Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Neoliberal urbanism'

This thesis argues that urbanisation has become increasingly central to capital accumulation strategies, and that a politics of space - commensurate with a material conjuncture increasingly subsumed by rentier capitalism - is thus necessarily required. The central research question concerns whether urbanisation represents a general tendency that might provide an immanent dialectical basis for a new spatial politics. I deploy the concept of class composition to address this question. In Italian Autonomist Marxism (AM), class composition is understood as the conceptual and material relation between ‘technical’ and ‘political’ composition: ‘technical composition’ refers to organised capitalist production, capital’s plans as it were; ‘political composition’ refers to the degree to which collective political organisation forms a basis for counter-power. The research question is developed through a review of historical and contemporary urban literature by way of a distinctive marriage of AM and urban geographical literature, with a specific focus on the city of Glasgow as an exemplary case study. Given the widely-acknowledged housing crisis and the commodification of land and property markets more generally, the urgency of addressing the research question is self-evident. Yet tenants’ and residents’ movements are very fragmented in Glasgow, and the UK more generally, despite the obvious impact that the privatisation of space has on basic social reproductive needs. This thesis addresses this lacuna in a two-fold manner: firstly, by stressing the compositional significance of urbanisation as an increasingly hegemonic tendency in capital accumulation strategies; secondly, by arguing for an immanent politics of space based on contemporary urban conditions. Empirical research was conducted through three case studies in Glasgow. The first examines the historical socio-spatial development of the city itself, while the second and third focus more closely on large-scale regeneration projects in the north and east of the city. These studies affirm the prevalence of contemporary urban accumulation strategies in Glasgow, and the pressing need for a commensurate politics of space.

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Cities are formed by a set of official practices supported by their normative institutions, and also by unofficial practices, that escape the norms and that bring other possibilities, other urgencies. The term tactical urbanism began to be used in the first decade of the 21st century to designate such practices in urbanism, referring generally to temporary, informal and somewhat contentious urban interventions in official practices and contemporary cities. However, the theoretical, artistic and political references of the practitioners of Tactical Urbanism refer to a much broader and complex role of practices that are often presented as an alternative to the Neoliberal Urbanism, currently hegemonic in the production of cities. However, there is still a certain theoretical and methodological gap regarding the tactical movements of urban production, which make it difficult to understand their capabilities and analyze their effects. In this sense, this research tried to construct a conceptual panorama on the Tactical Urbanism, exemplified with several practitioners and practices, sometimes called as such, sometimes indifferent to the term but within it. For this, a Taxonomy of Tactical Urbanism was elaborated, which brings eleven categories of analysis, elaborated in eighty-four subcategories, with the purpose of providing a reading for such practices and facilitating the articulation between their ideas, agents and objectives. For the elaboration of the Taxonomy, forty practices were charted and cataloged, exemplifying the various narratives that compose the discourse of urban tactics, representative of the work of great exponents of this discourse and also of the urban realities of the five continents. The Taxonomy is available on online platform, which allows the processing of complex data and collaborative data feeding. In this study, we demonstrate several ways of using the Taxonomy of Tactical Urbanism, among them, the triangulation between specific categories with the objective of verifying how Tactical Urbanism contributes in the fight for the right to the city, in the constitution of urban commons and in the confrontation with Neoliberal Urbanism. This articulation allowed us to conclude that the tactical self-denominated practices, closer to what was popularized with the label of Tactical Urbanism, present generally fragile arrangements as alternative possibilities to the neoliberal city, while the practices that are better able to promote the right to the city and to experience the constitution of commons, are those that take the tactic beyond the tactic, combining it in strategic movements, more aligned with the traditional struggles for urban justice. Such a conclusion reveals the need for critical thinking to better subsidize such actions, helping to circumvent the pitfalls and enhance the capacities of collaboration, participation and empowerment of multitude, which Tactical Urbanism can bring as contributions to the construction of more just cities.
As cidades são formadas por um conjunto de práticas oficiais sustentadas por suas instituições normativas e, também, por práticas não oficiais, que escapam às normas e que trazem outras possibilidades, outras urgências. O termo Urbanismo Tático passou a ser utilizado na primeira década do Século XXI para designar tais práticas em urbanismo, referindo-se, geralmente, a intervenções urbanas temporárias, informais e de certa forma contestadoras às práticas oficiais e às cidades contemporâneas. Porém, as referências teóricas, artísticas e políticas dos praticantes do Urbanismo Tático remetem a um rol muito mais amplo e complexo de práticas que se colocam, frequentemente, como alternativa ao Urbanismo Neoliberal, atualmente hegemônico na produção das cidades. No entanto, há ainda um certo vazio teórico e metodológico no que diz respeito aos movimentos táticos da produção urbana, que dificultam compreender suas capacidades e analisar seus efeitos. Nesse sentido, esta pesquisa buscou construir um panorama conceitual sobre o Urbanismo Tático, exemplificado com diversos praticantes e práticas, ora autodenominadas como tal, ora indiferentes ao termo mas enquadráveis a ele. Para tanto, foi elaborada uma Taxonomia do Urbanismo Tático, que traz onze categorias de análise, esmiuçadas em oitenta e quatro subcategorias, com o objetivo de fornecer uma leitura para tais práticas e facilitar a articulação entre suas ideias, seus agentes e objetivos. Para a elaboração da Taxonomia foram cartografadas e catalogadas quarenta práticas, exemplificativas das várias narrativas que compõem o discurso das táticas urbanas, representativas do trabalho de grandes expoentes desse discurso e, também, das realidades urbanas dos cinco continentes. A Taxonomia encontra-se disponível em plataforma on line, que permite o tratamento de dados complexos e a alimentação colaborativa de dados. Neste estudo, são demonstradas várias formas de utilização da Taxonomia do Urbanismo Tático, dentre elas, a triangulação entre categorias específicas com o objetivo de verificar como o Urbanismo Tático contribui na luta pelo direito à cidade, na constituição de comuns urbanos e no enfrentamento ao Urbanismo Neoliberal. Tal articulação permitiu concluir que as práticas autodenominadas táticas, mais próximas daquilo que se popularizou com a etiqueta do Urbanismo Tático, apresentam arranjos geralmente frágeis como possibilidades alternativas à cidade neoliberal, enquanto as práticas que reúnem maiores condições de promoverem o direito à cidade e de experimentarem a constituição de comuns, são aquelas que levam a tática para além da tática, combinando-a em movimentos estratégicos, mais alinhados com as tradicionais lutas por justiça urbana. Tal conclusão revela a necessidade de o pensamento crítico melhor subsidiar tais ações, ajudando a contornar as ciladas e a potencializar as capacidades de colaboração, participação e empoderamento da multidão, que o Urbanismo Tático pode trazer como contribuições para a construção de cidades mais justas.

Urban redevelopment is increasingly used as a policy tool for economic growth by local governments in Chinese cities, which is taking place amid rapid urbanization and in an expanding globalized economy. Along with the spatial transformation, urban redevelopment often entails socioeconomic change in the form of processes of gentrification, which is propelled by the dominance of neoliberal market-oriented policy and practice in the country. This thesis analyzes the spatial political economy of urban redevelopment in China through a case study on Baishizhou urban village in Shenzhen in south-eastern China. Setting out from the broad concern over urban inequality, socio-spatial segregation, ‘the right to the city’, and sustainability in contemporary critical urban theory, the thesis constructs a theoretical framework involving the concepts of neoliberal urbanism, gentrification, sustainable urban development, as well as ‘bottom-up urbanism’ approaches. Employing this framework, the case study conducts a macro-level city comprehensive plan analysis, a meso-level urban village redevelopment site plan analysis, and micro-level interview study and ethnographic observations of everyday life and space in the urban village. On the basis of this study, the thesis makes the arguments that: Neoliberal urbanism is certainly active in the spatial political economy of urban redevelopment in Shenzhen and China, and is markedly state-led under authoritarian governance structures that encourage increased marketization; The ongoing processes of gentrification in the urban village are intertwined with local and national political systems and social arrangements, and cause stress for the migrant tenants of the urban village, which clearly is not in line with the urban sustainability discourse of the UN’s New Urban Agenda; The tactic responses and individual coping-strategies found in the urban village reveals a condition of both precarity and agency in the everyday lives of the often marginalized poor that inhabit this urban space, which in turn point at emergent alternative urban (re)development trajectories. Moreover, the bottom-up urbanism approach sheds light on both discrepancy and compliance with the dominant top-down redevelopment policy, and is further suggested to inform the production of policy frameworks that can better facilitate local implementation of the New Urban Agenda in China.
Stadsomvandling och sanering används allt oftare som policyverktyg av kinesiska städers lokala regeringar för att uppnå ekonomisk tillväxt, vilket sker under en tid av hög urbaniseringstakt och en växande globaliserad ekonomi. Utöver den rumsliga omdaningen medför stadsomvandling även socioekonomiska förändringar i form av gentrifieringsprocesser, som i sin tur pådrivs av den i landet rådande neoliberala och marknadsorienterade politiska riktningen och dess praktiska tillämpning. Denna uppsats syftar till att analysera den rumsliga politiska ekonomin i stadsomvandling i Kina genom en fallstudie av ’stadsbyn’ (eng. ’urban village’) Baishizhou i Shenzhen i sydöstra Kina. Studien utformar ett teoretiskt ramverk som bygger på de analytiska koncepten neoliberal urbanism, gentrifiering, hållbar stadsutveckling, samt ’bottom-up urbanism’, och tar sitt avstamp i den samtida kritiska urbanteorins betonande av urban ojämlikhet, social och rumslig segregation, rätten till staden, och hållbarhet. Utifrån detta ramverk utför fallstudien en analys av stadens översiktsplan på makronivå, en analys av detaljplanen för saneringen av stadsbyn på mesonivå, samt en intervju- och etnografisk observationsstudie av stadsbyns vardagsliv och rum på mikronivå. På grundval av fallstudien drar uppsatsen följande slutsatser: Neoliberal urbanism är synnerligen tongivande i den rumsliga politiska ekonomin i stadsomvandling i Shenzhen och Kina, och har vidare en tydligt statsledd karaktär som tar sig i uttryck genom det auktoritära politiska styrets främjande av marknadskrafter; De pågående gentrifieringsprocesserna i stadsbyn är sammanflätade med lokala och nationella politiska system och sociala konstellationer, och förorsakar olika påfrestningar för de migrant-hyresgäster som befolkar stadsbyn. Detta ligger inte i linje med den hållbarhetsdiskurs för städer som presenteras i FN’s ’New Urban Agenda’; De praktiska och företagsamma reaktioner och handlingsstrategier som uppvisas i stadsbyn tyder på ett tillstånd av både sårbarhet och personlig agens i det dagliga livet hos de marginaliserade och fattiga som utgör befolkningen i detta stadsrum. Detta visar även på nya alternativa synsätt på stadsutveckling och stadsomvandling. Den analytiska ansatsen ’bottom-up urbanism’ synliggör dessutom både diskrepans och samstämmighet med den rådande toppstyrda (’top-down’) stadsomvandlings policyn, och anses således kunna ligga till grund för framtagandet av nya politiska ramverk som kan underlätta för implementeringen av New Urban Agenda i Kina.

In October 2019, a wave of massive demonstrations took place in Santiago de Chile and this movement was stamped in several newspaper covers worldwide. People shouting against the Chilean neoliberal system, holding posters with anti-imperialist sayings, and organizing artistic interventions on the streets went viral in social media. The message was clear – for several consecutive months, people in Chile were actively questioning the political, economic, and societal systems as well as the power struggles faced in the country. Relying on the 2019-2020 Chilean Uprising as a case study, this research investigates the consistency of the Santiago de Chile demonstrations by connecting its social claims to the field of urban studies for the understanding of social and spatial constructions. The thesis relies on postcolonial, decolonial, and critical urban theories, a critical perspective of the neoliberal system, the Lefebvrian Right to the City concept, and Manuel Castells' grassroots movements definition, as well as semi structured interviews and newspapers articles as empirical data for the enhancement of the debate.

This thesis explores how planning policy and practice is responding to the challenge of climate change, particularly in contexts where neoliberal rationales and practices frame decision making. It documents patterns of devolving government responsibilities and experiences of market based mechanisms before reporting on institutional and professional responses to these conditions. The research centred on a qualitative case study and involved thematic content analysis of policy documents and informant interviews. The contribution of the research and thesis is to establish the outlook for climate change adaptation under neoliberal conditions, and to introduce strategies for planners operating within these conditions.

The mobility of Palestinian residents of Jerusalem is usually understood in terms of exclusion, reflecting their lack of access to urban services more broadly as well as the restrictive mobility regime at work across the Palestinian territories. Yet after fifty years of Israeli occupation, a more complex and contradictory situation has emerged in the city. This dissertation uses mobility as a vehicle to arrive at a more integrated understanding of the paradoxical manner in which Palestinian Jerusalemites are simultaneously excluded from and incorporated into the city and to analyse how they negotiate their interstitial and often contradictory position. The thesis approaches the question of Palestinian quotidian movement by engaging with theoretical work on mobility and embodied movement as well as from empirical study including eight months of on-site research. In its three core sections, the work examines in detail several manifestations of the restriction, facilitation, and contested nature of mobility. In the first section, a discussion of Palestinian exclaves and enclaves of the city shows the continuities of mobility’s exclusionary effects on both sides of the Separation Wall. This limitation of movement leads to a restriction of spatio-political possibilities – but at the same time, Palestinians expand the horizon of what is possible through everyday and leisure practices. The second section employs two case studies of recent public transport developments in East Jerusalem to examine how incorporation is operationalised through everyday movements across urban space. The third section analyses the paradoxical role of mobility as the result of a tension between the settler colonial and the neoliberal logics concurrently at work in the city. On the one hand, the restriction of movement gradually renders the Palestinians as external to their city. On the other, the facilitation and regulation of mobility in East Jerusalem also serves to normalise Israeli rule and constitute Palestinians as incorporated urban residents, thereby undermining long-term aspirations for autonomy in the east of the city. The examination of the manner in which mobilities are contested in Jerusalem shows that movement, although often associated with freedom and independence, is essential for negotiating the terms of interdependence in the city.

Urban enclaves - private and gated developments for elitist groups - are a worldwide spread mode of colonisation of the peri-urban and countryside of metropolitan areas, in a context of cities under capitalist globalisation and urban neoliberalisation. At the same time, environmental concerns and environmentalism are acknowledged as increasingly relevant drivers of change in urban planning and urbanism worldwide, as a myriad of public and private initiatives of urban sustainability and urban greening are reported in cities worldwide. This thesis examines the intertwining of neoliberal urbanism and urban greening in the urban enclaves that sprouted in Santiago de Chile in the late 1990s, amidst the political tensions of the period of political transition to democracy and the debates over the continuity or dismissal of Pinochet's neoliberal legacy for the urban policies. Although many studies have focused on the Chilean neoliberal experiment, the role of environmentalism and environmental discourses in the reforms to urban growth policies in Santiago in the postdictatorial period remains unexplored. And, despite the debates over social inequality triggered by their rise, the environmental transformation that the new urban enclaves have produced and their role in the production of environmental inequality have not been substantially addressed. This study analyses the linkages between neoliberal urbanism and urban greening in the making, maintaining and living of urban enclaves in Chicureo, in Santiago's metropolitan countryside. Anchored on Urban Political Ecology proposals, this research examines the role of a new urban metabolism of material flows and subjectivity driven by the urban enclaves in the production of a new socio-nature in Chicureo. The findings suggest that the assemblage of innovations in neoliberal planning, market environmentalism and elitist utopianism is generating green enclaves that reproduce social privilege and environmental inequality. Nevertheless, tensions and conflicts account for possibilities of alternative directions in Chicureo's development.

El presente trabajo pretende indagar sobre las reestructuraciones urbanas y los conflictos que se vienen desarrollando en las áreas centrales y pericentrales del Área Metropolitana de Mendoza, ante la emergencia de rasgos del urbanismo neoliberal. Para ello, se tomará como caso de estudio el proceso de renovación que desde comienzos del nuevo siglo se viene desarrollando en un sector de la zona pericentral de Guaymallén, a partir de grandes inversiones públicas y privadas. Esta área se localiza en un espacio estratégico del Área Metropolitana de Mendoza, posee un alto valor inmobiliario y una importante riqueza patrimonial. Pero durante las últimas tres décadas del siglo pasado se vio pauperizada de modo considerable a partir de la implementación de políticas neoliberales en su faceta destructiva, dejando como resultado un empobrecimiento de la población, la falta de obras públicas, la desaparición de empresas e instituciones, y el surgimiento de una gran cantidad de baldíos urbanos.
Fil: Magallanes, Rodrigo Martín. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras.

Recently, the ‘Smart City’ label has emerged as a popular umbrella term for numerous projects around the world that claim to offer an enhanced urban experience, often provided in collaboration with international companies through private-public partnerships. As smart cities pledge to create long-term economic sustainability and progressive form of urban entrepreneurialism, it is getting important to highlight risks such as the reduced role of the public sector, technological dominance and data privacy.In contrast to more a conventional, long-term, holistic master planning, a technologically pre-determined form of Smart City endangers the emancipator usage of public spaces as spaces of diversity, creativity, inclusive citizen participation and urban sustainability.This research approaches the concept of Smart Cities as a future category and, thus, targets to develop a comprehensive visual analysis based on architectural representations in the form of computer-generated images (CGI’s). The Quayside project, a notable and widely criticized urban development project, by Sidewalk Toronto, a cooperation between Waterfront Toronto and Sidewalk Labs which is a sister subsidiary of Alphabet Inc., has been selected as Smart City case study as. Visual analysis was conducted by using the theoretical frame advocating ‘Coordinating Smart Cities’ in contrast to ‘Prescriptive Smart Cities’ by Richard Sennett. In addition to Sennett’s concept of ‘Incomplete Form’, Jan Gehl’s ‘Twelve Quality Criteria’ was used as coding categories to elaborate the content analysis which was followed by semiological and compositional interpretations. Visuals have been investigated in three sequential sets and analyzed focusing on time-based comparative frequency counts for sets of visuals. Concentrating on how future public spaces are illustrated, the study aims to uncover and to discuss how Smart Cities are being imagined and advertised.

Décrétée Opération d’Intérêt National en 1995, Euroméditerranée est un projet urbain qui s’étend au Nord du centre-ville de Marseille. Revendiquant un nouvel urbanisme de processus, Euroméditerranée est présenté comme un projet pensé et mis en œuvre pour les habitants. Cependant, le résultat de ses transformations et sa rationalité donnent à voir un projet davantage pensé pour une nouvelle population. En outre, les aménageurs d’Euroméditerranée appréhendent leurs missions comme un « sacerdoce » au service d’une ville sinistrée qui ne saurait se réaliser sans Euroméditerranée. Les techniciens de l’aménagement de l’Etablissement Public d’Administration d’Euroméditerranée (EPAEM) sont prêts à « faire le bonheur de la ville malgré elle ». Ainsi reconnaissent-ils le conflit qui peut exister entre leurs prétentions « sociales » et la réalité du projet : malgré les réticences des habitants, les aménageurs savent ce dont la ville a besoin dans une société néolibérale. Néanmoins, leur « réalisme » n’épuise pas leur sensibilité. L’observation de leur quotidien montre des aménageurs conscients des limites d’Euroméditerranée pour les habitants déjà-là, voire aptes à la critique. Dans l’intimité de leurs bureaux, ils se désolidarisent de leur direction générale et dénoncent l’absence de considération pour les habitants. Comment ces sensibilités techniciennes se concilient-elles avec la machine administrative de l’EPAEM et la « thérapie de choc » Euroméditerranéenne ? Cette thèse ambitionne de rendre compte du monde des aménageurs dans leur volonté de dialogue avec les habitants à partir de leur « sensibilité sociale » et depuis les contraintes auxquelles ils ont affaire, voire qu’ils se créent, à savoir des relents d’urbanisme fonctionnaliste dans un contexte néolibéral et la croyance en un devoir moral d’agir. Organisé en trois parties qui pénètrent dans leur quotidien, depuis l’appréhension d’Euroméditerranée selon ses termes de références aux pratiques des aménageurs en passant par l’analyse de leurs représentations, mon exposé révèle un monde d’aménageurs en l’état impropres au dialogue avec la ville habitée. Incommodés par la raison néolibérale du projet, ils refusent d’affronter les impacts sociaux de leurs opérations et se consolent dans l’idée de bien faire, fussent les habitants incapables de le comprendre. L’observation de leur quotidien montre des aménageurs en position d’experts légitimes qui décident du sort de la ville dans un entre-soi technicien. A partir de diagnostics externalisés, ils gèrent des populations quantifiées et des territoires numérisés, et opèrent sur une ville qu’ils aplatissent, quadrillent et découpent au gré de leurs besoins. Néanmoins, ces techniciens n’apparaissent pas comme de simples soldats au service de ; ils se montrent actifs dans la poursuite des objectifs qu’ils peuvent intimement récriminer. Ils apparaissent coproducteurs de leurs incapacités « sociales », en assumant Euroméditerranée comme la seule alternative possible à la « crise » marseillaise, en se percevant comme ceux qui savent. Ainsi cet exposé suggère-t-il que la relation entre aménageurs et habitants relève d’un conflit pragmatique et épistémologique qui transforme la volonté initiale des aménageurs de dialoguer avec les habitants en un dialogue avec une ville de papier fictionnelle
Decreed Operation of National Interest in 1995, Euroméditerranée is an urban renewal project that stretches in the north of downtown Marseille. Demanding a new urbanism process, Euroméditerranée is presented as a project thought and implemented for the inhabitants. However, the result of its transformations and its rationality show a project more thought for a new population. In addition, while wanting to break with a functionalist and progressive urbanism, the planners of Euroméditerranée apprehend their missions as a “priesthood” in the service of a disaster-stricken city that could not achieve itself without Euroméditerranée. The urban planners of the Public Establishment of Administration of Euroméditerranée (EPAEM) are ready to "make the happiness of the city in spite of it". Thus, they recognize the conflict that may exist between their “social” claims and the reality of the project: whatever the reluctance of the inhabitants, the planners know what the city needs in a neoliberal society.Nevertheless, their "realism" does not exhaust their sensitivity. The observation of their daily practice shows planners aware of the limits of Euroméditerranée for the inhabitants already there, even able to criticize. In the privacy of their offices, they dissociate themselves from their senior management and denounce the lack of consideration of the inhabitants. How do these technical sensitivities reconcile with EPAEM's administrative machine and Euromediterranean "shock therapy"? With this thesis, I try to give an account of the world of the planners in their will of dialogue with the inhabitants starting from their "social sensitivity" and from the constraints which they have to deal with, even those they create themselves, namely the smacks of functionalist urbanism in a neoliberal context and the belief in a moral duty to act.Organized in three parts that gradually penetrate their daily lives, since the apprehension of Euroméditerranée according to its own terms of reference to the practices of planners through the analysis of their representations, my presentation reveals a world of planners in an unfit state for dialogue with the inhabited city. Disrupted by the neoliberal reason behind the project, they refuse to face the social impacts of their operations and are consoled with the idea of doing well for the inhabitants, even if the latter are unable to understand it. Observation of their daily lives also shows planners in the position of legitimate experts who decide the fate of the city in a close-minded, technician-like environment far from the inhabited city. From outsourced diagnoses, they manage quantified populations and digitized territories, and they operate on a city of paper that they flatten, crisscross and cut according to their needs. Nevertheless, these technicians do not appear as mere soldiers in the service of; they are active in the pursuit of objectives that they may intimately recriminate. They appear to be co-producers of their "social" incapacities, assuming Euroméditerranée as the only possible alternative to the Marseilles "crisis", perceiving themselves as those who know. Thus, this presentation suggests that the relationship between planners and inhabitants is a pragmatic and epistemological conflict that transforms the initial willingness of planners to dialogue with residents in a dialogue with a fictional paper city

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
A partir da década de 1930, o Brasil avançou em seu processo de urbanização em decorrência da expansão industrial ocorrida no país. Este desenvolvimento urbano intensificou-se nas décadas seguintes culminando com a constituição de grandes regiões metropolitanas. Esses aglomerados urbanos intensificaram as contradições sociais que perpassam a sociedade capitalista e são locais privilegiados do conflito de classes. A questão habitacional integra esse conjunto de contradições e aprofunda-se na conjuntura neoliberal. Nesta, pode-se constatar uma intensificação do conjunto de problemas urbanos que integram a sociabilidade do capital e afetam diretamente a classe trabalhadora. Nesse contexto, nasceu em 1997, o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto (MTST), como um importante agente aglutinador de uma parcela significativa da classe trabalhadora submetida a condições habitacionais precárias nas periferias metropolitanas e marginalizada do acesso à infra-estrutura urbana. Esse trabalho objetiva analisar a organização e a ação do MTST ante as contradições do urbano capitalista e sua inserção na luta de classes contemporânea, tentando compreender sob qual perspectiva política a coordenação do Movimento tenta articular seu protagonismo sócio-político
Since 1930’s Brazil has advanced in its urbanization process due to the industrial expansion that happened in the country. Such urban development was intensified in the following decades, promoting the constitution of big metropolitan areas. Such urban agglomerates strengthened the social contradictions that are all over the capitalist society, as they are prominent place for class conflicts. The habitation matter integrates this set and is deepened in the neoliberal conjuncture, where it is possible to see an intensification of the urban problem set that integrates capital’s sociability and directly affects the working class. In such context, the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto (MTST – Homeless Workers Movement) is born, as a important aggregator agent of a significant parcel of the working class undergone to precarious housing conditions at the metropolitan suburbs and marginalized from urban infrastructure access. This work seeks to analyze the organization and action of MTST considering urban capitalist contradictions and its insertion into the contemporary class fight, trying to comprehend under which political perspective the Movement coordination tries to articulate is sociopolitical protagonism

Orientador: Jair Pinheiro
Banca: Maria Orlanda Pinassi
Banca: Fátima Aparecida Cabral
Resumo: A partir da década de 1930, o Brasil avançou em seu processo de urbanização em decorrência da expansão industrial ocorrida no país. Este desenvolvimento urbano intensificou-se nas décadas seguintes culminando com a constituição de grandes regiões metropolitanas. Esses aglomerados urbanos intensificaram as contradições sociais que perpassam a sociedade capitalista e são locais privilegiados do conflito de classes. A questão habitacional integra esse conjunto de contradições e aprofunda-se na conjuntura neoliberal. Nesta, pode-se constatar uma intensificação do conjunto de problemas urbanos que integram a sociabilidade do capital e afetam diretamente a classe trabalhadora. Nesse contexto, nasceu em 1997, o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto (MTST), como um importante agente aglutinador de uma parcela significativa da classe trabalhadora submetida a condições habitacionais precárias nas periferias metropolitanas e marginalizada do acesso à infra-estrutura urbana. Esse trabalho objetiva analisar a organização e a ação do MTST ante as contradições do urbano capitalista e sua inserção na luta de classes contemporânea, tentando compreender sob qual perspectiva política a coordenação do Movimento tenta articular seu protagonismo sócio-político
Abstract: Since 1930's Brazil has advanced in its urbanization process due to the industrial expansion that happened in the country. Such urban development was intensified in the following decades, promoting the constitution of big metropolitan areas. Such urban agglomerates strengthened the social contradictions that are all over the capitalist society, as they are prominent place for class conflicts. The habitation matter integrates this set and is deepened in the neoliberal conjuncture, where it is possible to see an intensification of the urban problem set that integrates capital's sociability and directly affects the working class. In such context, the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto (MTST - Homeless Workers Movement) is born, as a important aggregator agent of a significant parcel of the working class undergone to precarious housing conditions at the metropolitan suburbs and marginalized from urban infrastructure access. This work seeks to analyze the organization and action of MTST considering urban capitalist contradictions and its insertion into the contemporary class fight, trying to comprehend under which political perspective the Movement coordination tries to articulate is sociopolitical protagonism
Mestre

La política urbana y la política de vivienda en México desde el siglo XX y lo que va del XXI se han diseñado bajo los principios de dos tipos de Estado: benefactor y neoliberal. En los años treinta el Estado benefactor fue considerado como un conjunto de instituciones capaz de organizar a la nación, hacerla progresar, crecer y modernizar (Huerta, 2005). Para ello fueron implementadas políticas (fiscales y monetarias) cuyo fin fue reforzar el sistema económico para brindar atención a las demandas de la población, la creación de dichas políticas buscaba el desarrollo social para beneficio del país (Huerta, 2005). Las políticas se vincularon con los derechos de los ciudadanos declarados en la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, que consistieron en la dotación de servicios de salud pública, educación, vivienda, la producción y distribución de bienes de consumo básico, por mencionar algunos. Respecto al tema habitacional, en el año de 1924, se creó el Instituto de Pensiones Civiles y de Retiro (IPCR) que tenía un carácter federal y solo estaba dirigido a burócratas del mismo nivel, el cual emitió programas de vivienda financiada con el fondo de retiro de los trabajadores, siendo ésta el primer acercamiento a una política de vivienda en México (Lugo, 1991).
Tras el cambio de Estado benefactor a neoliberal, la política de vivienda se transformó significativamente, esto se puede observar en las nuevas funciones del Estado y él papel protagónico de los actores privados, los cuales se convirtieron en el sector hegemónico que produce y construye vivienda. Los efectos de la política de vivienda instaurada en el periodo neoliberal se reflejan en el crecimiento urbano planificado inadecuadamente, lo que deriva en la demanda de servicios básicos como: salud, educación y espacios recreativos/deportivos, dichos efectos se pueden observar en los municipios de Calimaya y Zinacantepec.

Notre thèse analyse la construction du consentement à l’action publique néolibérale de transformation urbaine dans un milieu populaire initialement réfractaire. Nous examinons cette question à Sahintepe, quartier précaire d’Istanbul, de 2009 à 2014 –période encadrée par deux élections municipales. L’étude montre que le consentement à l’action publique passe avant tout par l’appropriation des idées et des gestes du néolibéralisme dans la vie quotidienne, et que cette appropriation, dans le cas étudié, fait suite à une entreprise de pédagogie politique menée par le parti dominant, en collaboration étroite avec la municipalité d’arrondissement. Pour mener à bien cette entreprise pédagogique, nous trouvons que quatre éléments sont nécessaires au parti : une vision claire de l’avenir proposée et un projet pour l’atteindre ; une structure interne apte à communiquer cette vision ainsi que ce projet de manière disciplinée et cohérente ; l’ancrage politique et social du parti et de ses militants à travers les réseaux informels ; l’utilisation systématique des ressources publiques comme privées faisant du parti le patron prédominant dans un système de clientélisme institutionnalisé. Complétant les données empiriques tirées d’observations de terrain et d’entretiens par l’analyse des résultats électoraux, l’étude affirme que l’action publique néolibérale doit trouver une symbiose avec le clientélisme pour jouer le rôle voulu dans ce milieu. Les effets de la pédagogie se mesurent par la progression électorale du parti dominant, mais aussi par le remplacement, parmi les habitants du quartier, d’une politique de confrontation par une politique recherchant avant tout la compensation
This thesis analyzes the construction of consent for a neoliberal policy of urban transformation among an initially reticent low-income population. We examine this question in Sahintepe, a slum neighborhood of Istanbul between 2009 and 2014. Our study shows that consent for public action is built above all through the appropriation by residents of the discourse and actions of neo-liberalism in daily life, and that this appropriation is itself the result of the political pedagogy of the dominant party in close collaboration with the district municipality. To carry out this strategy of pedagogy, we include that four elements are necessary to the party: a clear vision of a desired future and a project to bring it about; an internal structure suited to communicating the project in a disciplined and coherent way; political anchoring of the party and its workers in the informal networks of local society; the systematic use of both public and private resources in such a way as to make the party itself the predominant patron in a system of institutionalized clientelism. Using primary data from interviews and observations and the analysis of electoral results, the study concludes that neo-liberal policies must reach a symbiosis with clientelism in order to play their desired role in this social setting. The effects of this pedagogy can be assessed not only through the electoral progression of the ruling party but also through the gradual replacement on the part of neighborhood residents of confrontational tactics by demands for compensation

Orientador: Paulo José dos Reis Pereira
Resumo: O Rio de Janeiro inseriu-se, fortemente, nos circuitos internacionais de interesses econômicos e políticos através da possibilidade de sediar megaeventos esportivos de portes globais. Dessa maneira, a “cidade maravilhosa dos encantos mil” precisou modificar-se, adequar-se a modelos e padrões internacionais que possibilitassem essa inserção. Dois grandes projetos se estabeleceram na dinâmica urbana carioca. O primeiro diz respeito à execução de grandes intervenções urbanísticas de transformações e remoções violentas sem precedentes, como no Porto Maravilha, ditadas por um modelo de cidade neoliberal aberta à iniciativa financeira internacional. O segundo é talvez o mais cruel e persistente, a militarização do cotidiano das periferias realizada pelas ocupações militares e, principalmente, pela implementação das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadoras, que foram orientadas por tecnicidades de controle e monitoramento de cunho coercitivo e violento. Esses dois projetos instruíram a imagem de uma cidade que, muito além de ser somente atrativa para investimentos, ela se tornaria, primordialmente, segura e ordenada. Nesse sentido, o trabalho tem como objetivo analisar em paralelo a convergência desses dois fenômenos e suas implicações para as dinâmicas urbanas no Rio de Janeiro, as quais tentaram projetar internacionalmente uma imagem de cidade global de vitrine, militarizada, modificada, neoliberal e pacificada, perfeita para ser vendida como sinônimo de desenvolvimento. À princípio, o c... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: Rio de Janeiro was strongly inserted in the international circuits of economic and political interests through the possibility of hosting mega sporting events of global size. Thus, the “wonderful city of the thousand charms” had to be modified, adapted to international models and standards that would allow this insertion. Two major projects were established in Rio's urban dynamics. The first concerns the execution of major urban interventions of unprecedented violent transformations and removals, such as Porto Maravilha, dictated by a neoliberal city model open to international financial initiative. The second is perhaps the most cruel and persistent, the militarization of the daily life of the peripheries carried out by the military occupations and, mainly, by the implementation of the Pacifying Police Units, which were guided by coercive and violent control and monitoring techniques. These two projects shaped the image of a city that, far from being just attractive for investment, would become primarily safe and orderly. In this sense, the work aims to analyze in parallel the convergence of these two phenomena and their implications for urban dynamics in Rio de Janeiro, which tried to project internationally an image of a perfect, militarized, modified, neoliberal and pacified, showcase global city to be sold as a synonym for development. At first, the consensus that was created in Rio in 2009 projected a very specific idealized city future to accommodate the Games, and the... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Resumen: Río de Janeiro se insertó fuertemente en los circuitos internacionales de intereses económicos y políticos através de la posibilidad de organizar mega eventos deportivos de tamaño global. Por lo tanto, la "ciudad maravillosa de los mil encantos" tuvo que ser modificada, adaptada a los modelos y estándares internacionales que permitirían esta inserción. Se establecieron dos proyectos importantes en la dinámica urbana de Río. El primero se refiere a la ejecución de importantes intervenciones urbanas de transformaciones y mudanzas violentas sin precedentes, como Porto Maravilha, dictado por un modelo de ciudad neoliberal abierto a la iniciativa financiera internacional. La segunda es quizás la más cruel y persistente, la militarización de la vida cotidiana de las periferias llevada a cabo por las ocupaciones militares y, principalmente, por la implementación de las Unidades de Policía Pacificadoras, que se guiaron por técnicas de control y vigilancia coercitivas y violentas. Estos dos proyectos configuraron la imagen de una ciudad que, lejos de ser simplemente atractiva para la inversión, se volvería principalmente segura y ordenada. En este sentido, el trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar en paralelo la convergencia de estos dos fenómenos y sus implicaciones para la dinámica urbana en Río de Janeiro, que intentó proyectar internacionalmente una imagen de una ciudad global perfecta, militarizada, modificada, neoliberal y pacificada. para ser vendido como sinónimo de desarrollo. ... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo)
Mestre

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Cet travail prétend analyser les pratiques éducatives du mouvement Hip Hop du Maranhão dans de la décennie de 1990 comme contre tendance à la pénétration de la culture néo-libérale ou de l'impérialisme culturel entre la jeunesse des périphéries de São Luís. Dans cette période s'accentue le processus de pénalisation, criminalization et punition de la jeunesse pauvre dans le monde entier. Pour notre étude, nous prenons comme locus de la recherche le quartier de la Liberté, localisée dans les proximités du centre commercial de São Luís, dont la majorité de la population est noire. Dans ce sens, s'enquête la performance Movimento Hip Hop Quilombo Urbano à travers sa Posse Liberdade Sem Fronteira , près jeunes impliqués dans des conflits existants entre plusieurs communautés à l'intérieur de ce quartier. À ces conflits nous appelons guerre interne . Nous analysons encore de qu'il forme ces actions éducatives contribuent pour mobilisations politiques à l'intérieur et à l'extérieur du quartier susmentionné, ainsi que dans la tentative de construction d'une subjectivité collective positive entre leurs habitants, spécialement la jeunesse noire. Pour effet de recherche, nous faisons appel à la méthodologie de la recherche documentaire et bibliographique systématique que transcorru tous les moments de la recherche, depuis l'élaboration d'un tableau théorique, l'approfondissement des catégories d'analyses et l'établissement de la médiation entre la recherche empirique et les études théoriques. Nous utilisons encore, la technique du commentaire participant et les entrevues focalisées, dans le but de comprendre le processus, indiquer des chemins et reprendre quelques éléments de cette réflexion initiés pendant la recherche, en se soulevant quelques considérations.
Este trabalho pretende analisar as práticas educativas do movimento Hip Hop do Maranhão a partir da década de 1990 como contra tendência à penetração da cultura neoliberal ou imperialismo cultural entre a juventude das periferias de São Luís. Nesse período acentua-se o processo de penalização, criminalização e punição da juventude pobre em todo o mundo. Para nosso estudo, tomamos como locus da pesquisa o bairro da Liberdade, localizado nas proximidades do centro comercial de São Luís, cuja maioria da população é negra. Neste sentido, investiga-se a atuação Movimento Hip Hop Quilombo Urbano através de sua Posse Liberdade Sem Fronteiras, junto a jovens envolvidos em conflitos existentes entre várias comunidades no interior deste bairro. A esses conflitos denominamos guerra interna . Analisamos ainda de que forma essas ações educativas contribuem para mobilizações políticas dentro e fora do bairro supracitado, bem como na tentativa de construção de uma subjetividade coletiva positiva entre seus moradores, especialmente a juventude negra. Para efeito de pesquisa, recorremos à metodologia da pesquisa documental e bibliográfica sistemática que transcorreu todos os momentos da investigação, perpassando a elaboração de um quadro teórico, o aprofundamento das categorias de análises e o estabelecimento da mediação entre a pesquisa empírica e os estudos teóricos. Utilizamos ainda, a técnica da observação participante e entrevistas focalizadas, no sentido de compreender o processo, indicar caminhos e retomar alguns elementos dessa reflexão iniciados durante a pesquisa, levantando-se algumas considerações.

Urban redevelopment in the Downtown Eastside of Vancouver, British Columbia, marginalizes low-income residents and threatens them with displacement. Site visits and an analysis of discourse suggest that gentrification and the establishment of new restaurants in the area have also contributed to a commodification of poverty. The impacts of restaurant gentrification provoke resistance, and the opening of a new restaurant accused of inviting voyeurism and objectifying neighbourhood residents has resulted in an indefinite picket out front. Interviews show that picketers are endeavouring both to stop gentrification and to win social housing and needed services for the area, while also attempting to create social, economic, and political change at a larger scale. The picket draws attention to the effects of restaurant gentrification on the neighbourhood and the disproportionate influence of the state apparatus on the Downtown Eastside, yet also seeks to preserve a heterotopic space as an alternative to a neoliberal urbanism.
Graduate
0615
burnettk@uvic.ca

This research examines a contemporary planning case in Toronto where tensions between policy visions and planning practices contribute to our understanding of neoliberal urbanism. Media, policy and interview discourses contribute to developing the nexus between neoliberal urbanism, creative class theory and gentrification in the case of 629 Eastern Avenue. The amalgamation of Toronto’s municipalities in 1998 resulting from the “Common Sense Revolution”, and the ‘creative turn’ in the 2000s are identified as two key evolutionary stages in Toronto’s neoliberal urbanism. The City’s contradictory positions as “grassroots” organizers, market actors and market regulators reveals their interventionist role in this case. The analytical imperative presented by this case study to expose the contradictory and contingent nature of ‘actually existing neoliberalism’ (Brenner & Theodore, 2002) leads to challenging our very understanding of neoliberalism in the context of contemporary urban planning practices.

La notion de mixité sociale est devenue un thème itératif des débats portant sur les enjeux du renouvèlement urbain, sur les politiques d’accès au logement et, plus généralement, sur la gentrification (Germain et Rose, 2010 ; Bridge, Butler, Lees, 2012). La mixité sociale est tour à tour utilisée, à différentes fins, par des acteurs aussi divers que les politiques, la société civile, les universitaires, les planificateurs urbains et les producteurs urbains, comme les promoteurs immobiliers (Charmes et Bacqué, 2016). Pour les uns, la mixité est un idéal juste à atteindre ; pour les autres, elle participe à rendre invisible la complexité des rapports de pouvoir qui se jouent entre les acteurs de la fabrique urbaine et les dynamiques d’exclusion qu’ils sous-tendent.Nous verrons comment la notion de mixité sociale accompagne la transformation actuelle du quartier d’Hochelaga-Maisonneuve. L’objectif vise à analyser les motivations, modalités d’action et intérêts des acteurs publics, privés et de la société civile qui défendent la notion de mixité sociale, et qui s’appuient sur elle pour justifier ou participer à la transformation du quartier d’Hochelaga-Maisonneuve. Nous nous demanderons si la notion de mixité sociale, en tant que telle, fait l’objet de politiques et de projets spécifiques. Réduit-elle les impacts négatifs de la gentrification, ou au contraire, sert-elle à mieux les justifier et à les retirer du débat politique ? Pour expliquer notre propos, nous allons présenter un film documentaire, ainsi qu’une dissertation écrite. Pendant ce projet, nous avons interviewé 28 personnes, choisi seulement 13 pour le montage final, parlé avec plus de 100 personnes habitant le quartier. La durée du film documentaire sera de 60 minutes et il a été filmé pendant une période d’une année, à travers plusieurs saisons.
The notion of social mix has become an iterative theme reflecting the ongoing discourse surrounding the high stakes of urban redevelopment, the policies of housing, and the impact of gentrification. Diverse actors such as politicians, socialites, academics, urban planners, and real estate developers frequently employ social mix. For some, social mix is an ideal to strive for, while for others, this notion is just another way to render invisible the complex relationship that exist between the actors of the urban fabric and the implied dynamics of exclusion. We will investigate how the notion of social mix accompanies the present transformations of Hochelaga-Maisonneuve, a working-class neighbourhood of Montreal. The purpose herein is to analyse the motivations, the modalities, and the interests of both public and private actors, in order to defend the notion of social mix and to justify the participants in the transformation of this neighbourhood. We examine if social mix, as part of a political agenda promoting specific urban projects, is really reducing the negative impacts of gentrification, or, on the contrary, is it helping to justify urban policies? In order to show our research results, we will present a documentary film and a short thesis. For the purpose of this project, we originally filmed 28 participants, yet chose only 13 for the final editing. Moreover, we interviewed over 100 individuals residing in the neighbourhood. The film lasts 60 minutes and was shot during different seasons for a period of one year.

O presente estudo possui como objetivo uma análise de espaços esquecidos da cidade: os vazios urbanos. Tentando compreendê-los em sua esfera política, econômica e social faremos algumas observações a cerca das mudanças estabelecidas nas ferramentas de planejamento urbano nas últimas décadas. Desta forma, dividiremos o trabalho em dois capítulos principais: no primeiro faremos uma análise crítica da ascensão do discurso neoliberal nas ferramentas de planejamento urbano e gestão de cidades. Para chegarmos até lá, veremos o que de fato é o neoliberalismo, localizando-o historicamente e contextualmente. Com o recorte apresentado, veremos de que maneira essa nova razão do mundo 1 penetra na vivência do cotidiano e do coletivo, e de que maneira ela se instala em decisões de planejamento do território. A partir de uma leitura crítica das Operações Urbanas Consorciadas (OUCs), uma das modalidades de parcerias público-privadas (PPPs) mais adotadas pelo governo brasileiro a partir dos anos 90, compreenderemos quais dinâmicas essas ferramentas solidificam e quais elas eliminam, entendendo a cidade em toda a sua diversidade e multiplicidade, levando em conta todos os atores (vivos e não-vivos) envolvidos no panorama. Focaremos no caso de uma cidade brasileira em específico, Belo Horizonte, e veremos de que maneira a cidade é palco de conflito entre diversos agentes e como, dentro do contexto neoliberal, a cidade é sempre um palco de território em disputa2. Com o "chão comum" para uma discussão, construído neste primeiro capítulo, seguimos para o segundo capítulo deste trabalho, em que faremos uma leitura dos vazios urbanos em uma tentativa de entender o porquê da sua resiliência no território e quais são as condições da economia urbana para que eles possam existir.
The objective of the following study is to analise one of the (very often) forgotten spaces of the city: the urban voids. In an attempt to grasp them in their economic, political and social dimension we will make a brief analysis on the changes implemented on the urban design policies in the last few decades. In this way, we will divide this thesis in two main chapters: on the first one we will make a critical analysis on the ascencion of the neoliberal discourse in the tools of urban planning and city management. We will see what exactly is the neoliberalism ideology, allocating it historically and contextualy. With this frame we will see how this new way of the world 1 penetrates our experience of the daily and community life and how it installs itself in urban planning decisions. After a critical reading of the Operações Urbanas Consorciadas, one of the main modalities of PPP adopted by the brazillian government since the 1990s, we will be able to comprehend which dynamics these tools solidifies and which they eliminate, understanting the urban landscape in all its diversity and multiplicity as well as with all its actors ( living and non-living ) involved in the process. This work will focus on the case of a brazillian city, Belo Horizonte, and we will see how the city is a stage of conflict between many agents and how, in the neoliberal context, the city is always territory in contest 2. With a "common ground" built in these first chapter we can follow with the second chapter, where we will analise the theme of the urban voids in an attempt to understand where does its resilience come from and what are the urban economic conditions for its development.

O presente estudo possui como objetivo uma análise de espaços esquecidos da cidade: os vazios urbanos. Tentando compreendê-los em sua esfera política, econômica e social faremos algumas observações a cerca das mudanças estabelecidas nas ferramentas de planejamento urbano nas últimas décadas. Desta forma, dividiremos o trabalho em dois capítulos principais: no primeiro faremos uma análise crítica da ascensão do discurso neoliberal nas ferramentas de planejamento urbano e gestão de cidades. Para chegarmos até lá, veremos o que de fato é o neoliberalismo, localizando-o historicamente e contextualmente. Com o recorte apresentado, veremos de que maneira essa nova razão do mundo 1 penetra na vivência do cotidiano e do coletivo, e de que maneira ela se instala em decisões de planejamento do território. A partir de uma leitura crítica das Operações Urbanas Consorciadas (OUCs), uma das modalidades de parcerias público-privadas (PPPs) mais adotadas pelo governo brasileiro a partir dos anos 90, compreenderemos quais dinâmicas essas ferramentas solidificam e quais elas eliminam, entendendo a cidade em toda a sua diversidade e multiplicidade, levando em conta todos os atores (vivos e não-vivos) envolvidos no panorama. Focaremos no caso de uma cidade brasileira em específico, Belo Horizonte, e veremos de que maneira a cidade é palco de conflito entre diversos agentes e como, dentro do contexto neoliberal, a cidade é sempre um palco de território em disputa2. Com o "chão comum" para uma discussão, construído neste primeiro capítulo, seguimos para o segundo capítulo deste trabalho, em que faremos uma leitura dos vazios urbanos em uma tentativa de entender o porquê da sua resiliência no território e quais são as condições da economia urbana para que eles possam existir.
The objective of the following study is to analise one of the (very often) forgotten spaces of the city: the urban voids. In an attempt to grasp them in their economic, political and social dimension we will make a brief analysis on the changes implemented on the urban design policies in the last few decades. In this way, we will divide this thesis in two main chapters: on the first one we will make a critical analysis on the ascencion of the neoliberal discourse in the tools of urban planning and city management. We will see what exactly is the neoliberalism ideology, allocating it historically and contextualy. With this frame we will see how this new way of the world 1 penetrates our experience of the daily and community life and how it installs itself in urban planning decisions. After a critical reading of the Operações Urbanas Consorciadas, one of the main modalities of PPP adopted by the brazillian government since the 1990s, we will be able to comprehend which dynamics these tools solidifies and which they eliminate, understanting the urban landscape in all its diversity and multiplicity as well as with all its actors ( living and non-living ) involved in the process. This work will focus on the case of a brazillian city, Belo Horizonte, and we will see how the city is a stage of conflict between many agents and how, in the neoliberal context, the city is always territory in contest 2. With a "common ground" built in these first chapter we can follow with the second chapter, where we will analise the theme of the urban voids in an attempt to understand where does its resilience come from and what are the urban economic conditions for its development.