patrimonial monarchies. Third world countries build theirs from neo-patrimonial regimes