To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Neoliberal state.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Neoliberal state'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Neoliberal state.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Allport, Rowan. "Malta : A small island state under neoliberal pressure." Thesis, University of York, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.534909.
Full text
2
AraÃjo, Carlos Sidney Avelar. "State and violence in times of neoliberal capitalism." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2017. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=19832.
Full textAbstract:
CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior<br>A temÃtica desta pesquisa se circunscreve no rastreamento da violÃncia inserida no contexto das aÃÃes do Estado gerencialista da vida em sociedade. Tem como ponto de partida a prerrogativa de que âo Estado à um fato violentoâ. Ao conceber a violÃncia em trÃs dimensÃes: a simbÃlica, a objetiva (ou sistÃmica) e a subjetiva, o filÃsofo esloveno Slavoj ÅiÅek nos fornece o elemento central para problematizarmos o uso da forÃa e/ou coerÃÃo pelo Estado enquanto elemento fundamental para a sua prÃpria fundaÃÃo e existÃncia. à pela anÃlise do estreitamento do tripà capitalismo-democracia-(neo)liberalismo enquanto estruturas legitimadoras do gerenciamento da sociedade pelo Estado que se chega Ãs formas violentas que lhe veste. O aparato ideolÃgico a serviÃo do Estado se constitui por outro lado, enquanto formas invisÃveis. Nesse contexto, consideram-se ainda as estruturas objetivas como o aparelho jurÃdico, de legitimaÃÃo da organizaÃÃo social pelo Estado. A linha teÃrica baseada no materialismo dialÃtico nos permitiu concluir que sim, o Estado à um fato violento, mais que isso, o Estado à violÃncia. Suas faces violentas sà nos sÃo visÃveis atravÃs de polÃticas que visam à exploraÃÃo da forÃa de trabalho assalariada pela burguesia, a defesa da propriedade privada e ao acÃmulo de capital, pelos donos dos meios de produÃÃo. Tais polÃticas resultam em exploraÃÃo, misÃria, fome, desigualdades, exclusÃo, subordinaÃÃo e sofrimento humano. Concluimos que, dada Ãs estruturas sociais, polÃtico e econÃmicas em que estamos assentadados, se pretendemos lutar por uma sociedade sem violÃncia (sistÃmica), que aborde as condiÃÃes de emergÃncia de atos polÃticos de ruptura com as coordenadas sistÃmicas de captura do sujeito politicamente desinteressado e que impulsionem a luta de classes, isso sà nos serà possÃvel fora do Estado.<br>The theme of the research entitled âState and violence in times of neoliberal capitalismâ is limited to the tracing of violence inserted in the context of State actions, having the prerogative that 'the State is a violent fact' as its starting point. When designing violence in three dimensions: the symbolic, the objective (or systemic) and the subjective, the Slovenian philosopher Slavoj ÅiÅek provides us theoretical-analytical support to problematize the use of force and/or coercion by the State as a fundamental element for its own foundation and existence. It is by analyzing the pairing of the tripod âcapitalism - democracy - (neo)liberalismâ, as legitimating structures of the State management of society, that the expressions of the violent State are addressed. On the other hand, besides the judicial system, the ideological apparatus at the service of the state is built as invisible forms which legitimize the social organization by the State. The theoretical line based on dialectical materialism leaded us to the conclusion that, yes, the State is a violent fact, more than that, the State is violence. The violent faces of the State are only visible to us through policies aimed at the exploitation of the wage labor force by the bourgeoisie, through the defense of private property by the accumulation of capital by the owners of the means of production. Those policies tend to result in more exploitation, misery, hunger, social inequality and exclusion, subordination and human suffering. Weâve come to the conclusion that, given the social, political and economic structures in which we are based, if we want to fight for a society without violence (systemic), that addresses the emergence of political acts of rupture with the systemic coordinates of capture of the politically disinterested subject and that can propel the class struggle is only possible not inside but outside the State.
3
Soldatic, Karen Maree. "Disability and the Australian neoliberal workfare state (1996-2005)." University of Western Australia. Graduate School of Education, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2009.0190.
Full textAbstract:
Australia, like other Western liberal democracies, has undergone extensive social policy restructuring as a result of neoliberalism. While neoliberalism had its genesis with Australian Labor governments during the 1980s, it secured the status of orthodoxy under the radical conservatism of the Liberal Coalition government (1996 - 2007). Under the leadership of Prime Minister John Howard a widespread campaign was instigated to advance neoliberal social policy measures across all spheres of social life, leading to the dismantling of rights for a diverse range of social groups including women, refugees, people with disabilities and Indigenous Australians. The restructuring of social provisioning with the intensification of neoliberalism was largely driven by workfare a key domestic social project of neoliberal global restructuring. The thesis examines the Australian experience of workfare and the primary areas of contestation and struggle that emerged in this environment for the Australian Disability Movement during the peak period of workfare restructuring for 'disability' (1996 2005). The thesis draws on the work of critical disability theory to discuss the bivalent social collective identity of disability as it cuts through the politics of recognition and the politics of distribution. From here, the thesis engages with sociological work on emotions, bringing together theories of disgust and disability. The thesis demonstrates that there is a synergy between disability and disgust that informs the moral economy of disability; framing, shaping and articulating able-bodied disabled relations. Drawing on the policy process method the research involved extensive qualitative interviews with members of the Australian Disability Movement, disabled people involved in workfare programs, service providers and their peak organisations, families, as well as the policy elite charged with the responsibility of disability workfare restructuring. Additionally, the study incorporated a range of documents including parliamentary Hansards, key policy texts, government media releases, and publicly available information from disability specialist services and the disability movement. The analytical centrality of policy processes highlighted the strategic interrelationship between macro-structural policy discourses and practices and the role of policy actors as agents, including those collective agents engaged in mediating disability social relations. Three dominant themes emerged from the analysis of the data: movement politics, representation and participation; emotions and processes of moralisation; and finally, the role of temporality in inscribing (disabled) bodies with value. Each of the findings chapters is dedicated to explicating these mechanisms and the effects of these discourses and practices on disabled people involved in workfare programs and the disability movement's struggles for respect, recognition and social justice.
4
Thrift, Samantha. "NAC, the news, and the neoliberal state 1984-1993." Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=86711.
Full textAbstract:
This study situates the National Action Committee on the Status of Women's [NAC] activism and media strategies in relation to the emergence of neoliberal policy and political discourse at the federal level in Canada. The rise of neoliberal policies and political language during the 1980s and early 1990s in Canada created a new terrain on which political debates about women's issues entered into public culture. Consequently, women's organizations had to change advocacy strategies in order to participate in national political discourse and contest the terms on which women's issues were being framed. While this story has primarily been told as the beginning of the end of Canadian second wave feminism, my dissertation investigates how Canadian feminism did not decline or die, as news media reported, but instead was forced to change strategies and, in the process, re-organize the movement's shape, objectives and practice. My study uses qualitative, historical and discursive analysis to examine two sets of representations occurring around the NAC-sponsored federal leadership debates. The first set is drawn from representations of the organization's interests and strategies produced through their own materials, policies and media tactics. This approach facilitates analysis of the internal dynamics informing NAC's media strategy, so as to fully evince the organization's keen awareness of the potential opportunities and constraints for Canadian women presented by a shift to a neoliberal federal framework. The second set is constructed in the English-language news media around NAC's strategic media events in order to determine the ways in which the Canadian women's movement was being discussed and historicized in the mainstream news media.<br>La présente recherche fait le point sur l'activité militante et les stratégies médiatiques du comité canadien d'action sur le statut de la femme (CCASF), en relation avec l'émergence d'une politique et d'un discours néolibéraux au niveau fédéral. Le développement des politiques néolibérales et du langage politique au cours des années 1980 et au début des années 1990, au Canada, a créé une nouvelle réalité dans laquelle les débats politiques sur les questions féminines sont entrés dans la culture populaire. Par conséquent, les organisations féminines ont été forcées de modifier leurs stratégies en matière de représentation des femmes, afin d'être en mesure de participer au discours politique canadien et de contester les modalités servant à formuler les questions relatives à la condition féminine. Même si ce sujet a été présenté principalement comme le commencement de la fin de la deuxième vague féministe au Canada, ma thèse explique pourquoi le féminisme n'est pas mort, comme l'avaient annoncé les médias, mais qu'il a dû modifier ses stratégies, et par la même occasion, restructurer la forme, les objectifs et les pratiques du mouvement. Ma recherche utilise l'analyse qualitative, historique et discursive pour examiner deux groupes de représentations qui ont eu lieu autour des débats parrainés par le CCASF. Le premier groupe est tiré de représentations relatives aux intérêts et aux stratégies de l'organisation, effectuées à l'aide de son propre matériel, de ses politiques et de ses tactiques médiatiques. Cette approche facilite l'analyse de la dynamique interne qui a influencé les stratégies médiatiques du CCASF, afin de démontrer pleinement que l'organisation était consciente des perspectives et des contraintes éventuelles qu'un changement vers une structure néolibérale fédérale créerait pour les Canadiennes. Le deuxième groupe est constitué à partir des informations provenant des
5
MacNeil, Robert. "Neoliberal Climate Policy in the United States: From Market Fetishism to the Developmental State." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23587.
Full textAbstract:
The research question animating this project is ‘what is the nature of neoliberalism’s influence on recent and contemporary US climate change policy?’ Situating itself against several growing bodies of literature which have sought to underscore the fetishism of markets in recent environmental and climate policy agendas under neoliberalism – e.g., the work of Heynen et al (2007) on ‘neoliberal environments’; Paterson and Newell’s (2010) work on neoliberalism and carbon markets; and the work of Dryzek et al (2003) on state forms and ecological modernization – this project argues that any such analysis must be predicated on a considerably more nuanced conception of (a) ‘neoliberalism’, (b) the historic role of states in fostering accumulation, and (c) the nature of policy development within any specific neoliberal context. Applying these theoretical re-conceptualizations to the American context, the project argues that a central tension informing contemporary US climate policy under neoliberalism can be understood a stand-off between two prevailing logics in the federal policy process: on the one hand, Washington’s attempt to build on its tradition of using state power to foster high-tech market development by cultivating the alternative energy realm as a developmental state project, and on the other, the anti-regulationist bent of neoliberalism which seeks to delegitimize the ‘pull’ policies required to ‘creatively destroy’ conventional energy and animate domestic alternative energy markets. Against the general conception of the US as a ‘climate laggard’ whose policy options are restricted market mechanisms and generally anathema to progressive ecological modernization, this body of work shows how the US has managed to develop a robust set of interventionist ‘push’ and ‘pull’ climate policies along ‘alternative policy pathways’, despite the prevailing anti-state rhetoric of neoliberalism.
6
MacDonald, Fiona Lisa. "The neoliberal state and multiculturalism : the need for democratic accountability." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/1408.
Full textAbstract:
This project outlines the existence of neoliberal multiculturalism and identifies the implications and limitations of its practice. Neoliberal multiculturalism involves the institutionalization of group autonomy by the state to download responsibility to jurisdictions that have historically lacked sufficient fiscal capacity and have been hampered by colonialism in the development of the political capacity necessary to fully meet the requirements entailed by the devolution. At the same time, this practice releases the formerly responsible jurisdiction from the political burden of the policy area(s) despite its continued influence and effect. As demonstrated by my analysis of the Indigenous child welfare devolution that has occurred recently in Manitoba, neoliberal multiculturalism therefore involves a certain kind of “privatization”—that is, it involves the appearance of state distance from said policy area. This practice problematizes the traceability of power and decision making while at the same time it co-opts and in many ways neutralizes demands from critics of the state by giving the appearance of state concession to these demands.
In response to the dangers of neoliberal multiculturalism, I situate multiculturalism in a robustly political model of democratic multi-nationalism (characterized by both agonism and deliberation) in order to combat multiculturalism’s tendency simply to rationalize “privatization” and to enhance democratic accountability. My approach goes beyond dominant constructions of group autonomy through group rights by emphasizing that autonomy is a relational political practice rather than a resource distributed by a benevolent state. Building on my analysis of Indigenous autonomy and the unique challenges that it presents for traditional democratic practices, I outline a contextually sensitive, case-specific employment of what I term “democratic multi-nationalism”. This approach conceives of Indigenous issues as inherently political in nature, as opposed to culturally defined and constituted, and therefore better meets the challenges of the colonial legacy and context of deep difference in which Indigenous-state relations take place today.
7
Sathe, Namrata. "You Only Live Once: Bollywood, Neoliberal Subjectivity and the Hindutva State." OpenSIUC, 2020. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1812.
Full textAbstract:
In 1991, India entered the global market as a liberalized economy when, coerced by the International Monetary Fund, it adopted “structural adjustment” policies. The early period of economic liberalization in India engendered a sense of optimism and forward-looking aspiration in the national imaginary and culture. This faith in novelty and change, for the urban middle-classes, was a result of the increase in incomes in white-collar jobs and the availability of greater choices in the commodity market for consumers. Thirty years later, the fantasy of wealth and abundance that was supposed to transform the country into a thriving superpower is visibly cracking. Social reality has not kept up with the promises afforded by economic liberalization. The increasing wealth gap and the dangerous marriage between neoliberalism and right-wing politics has created public culture of everyday violence, divisiveness, and despair. In this dissertation, I examine how recent mainstream Hindi cinema has responded to India's neoliberal turn. My work is based on the premise that the cinema of the past two decades is a record of social history. The major themes I focus on are the pervasiveness of neoliberal values into everyday life and work and the consequent formation of a neoliberal subjectivity. I also focus on how forms of neoliberal selfhood contend with existing social structures of caste, class, sexuality and religious identity in India. Finally, I lay out the interconnections between the recent rise of Hindu fundamentalism in India, popular cinema and neoliberal culture.
8
Altinors, Gorkem. "Minarets and golden arches : state, capital and resistance in neoliberal Turkey." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2016. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/37869/.
Full textAbstract:
The main purpose of this thesis is to critically analyse the convergence of political Islam and neoliberalism in Turkey. By doing so, the research aims to construct a Gramscian historical materialist account as opposed to the mainstream centre-periphery relations approach. The mainstream centre-periphery relations approach takes the state and civil society as antagonistic autonomous entities. This consideration brings us where the Turkish politics are perceived as a terrain of conflict between Islamists and secularists. The centre-periphery relations approach has four shortcomings. First, the state and society are considered separately. Second, the market and the state; and the economy and the politics are considered separately. Third, as considered separately, the theory takes civil society as automatically progressive. Fourth, the social relations of productions are neglected. This thesis argues that the Islamists versus secularists dichotomy is not sufficient enough to explain the complexity of contradictions in Turkish politics because of the given four shortcomings. Therefore, a more complex theory where the antagonism is considered within the class struggle is needed. Antonio Gramsci’s theory of hegemony, passive revolution and most importantly the integral state provides a new window in this respect. The Gramscian historical materialism offers a holistic understanding for the relationship between the state and society, the market and the state, and the economy and the political. As part of the hegemonic struggle, civil society can be on either side of the struggle therefore it is not considered as automatically progressive in Gramscian historical materialism. As a historical materialist approach, Gramscianism considers the social relations of production as the crucial element of the analysis. The pre-2002 periods (before the Justice and Development Party came into power) were already researched by Gramscian scholars. Therefore, the neoliberal restructuring in Turkey during the Justice and Development Party era is the focal period of this thesis. There will be a specific focus on the cases of urbanisation, education, and the mass media. The conceptual framework of state-society relations is the analytical basis of this study. Overall, this thesis offers an alternative reading of the rise of political Islam in Turkey.
9
Gaus, Nurdiana. "The Indonesian state university in flux : academics and the neo-liberal turn." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-indonesian-state-university-in-flux-academics-and-the-neoliberal-turn(61156cdd-4d61-47ca-b859-c817ab2ac6d4).html.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis aims to better understand the under life of Indonesian academics during implementation of major policy changes associated with the Higher Education Act 2012. More specifically the study sought to explore and analyse the principal changes as experienced by academics in Indonesian state universities, how academics responded to these changes and the impact of these changes upon the nature of academic work and organisations. The research undertaken was in the form of a multiple-embedded case study using semi-structured interviews, observations, and document analysis as instruments to collect data. Interviews were conducted with 30 academics in three state universities in Indonesia. The findings demonstrate how Indonesian academics' work is moving away from their traditional functions and roles towards new prescribed roles revealing tensions between maintaining their existing identities and pressures from the external environment to adapt. Using Scott's notion of 'weapons of the weak' the study reveals how Indonesian academics have resisted and accommodated policy reform in ways that have taken largely discursive and unobtrusive forms. It is anticipated that the study will both contribute to a better understanding of the dynamics of academics' work lives as they encounter large scale reform, and offer guidance for policy makers in the formulation and enactment of relevant policy.
10
Santos, Thiago Chagas Silva. "As estratégias da CUT e a ideologia neoliberal." Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, 2013. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/14914.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-04-25T13:47:06Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
Dissertação deThiago Chagas S. Santos.pdf: 948573 bytes, checksum: 73baa35a70be07e042e56765bd258827 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2014-05-06T13:58:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1
Dissertação deThiago Chagas S. Santos.pdf: 948573 bytes, checksum: 73baa35a70be07e042e56765bd258827 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-06T13:58:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Dissertação deThiago Chagas S. Santos.pdf: 948573 bytes, checksum: 73baa35a70be07e042e56765bd258827 (MD5)<br>O estudo busca elucidar as ações das organizações da classe trabalhadora no contexto da reforma do Estado. O período recente, de difusão das reformas neoliberais no Brasil, afetou significativamente a correlação de forças entre trabalhadores e empresários. A busca pelas determinações das ações da CUT nesse contexto foi o caminho para análise das recentes alterações no Estado brasileiro e nas posições da classe trabalhadora. Após a eleição do governo petista, em 2002, modificam-se os padrões de relacionamento entre o Estado e as representações dos trabalhadores. A gestação de uma nova hegemonia se dá sob novas bases. A aproximação da cúpula da CUT aos órgãos estatais e os novos direcionamentos dados às estratégias de luta, em flagrante contraste com posições históricas, pautaram as ações no período recente. Procuramos, nesse sentido, lançar novos questionamentos ao problema da adesão/cooptação dos trabalhadores pelas classes dominantes.This study tries to elucidate the working class actions under the state reform context. The recent period, marked by the diffusion of neoliberal reforms in Brazil, significantly impacted the correlations of forces between employees and employers. The comprehension of the choices that had influenced CUT'sactions built our path to analyze the recent modifications in the Brazilian State and the positions of the working class. Since 2002, after the election of PT, the pattern of relationship between state and workers' organizations has changed. A new hegemony has been developed under new bases. The CUT's leaders progressive approximation with the state's departments and the new strategic directions taken, in opposition to historical working class' behavior, has marked recent actions. In this way, we tried to bring up new questions about adhesion/co-optation of the employees by the dominant classes.
11
Tisel, David. "Unfree Labor and American Capitalism: From Slavery to the Neoliberal-Penal State." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1368618418.
Full text
12
Reeser, Douglas Carl. "Medical Pluralism in a Neoliberal State: Health and Deservingness in Southern Belize." Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5295.
Full textAbstract:
This ethnography explores the varied contours of a national health care system and how it is used in conjunction with traditional forms of health care in Toledo District, Belize, focused on the largest town of Punta Gorda (P.G.), In a medically plural environment, a variety of health care options are used based on a wide range of social, economic, and structural factors that shape people's choices and decisions. The convenience of and experience with low-cost home- and self-care options make these the most common first choice during an illness event in P.G., however a deeper exploration of health behavior reveals that people will exhaust all options in their quest for health. In an era when neoliberal trends have a direct effect on people's lives, including a negative impact on health and well-being, Belize stands out as an interesting case. The small Central American/Caribbean nation has taken actions that appear to be contradictory to broader neoliberal policies that encourage privatization of government services, by implementing a national health care system that provides low-cost and free health services to its citizens. While new health facilities have been opened, and health services have become more widely available throughout Belize, an analysis of how and why the health care system functions shows that such programs may actually function as mechanisms of control and surveillance, thus aligning with neoliberal aims such as decentralization and privatization of services. As it has been implemented in southern Belize, the national health care system also replicates and extends an historic trend of marginalization and neglect to the region, showing that from the perspective of the State, and by extension, the powerful and elite of the nation, the citizens of P.G. are seen as less deserving of the quality of health care services that are necessary to lead healthy and productive lives.
13
Schneider, Christopher A. "The neoliberal reform of the state in Latin America, a look at Mexico." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0020/MQ47963.pdf.
Full text
14
Smierciak, Sarah. "Assembling Egypt's business-state relations : cosmopolitan capital and international networks of exclusion, 2003-2016." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8c10b56e-03bc-4085-8677-07a8bcce8b17.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation argues that conventional analysis of business-state relations fails to capture the nuances of networks shaping Egypt's neoliberal reform experience. Instead, it posits that both the 'business-state' and 'domestic-international' divides should be reconsidered - with categories better understood based on the nature of individuals' socio-economic capital (Bourdieu 1986). I argue that only by using such a framework can we make visible insidious forms of resource capture and economic exclusion. On the macro-level, this dissertation tells a story of elite resource capture that occurred alongside Egypt's experience of economic liberalization. While particular attention is paid to reforms of the 2000s, I also trace developments to roots laid by international partnerships and platforms established during the first IMF-led reform project of the Mubarak era in the 1990s. On the micro-level, this is a story of some of the central networks of 'globalizers' (Springborg and Henry 2010) - or individuals who rose to become chief mediators for internationally funded initiatives to empower Egypt's 'private sector.' I examine their ascent in the industrial policy-making space during the tenure of the first businessman cabinet member, Rashid Mohammed Rashid (2004-2011). I focus on the role of these networks in capturing the central 'business development' programs initiated alongside the reforms of the 2000s, which I argue served as platforms for accessing both immediate rent streams, as well as for shaping industrial policies to gain future rents. I then follow a handful of these individuals as they secure one highly controversial industrial policy: the Qualifying Industrial Zones (QIZ) trade agreement between Egypt, Israel and the US. In particular, I highlight the web of individuals and organizations mobilized in the process, providing close examination of the small cohort standing at the center of negotiations. I draw from targeted interviews and participant observation conducted over three years of fieldwork and triangulate findings with printed sources including corporate press releases, leaked US embassy cables and evaluations by international development organizations.
15
Breunig, Lydia Ann. "Conservation in Context: Establishing Natural Protected Areas During Mexico's Neoliberal Reformation." Diss., Tucson, Arizona : University of Arizona, 2006. http://etd.library.arizona.edu/etd/GetFileServlet?file=file:///data1/pdf/etd/azu%5Fetd%5F1450%5F1%5Fm.pdf&type=application/pdf.
Full text
16
Clunie, Gregor John. "From 'feral' markets to regimes of accumulation : the state and law in neoliberal capitalism." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2015. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6436/.
Full textAbstract:
The emergence between 1965 and 1973 of a crisis of over-accumulation and over-capacity, rooted in international manufacturing yet affecting the overall private business economies of the advanced capitalist countries, inaugurated a developmental context whose profound contradictions were brought home by the Great Recession of 2008-9 and the continuing Long Depression. The intervening period has seen profound economic, political and social crisis in the advanced capitalist world and has simultaneously been treacherous for under-developed economies forced to navigate rocketing energy costs and international commodity price and currency exchange rate turbulence under the continual threat of debt-levered expropriation. The struggle to locate the causes – proximate and ultimate – of the present crisis is at the same time a battle to map the basic economic and political coordinates of the continuing long downturn. In this connection it is contended that efforts have been undermined by the epistemological underdevelopment conditioned by a crisis of knowledge-formation which has unfolded in parallel with the long downturn. The dominance of neoclassical economics (‘unworldly’ since the marginal revolution) on the right and the displacement of Marxism on a structurally weakened and autodidactic left in the context of the ascent of postmodernism as an intellectual and cultural dominant has opened a space between the material and discursive realities of global capitalist development. This work is an attempt to deploy the method developed by the classical Marxist tradition to approach the significance of the state and law in the historically-conditioned reproduction of capitalist social relations. It is contended in the first place that the dualism which obtains between national and global spheres in much theorisation of neoliberal ‘globalisation’ obscures the dialectical interrerelation of state and world market – the institutional and regulatory environment of international trade, money and finance being both the creation of states and the developing context which frames their – necessarily path-dependent and reflexive – projects of domestic economy making. As against popular notions of state decline, following Gowan the state-political content of the centring of private financial markets in the mediation of international monetary relations is recalled, while the embeddedness of the state in circuits of capital accumulation is emphasised (Tony Smith), the concept of ‘regime of accumulation’ being deployed to capture the nexus of monetary, fiscal and regulatory policy which articulates historically-conditioned development strategies. In this respect, we depart from the work of the Bolshevik jurist Pashukanis, who despite significantly advancing the materialist analysis of the juridical form, identified in his most significant work a largely derivative role for the state. It is argued that the methodological weakness represented by Pashukanis’ disproportionate emphasis on commodity exchange – his failure to proceed from the basis of the capitalist economy as a contradictory unity of production and circulation – prevents him from fully apprehending the role of the state in the production and reproduction of capitalist social relations. As the discussion unfolds, there is developed in conversation principally with Gramsci an understanding of the state as the specific material condensation of a relationship of forces among classes and class fractions. Upholding the notion of the ‘integral state’ as a differentiated unity of civil society and political society upon which terrains the capitalist class forms alliances with proximate classes as the prerequisite for and correlate of its domination of labour, the developmental context represented by neoliberalism is conceived in terms of the transition of interest-bearing capital from leading to dominant fraction of the capitalist class in parallel with its tendential contradictory disaggregation from productive capital. Such a process has necessitated a transformation in the character of bourgeois political supremacy involving a dismantling of the civil rights and social protections accumulated during the period bookended by Americanism and the welfare state and increasing dependence upon an expanded machinery of coercion. Proceeding from this basis, it is considered how in specific developmental contexts the state by way of the legal form maps the social totality, achieving distinctive couplings (and de-couplings) of wealth production and social reproduction. There is asserted the second-order integration of public and private spheres in terms of the fundamental unity of capitalist reproduction, the first-order public/private metabolism being evaluated in view of the facilitation and rationalisation of social reproduction in the context of a productive economy structured around dissociated private producers. The legal form is further interrogated in view of its role in structuring the productive antagonism between capital and labour, a relation which on the basis of its form comes to expresses various contents – from consensual integration to casuistic assimilation – as domestic social relations are (in-)validated by the operation of the law of value at the level of the world market. In this connection, the unproductive theoretical polarisation obtaining between approaches which consider law to be epiphenomenal and those which pursue its relative autonomy is enriched by a historicised conception in terms of which law, concretising specific relationships of forces within particular regimes of accumulation, appears as ‘sword’, as ‘shield’ and as ‘fetter’. This framework is particularly useful for evaluating the opportunities for the deployment of legal strategies by labour and groups oppressed under capitalism – a question in relation to which Pashukanis, following Lenin, demonstrated a remarkable political astuteness.
17
Hackell, Melissa. "Towards a neoliberal citizenship regime: A post-Marxist discourse analysis." The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2530.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is empirically grounded in New Zealand's restructuring of unemployment and taxation policy in the 1980s and 1990s. Theoretically it is inspired by a post-Marxist discourse analytical approach that focuses on discourses as political strategies. This approach has made it possible, through an analysis of changing citizenship discourses, to understand how the neoliberalisation of New Zealand's citizenship regime proceeded via debate and struggle over unemployment and taxation policy. Debates over unemployment and taxation in New Zealand during the 1980s and 1990s reconfigured the targets of policy and re-ordered social antagonism, establishing a neoliberal citizenship regime and centring political problematic. This construction of a neoliberal citizenship regime involved re-specifying the targets of public policy as consumers and taxpayers. In exploring the hegemonic discourse strategies of the Fourth Labour Government and the subsequent National-led governments of the 1990s, this thesis traces the process of reconfiguring citizen subjectivity initially as 'social consumers' and participants in a coalition of minorities, and subsequently as universal taxpayers in antagonistic relation to unemployed beneficiaries. These changes are related back to key discursive events in New Zealand's recent social policy history as well as to shifts in the discourses of politicians that address the nature of the public interest and the targets of social policy. I argue that this neoliberalisation of New Zealand's citizenship regime was the outcome of the hegemonic articulatory discourse strategies of governing parties in the 1980s and 1990s. Struggles between government administrations and citizen-based social movement groups were articulated to the neoliberal project. I also argue that in the late 1990s, discursive struggle between the dominant parties to define themselves in difference from each other reveals both the 'de'contestation of a set of neoliberal policy prescriptions, underscoring the neoliberal political problematic, and the privileging of a contributing taxpayer identity as the source of political legitimacy. This study shows that the dynamics of discursive struggle matter and demonstrates how the outcomes of discursive struggle direct policy change. In particular, it establishes how neoliberal discourse strategies evolved from political discourses in competition with other discourses to become the hegemonic political problematic underscoring institutional practice and policy development.
18
Laliberte, Matthew Dana. "Florida's A++ Plan: An Expansion and Expression of Neoliberal and Neoconservative Tenets in State Educational Policy." Thesis, Boston College, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104495.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis advisor: Curt Dudley-Marling<br>This critical policy analysis, informed by a qualitative content analysis, examines the ideological orientation of Florida’s A++ Plan (2006), and its incumbent impact upon social reproduction in the state. Utilizing a theoretical framework that fuses together critical theory (Horkheimer, 1937; Marcuse, 1964; Marshall, 1997), Bernstein’s (1971, 1977) three message systems of education and dual concepts of classification and frame, and Collins‘ (1979, 2000, 2002) notion of the Credential Society, the study examines the ideological underpinnings of the A++ Plan’s statutory requirements, and their effects on various school constituencies, including students, teachers, and the schools themselves. The study’s findings show that neoliberal and neoconservative ideological tenets buttress much of the A++ legislation, advancing four particular ideological imperatives: an allegiance to workforce readiness, a burgeoning system of standardization and accountability, the elevation of traditional values and nationalism, and the championing of individual responsibility. Through the control of Bernstein’s three message systems of education, these ideological imperatives deeply impact public education in Florida, and in particular have a disproportionately negative impact upon schools serving high-poverty, high-minority student populations. New initiatives such as the Major Areas of Interest mandate and the Ready-to- Work Program, both of which are heavily influenced by corporate interests, elevate an ethic of economy that commodifies students. At the same time, the legislation ushers in unprecedented levels of curricular and pedagogical standardization that makes comparisons between students and teachers a reality, while commensurately creating a more competitive climate between schools as a means of promoting school choice throughout the state. Further, the legislation advances a vision of society that is strikingly conservative in tenor through the deliberate manipulation of the state’s History and Health curricula, while simultaneously creating programs such as the Character Development Program that espouse a narrowly construed vision of character. Finally, each of the legislative moves described above are undergirded by an increasing reliance not upon the state, but upon the individual who comes to see her or his choices as the sole arbiters of her or his success or failure, absent any possible mitigating, external factor(s). The study concludes with recommendations for further research addressing the manifest effects of neoliberal and neoconservative axioms in education, and a call to action targeted at progressive educators to confront these types of “reforms.” It further recommends that policymakers acknowledge that handing the governance of schools and the curriculum therein over to neoliberal and neoconservative ideologues will result in schools that both overtly value instrumental, corporatist outcomes, and purposefully advance a myopic vision of our nation’s collective memory and system of governing values. The marriage of neoliberalism and neoconservatism is positioned as antithetical to progressive education, and stands to turn back the clock on issues of equity, social justice, and social mobility<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2015<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education<br>Discipline: Teacher Education, Special Education, Curriculum and Instruction
19
Oliart, Patricia. "State reform and resilient powers : teachers, school culture and the neoliberal education reform in Peru." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/942.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis critically examines the Peruvian education system in the context of the neo-liberal State reform, mainly during the regime of Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000). The recent history of the education system is studied in close relationship with the particularities of the geography and politics of Peru. As an interpretive framework the thesis draws on contemporary critical theory on education and the school, and recent theoretical approaches to the study of the state in post colonial societies. The preferred methodological approach is the multi-sited ethnography. The ethnographic work was organised around three important and controversial aspects of the reformers' discourse: Decentralization, intercultural relations, and gender equity in education. The relationship between the state and teachers has been another dimension consistently considered. Observations concentrated on the exercise of power (and conditions for autonomous decision making processes), gender relations and racial relations in teacher training institutions. A final chapter provides ethnographic accounts of the ways in which those three discourses were "translated" at in-service teacher training programs during the reform to make evident the dissonance between them and local cultures of power. The reformers did not succeed in solving the problems of Peruvian Education by applying a series of technical improvements -also prescribed to other countries. They failed to consider the post-colonial characteristics of the state in Peru, and did not take into account the ambivalent role of the state funded school system: Large enough to offer school access to the majority of the population, but with results so poor and ineffective, that in some areas it is almost as if it did not exist. The diverse impulses to expand the state funded education system, have mixed with the traditional forms of domination in the country, characterized by the racialised distribution of power and wealth, that has privileged the more westernized Coast over the highlands and the rainforest, where Indigenous peoples are a large segment of the population.
20
Atalan-Helicke, Nurcan. "The Seeds of Change: The State, The Politics of Development and Conservation in Neoliberal Turkey." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1292853193.
Full text
21
Kleuskens, Shanisse. "Legitimating the “Fiasco”: Canadian State Justifications of CORCAN Prison Labour." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/32960.
Full textAbstract:
Since Kingston Penitentiary’s opening in 1835, prison labour has been an integral part of Canada’s penal history. With purported goals such as deterrence, rehabilitation, reintegration, and providing sustenance to the state, the practice of coercing or forcing a prisoner to work while serving a sentence of incarceration was further embedded in the penal landscape in 1980 with the inception of CORCAN, the Correctional Service of Canada’s prison labour program. Despite critiques of the prison as “a fiasco in terms of its own purposes” (Mathiesen, 2006, p. 141), prison labour continues as a mechanism of the state’s penal apparatus. Drawing on political economy of punishment and penal abolitionism literature, this study reveals and disrupts official discourses used to justify and perpetuate this modern form of slavery in Canada. Through a content analysis of 33 Solicitor General of Canada and CORCAN annual reports, I demonstrate how CORCAN’s prison labour program is legitimated as a “positive reform” (Mathiesen, 1974, p. 202) of Canada’s penal system, beneficial to the reintegration of prisoners into society, communities, and the needs of the Canadian state and economy. Underneath this benevolent mask such representations are found to reproduce neoliberal capitalism as the hegemonic form of economic organization, construing prisoners and prison labour as solutions to the gaps and shifts in the national economy and labour market. After outlining these contributions, I suggest ways that future research can reveal and discredit penal ‘solutions’ such as prison labour to eradicate the penal system as a means to address the harms inherent in our social and economic systems.
22
Hurley, Emily Elizabeth. "Surveillance Technology and the Neoliberal State: Expanding the Power to Criminalize in a Data-Unlimited World." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/78250.
Full textAbstract:
For the past several decades, the neoliberal school of economics has dominated public policy, encouraging American politicians to reduce the size of the government. Despite this trend, the power of the state to surveille, criminalize, and detain has become more extensive, even as the state appears to be growing less powerful. By allowing information technology corporations such as Google to collect location data from users with or without their knowledge, the state can tap into a vast surveillance network at any time, retroactively surveilling and criminalizing at its discretion. Furthermore, neoliberal political theory has eroded the classical liberal conception of freedom so that these surveillance tactics to not appear to restrict individuals' freedom or privacy so long as they give their consent to be surveilled by a private corporation. Neoliberalism also encourages the proliferation of information technologies by making individuals responsible for their economic success and wellbeing in an increasingly competitive world, thus pushing more individuals to use information technologies to enter into the gig economy. The individuating logic of neoliberalism, combined with the rapid economic potentialities of information technology, turn individuals into mere sources of human capital. Even though the American state's commitment to neoliberalism precludes it from covertly managing the labor economy, it can still manage a population through criminalization and incarceration. Access to users' data by way of information technology makes the process of criminalization more manageable and allows the state to more easily incarcerate indiscriminately.<br>Master of Arts
23
Rodríguez, Lozano Luis Gerardo, and Hernández Talia Garza. "Introduction about the implications of the Rule of Law in its relation to the concept of asset liability." IUS ET VERITAS, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/123278.
Full textAbstract:
The author makes an inquiry into the evolution of the State as a product of what is known as the Modern State. The study focuses on the historical and legal aspects of the concept of the Rule of Law as a product of the Modern State, in order to analyze the construction and institutionalization of a system of asset liability of the State.<br>El autor realiza una indagación de la evolución del Estado como un producto de lo que se conoce como Estado Moderno. El estudio se centra en los ámbitos histórico y jurídico del concepto de Estado de Derecho como producto del Estado Moderno, para analizar la construcción e institucionalización de un sistema de responsabilidad patrimonial del Estado
24
Owen, Catherine Anne May. "'Obshchestvennyi Kontrol' [public scrutiny] from discourse to action in contemporary Russia : the emergence of authoritarian neoliberal governance." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/15887.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the emergence and proliferation of public consultative bodies (PCBs) in contemporary Russia. Created by the government and regulated by law, PCBs are formal groups of NGO leaders, academics, journalists, entrepreneurs and public figures selected by the state, that perform advisory, monitory and support functions to government departments and individuals at federal, regional and municipal levels. The concept of obshchestvennyi kontrol’ (public scrutiny) is employed by Kremlin to refer to the dual activities of oversight and assistance, which PCBs are intended to enact. First appearing ten years ago with the foundation of the Federal Public Chamber in 2004, there are now tens of thousands of PCBs in operation across the country. This thesis constitutes the first systematic analysis of PCBs in English. It uses a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) approach in order to explore the extent to which the portrayal of PCBs in government discourse corresponds to the practices enacted through these institutions in three regional case studies of Moscow, St Petersburg and Samara. It finds that although PCBs are presented by federal and regional leaders as means for citizens merely to assist the authorities in the performance of tasks decided by the state, in practice PCBs can enable citizens modestly to influence policy outcomes and occasionally to shape public agendas. They therefore cannot be dismissed as mere ‘window dressing’ for the authorities. The thesis shows that PCBs were created as part of the market reform of the Soviet-era public sector, in which processes of privatisation, outsourcing and decentralisation reduced the state’s ability to make public policy without input from domestic non-state actors. It argues that the limited participation in governance afforded to citizens through PCBs exemplifies practices of ‘authoritarian neoliberal governance’, a concept that captures the attempts by the state to control policy outcomes produced through new public participatory mechanisms arising from the marketization of state bureaucracy. Although the thesis focuses on the case of Russia, the concept of ‘authoritarian neoliberal governance’ raises the question of the existence of commensurable mechanisms in other non-democratic polities.
25
Belfrage, Claes Axel. "The neoliberal restructuring of the welfare state : pension system reform in Sweden : a critical case study." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2008. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7307/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis draws on the 'critical case' of Sweden and focuses on the provision of pensions to assess the extent to which the post-war social democratic regime and adherent meanings and practices in daily life have been transformed in a neoliberal direction. The Swedish economy of the late 1990s, still distinctly social democratic, although retrenched and increasingly 'financialised', was not stable. The 1999 pension reform has further privatised financial risk and hence potentially advanced neoliberalism. By subjecting the ability to consume, in working-life as well as m retirement, to financial market performance, the rate of growth of inequity 1s accelerated. The systemic infrastructure and the knowledge-formation required for this pension system to function as intended as well as be accepted as legitimate seem however to be lacking. The system engineers, following neoliberal ideas, sought to fulfil the objective of institutionalising a mass investment culture in the everyday by promoting the notion of risk as potentially profitable if managed well. Yet, as argued in the thesis, due to their politico-ideological preferences, they underestimated the resilience of existing demographic and geographical cleavages formed by the traumas and desires provoked by economic restructuring and financialisation in the post-war period. By analysing subject-formation in the everyday, the thesis shows that for a finance-led accumulation regime to be stable in Sweden, these cleavages and inadequacies have to be regulated. The new pension system in Sweden thus points to the tendential microfoundational limits of the projects of neoliberalism and financialisation.
26
Nobre, Maria Cristina de Queiroz. "ModernizaÃÃo do Atraso: A Hegemonia Burguesa do CIC e a AlianÃas Eleitorais da "Era Tasso"." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2008. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=2387.
Full textAbstract:
FundaÃÃo de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do CearÃ<br>CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior<br>A âEra Tassoâ caracteriza um momento Ãmpar da histÃria polÃtica do Cearà e sua compreensÃo como fenÃmeno social abre tambÃm as possibilidades para se pensar o Brasil contemporÃneo. Este estudo busca captar a particularidade da polÃtica neste Estado federativo nas Ãltimas dÃcadas, considerando a âEra Tassoâ como um novo ciclo de hegemonia burguesa: particularidade histÃrica da polÃtica cearense inserida em um processo de carÃter nacional, antecipando a hegemonia neoliberal no Brasil. A partir de Gramsci toma-se este ciclo de hegemonia burguesa enquanto âcritÃrio metodolÃgicoâ para desvelar a realidade cearense das Ãltimas dÃcadas: um perÃodo experimental de modernizaÃÃo econÃmica e polÃtica de carÃter conservador que encarna uma Ãpoca histÃrica, a da convergÃncia contraditÃria do processo democrÃtico brasileiro dos anos 1980 com a inserÃÃo do paÃs na mundializaÃÃo do capital nas dÃcadas seguintes. A partir do resgate da teoria gramsciana da Hegemonia com as categorias de âhegemoniaâ, ârevoluÃÃo passivaâ, âtransformismoâ e âEstadoâ desenvolve-se uma reflexÃo sobre a polÃtica, privilegiando, de modo exclusivo, seus momentos de processos eleitorais, o que permite configurar a âEra Tassoâ como um ciclo de hegemonia polÃtico-cultural e econÃmica com extraordinÃria forÃa eleitoral. As alianÃas eleitorais, estabelecidas pela elite empresarial do CIC que suporta a âEra Tassoâ, sÃo, assim, o fio condutor desse estudo. AtravÃs de pesquisa documental e de jornais, apresentam-se as vÃrias campanhas eleitorais de todo o ciclo de hegemonia (1986, 1990, 1994 e 1998), captando a dinÃmica de constituiÃÃo das alianÃas, o perfil e o comportamento polÃtico-partidÃrio dos deputados aliados eleitorais da elite empresarial, bem como a forÃa resistente dos clÃs familiares na polÃtica cearense. Resta evidente o esforÃo da nova elite em se constituir como alternativa polÃtica tanto aos setores mais atrasados da polÃtica, como aos partidos e movimentos sociais de esquerda que lhes fizeram oposiÃÃo, consolidando sua forÃa no apoio, cada vez mais, dos setores oligÃrquicos com forte poder na tradiÃÃo polÃtica local. Para tanto, estabelece-se ainda um debate com autores clÃssicos, como Faoro (2001) e Leal (1997), e, ao mesmo tempo, com estudiosos contemporÃneos que tÃm analisado esse aspecto geral da realidade polÃtica brasileira. A âEra Tassoâ, enfim, aparece como um novo ciclo de hegemonia que se constituiu a partir de uma âtransiÃÃo pelo altoâ, renovando a polÃtica cearense, ao mesmo tempo em que restabeleceu diversos elementos da polÃtica tradicional: um novo ciclo hegemÃnico que possibilitou uma recomposiÃÃo de forÃas das classes dominantes em um momento de grande mobilizaÃÃo social.<br>The âTasso Eraâ shapes up a unique moment within the political history of the State of Ceara, and oneâs understanding of this social phenomenon will also help with an analysis of Brazil today. This work aims at grasping a particular political aspect in this federative state, encompassing late decades, and taking into account the âTasso Eraâ as a new cycle of bourgeois hegemony: a historical detailed aspect of politics in the state that anticipates the neoliberal hegemony in Brazil. Leaning on Gramsci, the author approaches that bourgeois hegemonic cycle, considering its âmethodological criterionâ, to uncover the actual situation in the state as seen in late decades: an experimental period of economic and political modernization, supported by politics of a conservative nature, that gives bodily form to a historical epoch, namely, a conflicting convergence within Brazilian democratic process in the 80âs leading to the countryâs insertion in the world of capital dominance seen in the following decades. Starting from a redefining of Gramsciâs theory of Hegemony and his categories of âhegemonyâ, âpassive revolutionâ, âtransformismâ and âStateâ, the author develops a reflection about politics highlighting, not in an exclusive way, its instances of political processes, which allows one to configure the âTasso Eraâ as a political, cultural and economic hegemonic cycle of major electoral force. Electoral alliances that were established by CICâs entrepreneurial elite and give support to the âTasso Eraâ are, therefore, the leading thread for this work. By means of research of documents and newspapers, the several electoral campaigns of the hegemonic cycle (1986, 1990, 1994 and 1998) are presented by the author, and the inner workings of alliances, the political-party behavior of representatives associated with the entrepreneurial elite and the resisting force of state political family groups were captured. It remains evident that the new elite is trying hard to present itself as a political option not only to backward sectors of the political spectrum but also to left-wing parties and social movements that once opposed it, thus consolidating its strength on growing supporting from oligarchic sectors that derive their power from local political tradition. The author analyses classical works, such as Faoro and Leal, as well as contemporary studies that have approached this general aspect of the political Brazilian reality. Therefore, the âTasso Eraâ presents itself as a new hegemonic cycle that shaped itself from a âchange from aboveâ and renewed the political process in the state of Ceara and at the same time reestablished several elements of traditional politics: a new hegemonic cycle that promoted a reshape of forces within the dominant classes at a time of huge social mobilization.
27
Rodrigues, Paulo Henrique de Almeida. "Apocalipse não: o estado do bem-estar social sobrevive à onda neoliberal." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2003. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=8656.
Full textAbstract:
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>Esta Tese aborda a questão do Estado e dos direitos de cidadania, particularmente dos direitos sociais e políticas a eles correspondentes, que constituem o que se convencionou tratar por Estado do bem-estar social, ou welfare state. Nela é analisado o processo recente de contradição entre as idéias e políticas neoliberais e o sistemas de welfare state, procurando verificar o impacto daquelas políticas sobre os sistemas.
O objetivo central é mostrar que a ofensiva neoliberal vem sendo mal sucedida em sua tentativa de desarticular as instituições dos direitos e políticas sociais no que diz respeito às sociedades mais complexas e desenvolvidas. A principal razão disto deriva da própria história do welfare state, que corresponde a um longo processo de transformação da relação política entre Estado e sociedade.
O estudo do impacto efetivo das políticas neoliberais sobre os sistemas de bem-estar ou proteção social, a que se convencionou tratar por welfare state está centrada no que vem ocorrendo nos países desenvolvidos, fazendo um contraponto com o que se passa no Brasil. Este tema tem sido objeto de preocupação de um grande número de analistas no exterior e no Brasil em função tanto do conteúdo das propostas neoliberais em relação às políticas sociais fortalecimento das soluções de mercado, restrição e das políticas públicas de proteção social nos grupos mais pobres da população quanto do sucesso avassalador que o neoliberalismo alcançou nos campos da economia e do trabalho.
A Tese defende a idéia de que a sociedade brasileira e seu welfare state chegaram a um nível tal de complexidade, que não pode mais ser compreendida com base num ferramental analítico que tende a reduzir suas singularidades à configurações muito amplas ora denominadas por periferia do sistema capitalista, ora por realidade latino-americana, as contribuem para simplificar a análise e dificultar o aprofundamento da discussão em relação ao conteúdo, ao rumo e ao alcance do processo político e das políticas sociais.<br>The object of this thesis is the relation between the State and citizenship rights, specially the social rights and the correspondent social policies that are known as the welfare state. The analysis is concentrated on the impact of neoliberal proposals on the organisation and functioning of the welfare state, with an overview of the Brazilian situation.
The main objective of the study is to demonstrate that the pressures based on neoliberal ideology and policies had little impact on the welfare state and that the main reason for this is based on the very history of the welfare state, which corresponds itself to a long process of transformation of the relations that exists between the State and the society.
The thesis argues that the strengthening and diversification of the social rights have lead to a transformation of the State and the development of complex relations at the political level, that makes social policies and institutions very resistant to changes directed to the diminishing of social benefits and to replace state actions and policies by market mechanisms in the organisation, financing and deliverance of social services.
This thesis supports in addition the idea that the degree of complexity achieved by the Brazilian society and its welfare state demand the use of analytic approaches different than those that predominate in present studies that tend to generalisations such as periphery and Latin-American reality which are insufficient and simplify the debate about the nature, the ways and the reach of social policy in Brazil.
28
Hur, Domenico Uhng. "Discursos do trânsito da guerrilha ao Estado neoliberal: estratopolítica, tecnopolítica e nomadopolítica." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/47/47134/tde-27112009-103453/.
Full textAbstract:
Em 2002, o Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) venceu as eleições para a presidência do país, alimentando a expectativa de uma série de mudanças sociais no Brasil, visto que seu Governo é formado por segmentos sociais que historicamente lutaram pela transformação do país, como, por exemplo: lideranças de movimentos sociais e exguerrilheiros da luta armada das décadas de 1960 e 1970. Contudo, as transformações sociais esperadas não ocorreram, colocando em questão a perspectiva de uma mudança levada pela esquerda no poder do Estado. Para refletir sobre esse impasse da transformação social, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo investigar os discursos de exguerrilheiros sobre a transição da luta armada ao atual momento político: uma democracia neoliberal. Para tanto, entrevistamos quatro ex-participantes da luta armada que ocupam distintas posições sociais, que chamamos de: Deputado, Economista, Fotógrafo e Jornalista. Escolhemos os ex-guerrilheiros como atores da pesquisa, por entendermos que, durante a ditadura militar, adotaram a forma mais radical de luta para a transformação social. A partir da análise da memória reconstruída de nossos atores sociais e das reflexões do filósofo Gilles Deleuze sobre o agenciamento e o campo transcendental, elaboramos três discursos que expressam a transição da luta armada à democracia: a Estratopolítica, a Tecnopolítica e a Nomadopolítica. Cada discurso refere-se a uma modalidade singular de agenciamento, num tipo específico de funcionamento que articula prática política, memória e configuração psíquica. Cada discurso tem perspectivas distintas sobre os caminhos para a transformação social, em que o primeiro coloca a determinância dos estratos, das instituições e do Estado para fomentar as mudanças sociais; o segundo, no desenvolvimento de uma tecnologia da governabilidade, de saberes sobre a gestão; e o terceiro, na primazia dos movimentos e dos deslocamentos, numa prática mais fluida e molecular. Concluímos, corroborando com as reflexões de G. Deleuze & F. Guattari (1997), R. Michels (1982) e A. Przeworski (1991), que a esquerda no Governo atua numa fixação à Instituição-Estado, tendo um maior compromisso com a ocupação de lugares na estrutura institucional do que com o fazer político transformador, ou seja, atua predominantemente de forma estratopolítica. Palavras-chave: Ditadura, Estado, Política, Memória, Deleuze, Gilles, 1925-1995.<br>In 2002, the Workers Party (PT) won the elections for the country\'s presidency, inspiring the expectation of many social changes in Brazil, once it Government is compound by social segments that historically struggled for the transformation of the country, as leaderships of social movements and former-guerrilla fighters of armed struggle. However, the expected social changes didnt happen, putting in question the perspective of a transformation by Left in State\'s power. To reflect upon this problem, this research intended to investigate the discourses of the former-guerrilla fighters about the transition from the armed struggle to the current political moment: a neoliberal democracy. To achieve this scope, we interviewed four former-guerrilla fighters that occupy different social positions, that we called: Deputy, Economist, Journalist and Photographer. We elected the former-guerrilla fighters as actors of this research because we understand they adopted the most radical struggle for social transformation during the military dictatorship. From our social actors\' rebuilt memory analysis and Gilles Deleuze\'s reflections on the agency and the transcendental field, we elaborated three discourses that express the transition from armed struggle to democracy: the Stratumpolitics, the Technopolitics and the Nomadpolitics. Each discourse refers to a singular agency modality, in a specific type of operation that articulates political practice, memory and psychic configuration. Each discourse has different perspectives about the ways to social transformation: the first puts the determining in the stratum, institutions and State to promote social changes; the second, in a development of a governability technology, of management\'s knowledges; the third, in the primacy of movements and displacements, in a more diffuse and molecular practice. We concluded, in agreement with G. Deleuze and F. Guattari (1997), R. Michels (1982) and A. Przeworski (1991)\'s reflections, that Left in Government acts in a fixation at the State-Institution, with more compromise to places\' occupation in the institutional structure than to a transformer political practice, i.e., it acts mainly in stratumpolitics way.
29
Rosa, Ádima Domingues da. "Agências reguladoras e Estado no Brasil : reformas e reestruturação neoliberal nos anos 90 /." Marília : [s.n.], 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96304.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Francisco Luiz Corsi<br>Banca: Adilson Gennari<br>Banca: Marcos Tadeu Del Roio<br>Resumo: As últimas décadas do século XX se caracterizaram por um conjunto de alterações e reformas na estrutura estatal brasileira. Frente a esse quadro, o trabalho busca reconstruir o processo de emergência das agências reguladoras nos anos 90, tomandoas como dimensão destacada da nova configuração do Estado no Brasil e da inserção do País no novo cenário de mundialização do capital. A estruturação das agências está inserida num momento de transformação do Estado, que adquire uma dimensão cada vez mais gerencial e regulacionista, em detrimento de suas conformações desenvolvimentistas no plano econômico e político. Tais mudanças institucionais têm como embasamento a cultura da competição, que não se localiza apenas no âmbito institucional, mas opera como retorno à cultura do liberalismo e do individualismo social como parâmetro das políticas públicas.<br>Abstract: The last decades of the twentieth century were characterised by a group of changes and reforms in the Brazilian. In this context, the work seeks to reconstruct the process of create of regulatory agencies in the nineties, taking them as design of the new configuration of State in Brasil, showing the new faces of the capital. The structure of the agencies is part of this transformations from State, that acquire a dimension management and regulationist front of declination of the developmentalist project. These institutional changes have as parameter the culture of competition, which is located not only in the institutional framework, but operates as a return to the liberalism and individualism culture as a parameter of public policies.<br>Mestre
30
Safak-cubukcu, Oyku. "Neoliberal Transformation Of The State Through The Establishment Of Independent Regulatory Agencies: The Case Of "." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614283/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Based upon critical political economy and Marxist theory of the state, this thesis attempts to understand the neoliberal form of the capitalist state in Turkey. While doing this, it puts the establishment of independent regulatory agencies (IRAs) into the framework of the claim of de-politicization and redefined form of the separation of the political and the economic under neoliberalism. It argues that neoliberalism solved its crisis and settled through each financial crisis, as a result of which the state is restructured. Acceleration of the delayed neoliberal transformation in Turkish agriculture through crises provides a ground to this argument. This study focuses on Tobacco and Alcohol Market Regulatory Authority (TAPDK) as an IRA, which enables analysis of neoliberal transformation of both agriculture and the state. Besides<br>the thesis includes an analysis of the Tobacco Law, which established TAPDK, since it is accepted that law is a significant mediation of the settlement of neoliberal hegemony. Furthermore, the thesis utilizes from in-depth interviews with not only officials from TAPDK, but also previous workers of tobacco and cigarette producing factories and tobacco farmers in order to find out how the labouring classes experienced the transformation. This contributes to the development of an analysis of the state as an arena of class struggle. Therefore<br>it is asserted, in this thesis, that TAPDK exemplifies the mediation of capital-labour relations by the state in tobacco sector, and appears as an arena of class struggle, as opposed to the discourse of the purification of economic management from politics.
31
Karapehlivan, Senel Funda. "Implications of the neoliberal restructuring of the state education relationships for the right to education in Turkey." Thesis, University of Essex, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.528837.
Full text
32
Berens, Darrick M. "The role of the state and opposition to neoliberal reform: a comparative analysis of Chile and Argentina." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/44521.
Full textAbstract:
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited<br>The purpose of this thesis is to expand on the existing literature covering Latin American economic reform through a new take on the state/opposition relationship that accounts for the differences in neoliberal consolidation in Chile and Argentina. More specifically, it identifies the management tactics employed by the state to diminish anti-neoliberal mobilizations and how these tactics adjust over time with changes in government. This thesis isolates and analyzes the consistency of state opposition management tactics across various administrations and its effect on the consolidation of a stable neoliberal model. In Chile, consistency in management tactics across successive governments has fostered the consolidation and stability of their neoliberal model. Conversely, in Argentina, the strength of the neoliberal model has suffered greater alterations due to the inconsistency in opposition management tactics used by the Kirchner administrations when compared to previous governments.
33
Rosa, Ádima Domingues da [UNESP]. "Agências reguladoras e Estado no Brasil: reformas e reestruturação neoliberal nos anos 90." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96304.
Full textAbstract:
Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:28:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
Previous issue date: 2008-03-10Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:08:40Z : No. of bitstreams: 1
rosa_ad_me_mar.pdf: 621461 bytes, checksum: e21609b3b112a5f115015dff42c0af68 (MD5)<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)<br>As últimas décadas do século XX se caracterizaram por um conjunto de alterações e reformas na estrutura estatal brasileira. Frente a esse quadro, o trabalho busca reconstruir o processo de emergência das agências reguladoras nos anos 90, tomandoas como dimensão destacada da nova configuração do Estado no Brasil e da inserção do País no novo cenário de mundialização do capital. A estruturação das agências está inserida num momento de transformação do Estado, que adquire uma dimensão cada vez mais gerencial e regulacionista, em detrimento de suas conformações desenvolvimentistas no plano econômico e político. Tais mudanças institucionais têm como embasamento a cultura da competição, que não se localiza apenas no âmbito institucional, mas opera como retorno à cultura do liberalismo e do individualismo social como parâmetro das políticas públicas.<br>The last decades of the twentieth century were characterised by a group of changes and reforms in the Brazilian. In this context, the work seeks to reconstruct the process of create of regulatory agencies in the nineties, taking them as design of the new configuration of State in Brasil, showing the new faces of the capital. The structure of the agencies is part of this transformations from State, that acquire a dimension management and regulationist front of declination of the developmentalist project. These institutional changes have as parameter the culture of competition, which is located not only in the institutional framework, but operates as a return to the liberalism and individualism culture as a parameter of public policies.
34
Spies-Butcher, Ben. "Understanding the concept of social capital: Neoliberalism, social theory or neoliberal social theory?" University of Sydney, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1326.
Full textAbstract:
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)<br>This thesis examines the growing debate around the concept of social capital. The concept has been heralded by many as a means of uniting the social sciences, particularly economics and sociology, and of overcoming ideological divisions between left and right. However, critics argue that the concept is poorly theorised and provides little insight. More radical critics have claimed the concept may be a neo-liberal ‘Trojan horse’, a mechanism by which the atomistic thinking of neoclassical economics colonises social theory. I examine these more radical claims by exploring the origins of the concept of social capital within rational choice economics. I argue that we should differentiate between two types of potential colonisation. The first is a form of methodological colonisation, whereby overly abstract, reductionist and rationalist approaches (which I term modernist) are extended into social theory. The second is a form of ideological colonisation, whereby a normative commitment to individualism and the market is extended into social theory. I argue that the concept of social capital has been the product of a trend within rational choice economics away from the extremes of modernism. In this sense the concept represents an attempt to bring economics and social theory closer together, and a willingness on the part of rational choice theorists to take more seriously the techniques and insights of the other social sciences. However, I argue that this trend away from modernism has often been associated with a reaffirmation of rational choice theorists’ normative commitment to individualism and the market. In particular, I argue the concept of social capital has been strongly influenced by elements of the Austrian economic tradition, and forms part of a spontaneous order explanation of economic and social systems. I then apply these insights to the Australian social capital debate. I argue that initially the Australian social capital debate continued an earlier debate over economic rationalism and the merits of market-orientated economic reform. I argue that participants from both sides of the economic rationalism debate used the concept of social capital to move away from modernism, but continued to disagree over the role of individualism. Finally, I argue that confusion between moving away from modernism, and moving away from market ideology, has led some Third Way theorists to misconstrue the concept as a means to overcome ideology.
35
Parra-Rosales, L. P. "The reconfiguration of the state in an era of neoliberal globalism : state violence and indigenous responses in the Costa Chica-Montaña of Guerrero, Mexico." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3199.
Full textAbstract:
The adoption of the neo-liberal model in the mid-1980s has forced the governing elites to reconfigure the Mexican State. However, the consolidation of a neoliberal State continues to be incomplete and it has been problematic to fully integrated the Mexican economy in the global market due to the increasing organized crime, the dismantling of previous post-revolutionary control mechanisms, and the growing mobilisation of organised indigenous opposition ranging from the peaceful obstruction of hydroelectric mega-projects in their territories to armed struggle. In view of the State crisis, this thesis argues that there has been a shift in the system of control mechanisms of the State that is leaning towards a more recurrent use of open violence to implement its neo-liberal State project. From a theoretical perspective, the research proposes an innovative approach to understanding the formation of the post-revolutionary State, which transcends the State violence dichotomy established between the ´corporatist´ and the ´critical´ approaches in the contemporary literature. The research highlights the wide spectrum of control mechanisms from hegemonic domination to violence used by the governing elites to compensate the unfinished State formation process in order to maintain socio-political stability without profound structural changes. It explores the enhanced tendency of State violence to replace incorporation in Statesociety relations since the efforts to restructure the economy from the 1980s onwards. The thesis analyses how this tendency has grown particularly in response to indigenous movements in the South of Mexico. The argument is substantiated empirically with two case studies undertaken in the sub-region of Costa Chica-Montaña of Guerrero with data from 79 semi-structured interviews with a wide range of social and political actors, and participant observation in ten indigenous communities. The case studies explore the different State control mechanisms used to advance the State formation model in the post revolutionary period; the impact of the crisis of those mechanisms in the sub-region; the violent resistance of local bosses to the loss of power, and the multiples indigenous responses to the implementation of neoliberal policies in their territories. This research also includes a comparative study to explain some factors that strengthen indigenous articulations, as well as their limits in an era of neoliberal globalisation. One of the most important research findings is that neoliberalism has further weakened the 'civilianisation' power of the State to deal peacefully with civil society sectors, particularly with indigenous peoples, while it has strengthened its 'centralised-coercive' power to carry out the imposed State model. Another finding is that the indigenous initiatives that have reinvented themselves through a new version of their practices and broader alliances have consolidated their alternative models. In contrast, the indigenous responses that have reproduced their traditions have failed.
36
Wanderley, Carlos Ferreira. "CRÍTICA AOS EMPREENDIMENTOS DE ECONOMIA SOLIDÁRIA: Sob o aspecto da precarização da força de trabalho no Maranhão de 2003 a 2012." Universidade Federal do Maranhão, 2012. http://tedebc.ufma.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/623.
Full textAbstract:
Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-17T18:10:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
DISSERTACAO CARLOS.pdf: 1281982 bytes, checksum: 222c117e0ea08ae315a2b1fcb71544ea (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2012-12-13<br>The effects of liberalization, deregulation and privatization globally, are being felt so
strong and increasingly diffuse. A more open world and new supplies became
unemployed and one that precarious the labor force, a result therefore the more
obvious adjustment that capitalism has been doing, especially in neoliberal paradigm.
As a result, there is unemployment and precariousness, which almost naturally forge
solidarity propositions in finding solutions, which effectively sets up as the initiative to
establish practices mitigating not the subsistence wage for these workers, an
initiative that, in this part Latin Americas, received the name of solidarity economy.
This study investigates the reasons for that jobless workersseek in this category
economic and labor integration, an exit and even autonomy. By analyzing the
solidarity economy closely, we find, on one side, a reality of relative successes and
on the other, the most common failures of experimentation, especially in Maranhão.
The group of collectors of Lixão Santa Ines and ASCAMAR in San Luis, were the
main fields of research that resulted in the self-organization, an unimpressive or even
absent government support. Later, it was found that the creation of most solidary
economic enterprises still had to fight for survival his main goal, surpassing the
motivation of the search for collective production.<br>Os efeitos da liberalização, da desregulamentação e da privatização globais, estão
se fazendo sentir de forma cada vez mais forte e difusa. Um mundo mais aberto e de
novidades consumíveis tornou-se aquele que desemprega e precariza a força de
trabalho, resultado, portanto, do mais patente ajuste que o capitalismo vem
realizando, sobretudo no paradigma neoliberal. Como decorrência, surge o
desemprego e a precarização, que forjam quase que naturalmente as proposições
solidárias na busca de soluções, o que, efetivamente, configura-se como a iniciativa
de constituir práticas amenizadoras do não assalariamento para subsistência destes
trabalhadores, iniciativa que, nesta parte latina das Américas, recebeu o nome de
economia solidária. O presente estudo investiga quais as razões para que
trabalhadores sem ocupação busquem nesta categoria econômica e de inserção ao
trabalho, uma saída e até mesmo uma autonomia. Ao analisar a economia solidária
de perto, encontramos, de um lado, uma realidade de relativos êxitos e de outro, o
mais comum, a experimentação de fracassos, especialmente no Maranhão. O grupo
de catadores do Lixão de Santa Inês e da ASCAMAR, em São Luís, foram os
principais campos de pesquisa. Entre os resultados, identificamos um inexpressivo
apoio governamental, dificultando o processo de autonomização dessas entidades.
Constatou-se ainda que a criação da maioria dos empreendimentos econômicos
solidários ainda teve na luta pela sobrevivência seu principal objetivo, superando a
motivação da busca pela produção coletiva.
37
Dolek, Caglar. "Privatization Of Security And The Transformation Of The Modern Bourgeois State In The Neoliberal Era: The Case Of Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613440/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis problematizes the phenomenon of privatization of security within the context of the neoliberal transformation of the capitalist state in Turkey. On the basis of the critique of neo-Weberian and Foucauldian literatures, it attempts to construct its peculiar theoretical-historical pathway on the relationship between state-coercion-class. It problematizes the historical constitution of this relationship within the context of the historical specificity of the capitalist state power. In this regard, the formation of the public police in the 19th century is discussed as an important, albeit contradictory, aspect of the materialization of this specificity. Furthermore, it is asserted that it was a reformative movement within which class practices of private provision of security were not totally eliminated, but incorporated into the impartially presented institutional materiality of the modern bourgeois state in and through class struggles. On this basis, the thesis discusses the privatization of security in Turkey as a contradictory transformation determined by the tension between the alleged impartiality and class nature of the state. It critically analyzes the historical period from the 1960s to the 2000s to identify different dynamics of transformation in terms of the privatization of security and institutional restructuring of the state. Within this framework, it argues that the institutionalization of private security in Turkey has signalled a trend towards the fusion of state power and class power in a new form with novel contradictions.
38
Rocha, Jefferson Alves [UNESP]. "A gestão democrática como estratégia neoliberal nas políticas educacionais locais: a rede municipal de Rio Claro." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/144516.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Jefferson Alves Rocha (rocha.j82@hotmail.com) on 2016-10-28T14:33:37Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
dissertação versão final.pdf: 1689918 bytes, checksum: 3e4c3ed7aac9afe856a3ed66ffb396d8 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Felipe Augusto Arakaki (arakaki@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-11-03T18:50:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1
rocha_ja_me_rcla.pdf: 1681795 bytes, checksum: 20827001d26814b21c96eba2ff44627b (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-03T18:50:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
rocha_ja_me_rcla.pdf: 1681795 bytes, checksum: 20827001d26814b21c96eba2ff44627b (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2016-09-05<br>O presente trabalho discute a gestão democrática da escola como política pública para a classe trabalhadora, na atual conjuntura e diante dos novos processos de racionalização produtiva. A partir dos conceitos de Estado e democracia, apreendemos sobre o neoliberalismo enquanto estratégia política oficial adotada no Brasil na década de 1990 e que apresenta o princípio da gestão democrática como fundamental no processo de democratização das políticas públicas educacionais. Tendo como referencial teórico-metodológico o materialismo, histórico e dialético, discutimos o caráter estrito do Estado democrático de direito e da democracia representativa na atual conjuntura neoliberal ao difundir o escopo ideológico da liberdade política e da igualdade de condições na sociedade de classes. Na dinâmica das relações entre o Estado e a sociedade, estes fatores têm representado decisivamente a instauração da nova hegemonia política da classe dominante no que tange o redimensionamento do seu domínio econômico, consequentemente, a organização política da sociedade ao ideário neoliberal. Nesse sentido problematizamos sobre a atuação da classe trabalhadora no processo de gestão escolar, no que tange a participação cidadã destes a partir dos Conselhos de Escola. Os procedimentos adotados nessa investigação foram as pesquisas bibliográficas, bem como as análises empíricas sobre o funcionamento dos conselhos escolares pertencentes à rede municipal de Ensino Fundamental da cidade de Rio Claro. A fim de verificar como é desenvolvida a gestão democrática nas políticas educacionais locais, apreendemos como se dá a participação social da classe trabalhadora na ordem democrática neoliberal. Sob o pressuposto da luta de classes, analisamos a questão da cidadania e da participação social na medida em que são ressignificados para a classe trabalhadora, porém, entram em contradição com a ordem social estabelecida, o que nos permite discutir a real dimensão democrática destes direitos.<br>This paper aims to discuss the democratic management of the school as a public policy for the working class, in the current situation and on the new production process rationalization. Based on the concepts of state and democracy, grasp of neoliberalism as the official policy strategy adopted in Brazil in the 1990s and introduced the principle of democratic management as fundamental in the process of democratization of educational public policies. With the theoretical and methodological materialism, dialectical and historical, we discussed the strict character of the democratic rule of law and representative democracy in the current neoliberal environment to spread the ideological scope of political freedom and equal conditions in class society. In the dynamics of the relationship between state and society, these factors have decisively represented the establishment of new political hegemony of the ruling class in terms resizing of its economic domain, therefore, the political organization of society by neoliberal ideology. In this sense we question about the role of the working class in the school management process regarding citizen participation thereof from school boards. The procedures adopted in this investigation were the bibliographical research and empirical analysis on the functioning of school boards belonging to the municipal elementary school in the city of Rio Claro. In order to check how developed democratic management in local educational policies, we apprehend how is the social participation of the working class in the neo-liberal democratic order. Under the class struggle assumption, we analyze the question of citizenship and social participation in that are reinterpreted for the working class, however, come into conflict with the established social order, which allows us to discuss the real democratic dimension of these rights.
39
Hulagu, Demirbilek Funda. "Restoring Class Power Over The Police: The Role Of The International In Neoliberal Police Reform In Turkey." Phd thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613859/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis provides a critical analysis of the post-Soviet police transformation that has been on the agenda for about two decades in all over the world. To elaborate and rethink this analysis within a concrete historical process, the transformation of the police in Turkey is focused on. However, as the number of political science-based studies on the police are very limited, and as the dominant academic studies on neoliberal police reform have been determined by policy makers themselves, that state of affairs has necessitated a prior theoretical research to be made on the question of &ldquo<br>what the police is&rdquo<br>. For, it is proved to be impossible to produce critical knowledge on police transformation without developing a theoretical framework on the nature of the modern police and the tensions embedded in it. Hence, before analyzing the neoliberal period, the thesis attempts to develop a class-based theoretical framework on the formation of the modern police in the 19th century, and concludes that the modern police apparatus has been shaped by a specific political division of labour between the state power and the class power. The form of the police is defined according to by which of these powers it is determined more, a process which has been constituted since the 19th century by a transnational collective agency that includes various fractions of the ruling classes as well as police chiefs and police intellectuals. It is the historical materialist method that provides the theoretical toolset to make sense of the transformation taking place in the police. Having analyzed the neoliberal police reform by the help of this theoretical toolset, the thesis maintains that in the neoliberal era the police apparatuses have been reintroduced to the political sphere as &ldquo<br>anti-statist non-state&rdquo<br>actors, and started making transformative interventions in the modern political field. The police restructured as a non-state actor has been dissolving the modern political field through various strategies. The thesis specifies these strategies on the basis of the police transformation process in Turkey. The police apparatus in Turkey has been constructing itself even as a &ldquo<br>civil society&rdquo<br>organization, and redefining the processes of legitimation, and mass participation of people in politics &ndash<br>which are necessary aspects modern political field- through its new police ideology. The main argument of the thesis is that this process as a whole is one that restores the class power of the capitalists over the police.
40
Oliveira, Fabiana de. "A superação do Paradigma Neoliberal na América Latina: uma análise comparada entre a Argentina Kirchnerista e a Venezuela Bolivariana (2003-2013)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/84/84131/tde-12092016-131846/.
Full textAbstract:
O presente trabalho se propõe a comparar duas experiências de instauração dos princípios neoliberais na América Latina, Argentina e Venezuela, seus principais reflexos socioeconômicos e a construção de alternativas que recuperam o protagonismo do Estado como propulsor do desenvolvimento. A combinação de diversos elementos recorrentes na história política da América Latina, tais como os constantes e agudos distúrbios socioeconômicos e a fragilidade das instituições, constituíram um terreno fértil para que se implementasse de maneira acrítica um conjunto de políticas de caráter ortodoxo que levariam a um dos mais profundos processos de concentração de renda já existentes na história do sistema capitalista. O esgotamento deste modelo, no entanto, evidenciado pelos massivos protestos populares que tomaram as ruas das principais cidades argentinas e venezuelanas, assim como pelo risco que representou de que novas rupturas democráticas ocorressem nestes países, criou o cenário necessário para que projetos políticos progressistas encabeçados por outsiders da política nacional chegassem ao poder. As vitórias eleitorais de Hugo Chávez na Venezuela e de Néstor Kirchner na Argentina foram, então, a expressão não apenas do fracasso do neoliberalismo como modelo econômico na América Latina, como também da certeza de que os problemas sociais não podiam ser resolvidos por outro ator que não o Estado. A profundidade das reformas que foram promovidas por estes governos não nos impede, no entanto, de reconhecer as contradições que engendram e o bastante limitado êxito que tiveram suas iniciativas de transformar as estruturas econômicas dos seus respectivos países. É, por tanto, fundamental que busquemos compreender a estes fenômenos de maneira profunda e esta investigação representa um esforço neste sentido. O presente trabalho busca, portanto, comparar os projetos nacionais desenvolvidos na Argentina e na Venezuela entre 2003 e 2013 com o fim de observar se, de fato, tais processos apresentam importante grau de flexibilização do neoliberalismo, ademais de analisar se a construção dos novos arranjos econômicos, sociais e partidários nestes países nos permitem afirmar que a Argentina e a Venezuela caminham em direção à implementação de um modelo econômico que possa ser caracterizado como neodesenvolvimentista.<br>This present work intends to compare two experiences of establishment of neoliberal principles on Latin America, Argentina and Venezuela, its main socioeconomic reflections and the construction of alternatives that retrieve the role of the State as the propeller of the development. The combination of several recurring elements in the political history of Latin America, such as the constant and acute socioeconomic disturbances and the fragility of the institutions, composed a fertile ground for the implementation in an acritic manner a set of orthodoxy character policies that led to one of the most deep processes of income concentration ever existent in the history of the capitalist system. The depletion of this model, however, evidenced by the massive popular protests which took the streets of the main cities of Argentina and Venezuela, as well as by the risk it represented if new democratic ruptures occurred in those countries, created the necessary scenery for progressionist political projects headed by outsiders of the national politic to arrive into the power. The electoral victories of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela and Néstor Kirchner in Argentina were, then, the expression not only of the failure of neoliberalism as an economic model in Latin America, as well as the certitude that social problems could not be solved by other actors besides the State. The depth of the reforms promoted by these governments does not inhibit us, however, from acknowledging the contradictions that engender and the very limited outcome their initiatives to transform the economic structures of its respective countries had. It is, therefore, imperative seeking to comprehend these phenomena in a deeper manner and this investigation represents an effort in that direction. Hence, the present work seeks to compare the national projects developed in Argentina and Venezuela between 2003 and 2013 as a way to observe if, de facto, such projects present an important degree of flexibility of the neoliberalism, besides analyzing if the construction of new economic, social and party arrangements in these countries allow us to state that Argentina and Venezuela move towards the implementation of an economic model that can be characterized as neodevelopmentist.
41
Karaba, Robert G. "Making Sense of Freedom in Education: Three Elements of Neoliberal and Pragmatic Philosophical Frameworks." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1184089472.
Full text
42
Gledhill, James. "Into the past : nationalism and heritage in the neoliberal age." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/12114.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the ideological nexus of nationalism and heritage under the social conditions of neoliberalism. The investigation aims to demonstrate how neoliberal economics stimulate the irrationalism manifest in nationalist idealisation of the past. The institutionalisation of national heritage was originally a rational function of the modern state, symbolic of its political and cultural authority. With neoliberal erosion of the productive economy and public institutions, heritage and nostalgia proliferate today in all areas of social life. It is argued that this represents a social pathology linked to the neoliberal state's inability to construct a future-orientated national project. These conditions enhance the appeal of irrational nationalist and regionalist ideologies idealising the past as a source of cultural purity. Unable to achieve social cohesion, the neoliberal state promotes multiculturalism, encouraging minorities to embrace essentialist identity politics that parallel the nativism of right-wing nationalists and regionalists. This phenomenon is contextualised within the general crisis of progressive modernisation in Western societies that has accompanied neoliberalisation and globalisation. A new theory of activist heritage is advanced to describe autonomous, politicised heritage that appropriates forms and practices from the state heritage sector. Using this concept, the politics of irrational nationalism and regionalism are explored through fieldwork, including participant observation, interviews and photography. The interaction of state and activist heritage is considered at the Wewelsburg 1933-1945 Memorial Museum in Germany wherein neofascists have re-signified Nazi material culture, reactivating it within contemporary political narratives. The activist heritage of Israeli Zionism, Irish Republicanism and Ulster Loyalism is analysed through studies of museums, heritage centres, archaeological sites, exhibitions, monuments and historical re-enactments. These illustrate how activist heritage represents a political strategy within irrational ideologies that interpret the past as the ethical model for the future. This work contends that irrational nationalism fundamentally challenges the Enlightenment's assertion of reason over faith, and culture over nature, by superimposing pre-modern ideas upon the structure of modernity. An ideological product of the Enlightenment, the nation state remains the only political unit within which a rational command of time and space is possible, and thus the only viable basis for progressive modernity.
43
Baxter, Jorge Grant. "Who governs educational change?| The paradoxes of state power and the pursuit of educational reform in post-neoliberal Ecuador (2007-2015)." Thesis, University of Maryland, College Park, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10159139.
Full textAbstract:
<p> This study identifies and compares competing policy stories of key actors involved in the Ecuadorian education reform under President Rafael Correa from 2007-2015. By revealing these competing policy stories the study generates insights into the political and technical aspects of education reform in a context where state capacity has been eroded by decades of neoliberal policies. </p><p> Since the elections in 2007, President Correa has focused much of his political effort and capital on reconstituting the state’s authority and capacity to not only formulate but also implement public policies. The concentration of power combined with a capacity building agenda allowed the Correa government to advance an ambitious comprehensive education reform with substantive results in equity and quality. At the same time the concentration of power has undermined a more inclusive and participatory approach which are essential for deepening and sustaining the reform.</p><p> This study underscores both the limits and importance of state control over education; the inevitable conflicts and complexities associated with education reforms that focus on quality; and the limits and importance of participation in reform. Finally, it examines the analytical benefits of understanding governance, participation and quality as socially constructed concepts that are tied to normative and ideological interests.</p>
44
REIS, Cinthia Regina Nunes. "Estado, normas e padrões na governamentalidade neoliberal do sistema agroalimentar: a atuação do Estado e dos sistemas privados de certificação na fruticultura irrigada do Vale do São Francisco." Universidade Federal do Maranhão, 2017. https://tedebc.ufma.br/jspui/handle/tede/tede/1962.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Rosivalda Pereira (mrs.pereira@ufma.br) on 2017-10-11T20:52:48Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
CinthiaReis.pdf: 3503771 bytes, checksum: 08e67a77efa88214b43d0f58cebbf91f (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-11T20:52:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
CinthiaReis.pdf: 3503771 bytes, checksum: 08e67a77efa88214b43d0f58cebbf91f (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2017-09-04<br>Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa e ao Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico do Maranhão<br>The main objective of this thesis is to analyze how the state has supported the
promotion of a development model focused on agricultural exports, implemented on the
Submedium São Francisco Valley, to understand its actions in the context of the private
certification context. For this, I recurred to the theme of State action on this development
model, from the perspective of the neoliberal governmentality approach, of the public
policy analysis, through the State’s tools of action. As considering neoliberal
governmentality as a specific way of exerting power, expressed in the art of governing
from a distance, it became necessary to look to public policy as the set of State actions,
focusing on the tool used on state action. So, I sought to identify the public and private
actors involved on the construction and development of the region and how they relate to
themselves, as well as identify the public policies by means of which the State has been
supporting the agriculture on the São Francisco Valley, identifying the tools of public
action, searching for transformations in the state action for maintaining the model. With
this, it was possible to observe that the public and private actors have a strict relationship
based on personal links, configuring itself as a permeability relationship by mean of
which the State responds to the interests of the fruit producers of the region, working
together with them. It was identified that the State on the federal level made itself present,
in a centralized manner most of all by means of the Companhia de Desenvolvimento dos
Vales do São Francisco e Parnaíba (CODEVASF), a public company created with the
responsibility to implement and govern all the infrastructure on which the agricultural
business was developed; besides that, it was observed that the State itself drafted, from
the year 1980, attempts to reduce its direct acting on the process of maintaining the
agricultural export model, that started a dialog with rules and standards defined by each
consumer market, expressed in their certification systems. However, the private sector
claimed and continues to demand the effective support of public action, both in the federal
level as in the state and city level, to maintain the capitalistic accumulation process. In
response, the State proceeds adopting economic and social policies that, direct or
indirectly, seek to support the producers, guaranteeing financial investments in the
maintenance of the irrigation infrastructure and on the supply of labor on the region, as
well as creating structures to allow the fruit producers to reach the standards of quality
imposed by their consumer markets. This way, the private certification systems have
controlled not only the production process and the quality of the produce, but some state
actions as well. Thus, the State remains as an important actor to maintain the development
model adopted in the region, through a dialog with private interests, currently conducted
from far away by the certification systems.<br>Analisar como o Estado tem apoiado a promoção do modelo de desenvolvimento
agroexportador de frutas, implementado na região do Vale do Submédio São Francisco,
para compreender a sua atuação no contexto dos sistemas privados de certificação é o
objetivo central dessa tese. Para tanto, recorreu-se à temática da atuação do Estado nesse
modelo de desenvolvimento, a partir da perspectiva das abordagens da gouvernementalité
neoliberal, da análise das políticas públicas, por meio dos instrumentos de ação do Estado.
Ao tomar a governamentalidade neoliberal como um modo específico de exercício de
poder, expresso na arte de governar à distância, tornou-se necessário olhar para as
políticas públicas enquanto o conjunto das ações do Estado (no sentido de policy),
focando-se também em alguns instrumentos utilizados na ação estatal, bem como em sua
instrumentação. Assim, procurou-se identificar os atores públicos e privados envolvidos
na construção e desenvolvimento dessa região e como eles se relacionam, bem como
identificar as políticas públicas pelas quais o Estado tem apoiado a agricultura no Vale
do São Francisco, identificando os instrumentos da ação pública, buscando perceber se
houve transformações nas formas de atuação do Estado para a manutenção do modelo.
Com isso, foi possível observar que os atores públicos e os atores privados possuem uma
relação estreita pautada nos vínculos pessoais, configurando-se como uma relação de
permeabilidade pela qual o Estado responde aos interesses dos fruticultores da região,
trabalhando em parceria com os produtores. Identificou-se que o Estado na esfera federal
se fez presente, de forma centralizada, sobretudo, pela Companhia de Desenvolvimento
dos Vales do São Francisco e Parnaíba (CODEVASF), empresa pública criada com a
responsabilidade de implementar e gerir toda a infraestrutura sobre a qual foi
desenvolvido o agronegócio; além disso, observou-se que o próprio Estado esboçou, a
partir da década de 1980, tentativas de reduzir sua atuação direta no processo de
manutenção do modelo agroexportador, que passou a dialogar com normas e padrões de
qualidade definidos por cada mercado consumidor, expressos em seus sistemas de
certificação. Mas, o setor privado reivindicou e continua demandando o apoio efetivo da
ação pública, tanto pela esfera federal, quanto pelas esferas estadual e municipal, para
manter o processo de acumulação capitalista. Em resposta, o Estado prossegue adotando
políticas econômicas e sociais, que direta ou indiretamente, visam apoiar os produtores,
garantindo investimentos financeiros na manutenção da infraestrutura de irrigação e da
oferta de mão obra na região, bem como criando estruturas para possibilitar aos
fruticultores o cumprimento dos padrões de qualidade impostos por seus mercados
consumidores. Assim, os sistemas privados de certificação têm controlado não só o
processo produtivo e a qualidade do produto, como também algumas ações estatais.
Portanto, o Estado permanece como um ator importante para a manutenção do modelo de
desenvolvimento adotado na região, dialogando com os interesses privados, atualmente
conduzidos à distância pelos sistemas privados de certificação.
45
Lance, Kleyne Paula Castro. "Conciliação, mediação e arbitragem no Brasil neoliberal: as associações patronais e suas instituições mediadoras (1994-2012)." Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Paraná, 2014. http://tede.unioeste.br:8080/tede/handle/tede/1700.
Full textAbstract:
Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:55:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Kleyne_Paula_Castro_Lance.pdf: 1992006 bytes, checksum: 321fd662d2872ebf269400a339b31301 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2014-03-22<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>In this work, our aim is to analysis the inter-relation with the institute/organs of mediation and arbitration founded by patronal institutions, showing up the movement that those settle in their midst, as well as, with the public sector. For both, we problematized the politics of reconciliation in the implementation process of Labor Legislation and then, the emergence of laws that have been implemented from this politics in the Brazilian legal scenario. In agreement, we find an infinite of private institutions which have struggled to regulate the Extra-judicial Methods of Dispute Settlement (MESCs) from the spread of Alternative Dispute of Resolution. So, this study narrowed its analysis with the mediation institutions, organs that are directly linked with a fraction of the industrial sector, therefore from the movement of these private apparatus of hegemony was constituted shape and contour to the Extended State from the their activities. Then, we have a hand in defense alternative forms of conflict resolution in court or privately and the other hand the traditional form of conflict resolution . Ultimately, two major projects were identified that are in dispute and that alternative forms have been gaining more space, as well as, they have been disputing this space in civil society, by role of employers and political society, by shareholder of the memberships and /or organic intellectuals<br>Neste trabalho temos por objetivo analisar a inter-relação de institutos/órgãos de mediação e arbitragem fundados por instituições patronais, evidenciando o movimento que estes estabelecem entre si, bem como, com o setor público. Para tanto, problematizamos a política de conciliação no processo de implementação da Legislação Trabalhista, e posteriormente, o surgimento de Leis que foram implementadas a partir dessa política no cenário jurídico brasileiro. Neste sentido, encontramos uma infinidade de instituições privadas que têm se esforçado em regulamentar os Métodos Extrajudiciais de Solução de Controvérsias (MESCs) a partir da disseminação das Formas alternativas de solução de conflito. Desta forma, este estudo delimitou sua análise às instituições de mediação que são órgãos vinculados diretamente com o uma fração do setor industrial, assim, a partir do movimento desses aparelhos privados de hegemonia , foi-se constituindo forma e contorno ao Estado ampliado a partir de suas atividades. Assim, temos de um lado, a defesa das formas alternativas de resolução de conflito em âmbito extrajudicial ou privado, e de outro, a forma tradicional de resolução de conflito. Enfim, identificamos dois grandes projetos que estão em disputa e que, as formas alternativas vem ganhando mais espaço, bem como, vem disputando este espaço na sociedade civil, via atuação das entidades patronais, e, na sociedade política, via atuação de seus quadros e/ou intelectuais orgânicos
46
Singh, Hena. "The quest for gender equality & gender justice in India : interrogating the role of the state, from independence to the era of neoliberal reform." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/8699/.
Full textAbstract:
This research investigates the varying ways in which two different groups of women workers have been impacted by the neoliberal reforms undertaken by successive Indian governments from the 1990s onwards. The point of departure, substantiated by extant research, is that globalization has been structurally disadvantageous to women, specifically the 'rolling back' of the state has meant that some of the significant gains achieved by and for women in the post-independence period in India have also been 'rolled back' or are being eroded. However, the ways in which women have been impacted by neoliberal globalization in the Indian context varies according to a range of factors including class, occupation, levels of education and specific skills and location (urban or rural). A central contention of the thesis is that the Indian state has played a crucial role in improving the status of Indian women and must continue to make strategic interventions in social and economic relations to ameliorate gender disadvantage and empower women. To that end it also interrogates the role of the Indian state in the quest of gender equality and gender justice in the period from independence up-to the era of neoliberal reforms. The thesis accepts the point that in the context of globalization, the state can no longer be considered a wholly autonomous actor and yet, it remains the major institution charged with the delivery of welfare and social justice to its citizens. As such, the thesis concludes with recommendations for a strategy for empowerment which is both 'top down' and 'bottom-up'; meaning that the delivery of development and social welfare, justice to women specifically necessarily entails negotiating and mediating between 'global' forces (specifically international economic organizations and development agencies) and the needs and demands of citizens as they are articulated at regional and local levels.
47
Bakare, Hakeem Oladimeji. "Making sense of neoliberal governance through nature : a study of privatisation and environmental governance in the Nigerian cement industry in Ogun State, southwest Nigeria." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/8562/.
Full textAbstract:
This study investigates the impacts of neoliberal and environmental regulation policies introduced recently to improve sustainable development challenges in the growing Nigerian cement industry. The study identifies the devolution of economic responsibilities and the rising poverty in developing economies despite their resource wealth as a research gap requiring a multilevel environmental governance framework to understand and explain the process at play. I have applied the framework to the new Nigerian cement industry in Ogun state, Southwest Nigeria. The study adopted a qualitative research approach to examine the effects of privatisation of the Nigerian cement industry and environmental policy reforms on state and non-state actors’ role and relations in the governance of the sector. Semi-structured interviews were conducted among the actors identified among government, business and society stakeholders related to the industry and the case study areas. Findings reveal that the institutional and political relationships governing the interactions between state and non-state actors in the extractive sector historically indicate a multi-scalar governance approach with persistent dysfunctional institutional arrangement. Also, the political will to decentralise and devolve political roles to subnational government actors in particular and civil society organisations has hindered governance for sustainable development in the new Nigerian cement industry. The application of multilevel governance framework in this study has illuminated the complex interrelation of actors in neoliberal resource governance and the need for inclusive resource development strategies in developing economies like Nigeria. Evidence also revealed the growing relationship between community-based organisations and corporate actors without non-governmental organisations.
48
Mutlu, Inan. "From Washington Consensus To Global Crisis." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612519/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis focuses on the changing modes of state intervention into the economy in neoliberalism. It contends that the so called free market is neither a natural process nor an inevitable result of the harmony of interest, but the result of a deliberate political making process. The global economic crisis provided ample evidence to refute the claim that state and market are separately existing and antagonistic entities and indicates that the issue is not the market or the state, since the state in a capitalist society is equally subordinate to capital, simply providing an alternative mode of regulation of capital accumulation. The state has always been essential for "<br>proper"<br>workings of the market, especially for the interests of capital and the neoliberal state is not an exception
49
Liljedahl, Johansson Linn. "A case study of tourism policies around Satpura Tiger Reserve in Madhya Pradesh : Development trough neoliberal governmentality, inclusion and or not for local communities?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-68260.
Full textAbstract:
This is a case study of tourism policies made around the Satpura Tiger Reserve in Madhya Pradesh, India. The purpose of this study is to analyse the state tourism policies in Madhya Pradesh. The study is divided in two parts, the first part analyses the state tourism policies using Foucault’s governmentality theory. The governmentality theory is used to expose the ideas in the policies with consideration to neoliberalism and the local communities. The first part also examine the ideas of inclusion of the local communities in tourism. The second part are interviews with officials and semi-officials that are implementing the policies. The local communities are the focus in this study since tourism is marketed as a solution to economic growth and employment. Therefore, one of the aspects is if the local communities are a resource in the development of tourism, and if there is any obstacles for the local communities to participate in the tourism industry. The material used is state tourism policies from 2005 and 2016. Interviews were conducted in Pachmarhi, Madhai, Soghagpur, Pipariya and Bhopal. The conclusion is that the state tourism policy from 2016 is clearly neo-liberal that the market and the government is clearly in concurrence. When it comes to the local communities the main problem for participation is that most of the local communities lack of skills, however the type of tourism were the local communities could be beneficiaries is not the tourism that the state government is developing.
50
Brito, Flávio dos Santos. "Estado e questão social: padrões de intervenção na área social - uma leitura sobre as matrizes liberal, neoliberal e social democrata." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2012. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/4625.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-05-22T13:54:55Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
flaviodossantosbrito.pdf: 1075059 bytes, checksum: d5948c9c2c578561ab52b111d064b4a4 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-05-22T17:36:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1
flaviodossantosbrito.pdf: 1075059 bytes, checksum: d5948c9c2c578561ab52b111d064b4a4 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-22T17:36:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
flaviodossantosbrito.pdf: 1075059 bytes, checksum: d5948c9c2c578561ab52b111d064b4a4 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2012-06-05<br>CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>A questão social originária em meados do século XIX encontrou no mundo do trabalho o cenário profícuo para o seu desenvolvimento e rearranjos no transcurso do processo de desenvolvimento do sistema capitalista de produção. Deste modo, o entendimento acerca do processo sócio-histórico, se faz necessário para a implantação de políticas sociais idealizadas inicialmente ao enfrentamento da questão social e suas multifaces, em todo este período, de reducionismo e adoção de práticas compensatórias e imediatistas ao enfrentamento das refrações da questão social na atualidade. A questão social é deste modo, vista como indissociável do sistema capitalista de produção e do consequente efeito fragmentador da identidade de classe dos trabalhadores. A questão social integra assim, condições e dimensões de elementos históricos e subjetivos, que compreendem a ação dos sujeitos na construção da história e na busca por modificar a realidade estabelecida. Por isto, a análise apresentada nesta Dissertação, discorrerá sobre os padrões de intervenção estatal nas refrações da questão social inscrita nos períodos compreendidos pelas fases históricas do capitalismo, quais sejam o liberalismo, o neoliberalismo e socialdemocracia. Além disto, são também apresentados os debates produzidos acerca desta intervenção, particularmente ao que se refere ao debate desenvolvido na contemporaneidade, tomando como referencia a existência de uma “nova questão social”.<br>The social question originated in the mid-nineteenth century found in the work world scenario beneficial for their development and rearrangements during the process of development of the capitalist system of production. Thus, the understanding of the socio-historical process, it is necessary for the implementation of social policies devised initially to cope with the social question and its multifaceted, throughout this period, reductionism and adoption of practices and immediate compensation to cope with the refractions social issue of today. The social question is thus seen as inseparable from the capitalist system of production and the consequent effect of fragmenting the class identity of workers. The issue thus integrates social conditions and historical dimensions and subjective elements, which include the actions of the subjects in the construction of history and the search for modifying the established reality. Therefore, the analysis presented in this thesis, will discuss the patterns of state intervention in the refractions of the social question in the periods entered the historical phases of capitalism, namely liberalism, neo-liberalism and social democracy. In addition, discussions are also presented produced about this intervention, particularly when it comes to the debate developed in the present, taking as reference the existence of a "new social question."